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By Walden Bello Focus on the Global South
May 2000
Today, there is much talk about the emergence of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or civil society organizations (CSOs) as major international actors. CSOs have elicited criticism from some quarters. For instance, Martin Wolf, the columnist of the Financial Times, has called them "uncivil society" and attacked them for opposing the project of globalization advanced by the World Trade Organization, World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, saying that that their stands on various issues stem from ignorance and simplistic interpretations of a complex world. More liberal quarters, however, have acknowledged that their criticisms have some justification, for instance, on the issue of the dangers posed by genetically modified organisms (GMOs) and globalization. Both corporations and governments have moved to initiate "dialogue" with NGOs, oftentimes with the purpose of coopting them into corporate or government agendas by conceding some of their criticisms while rejecting others, particularly their more fundamental critiques of the processes of corporate globalization. The elite World Economic Forum that meets in Davos, Switzerland, every year now assigns top priority to consulting NGOs to ensure that the alleged benefits of globalization are spread more widely. When we examine the problems and promises posed by civil society organizations (CSOs), an important thing to remember is that they are not invariably a progressive phenomenon. While we are familiar with CSOs that are liberal or belong to the left, the right also has its CSOs, such as business associations, trade groups, and conservative religious formations--for instance, the formidable Opus Dei in Catholic countries. Oftentimes, as influences on political and economic actors, these CSOs on the right are far more influential than CSOs on the left. This influence is, however, sometimes not noticed because it is covertly exercised via the many different networks in which members of conservative CSOs participate. In contrast, progressive CSOs or NGOs are oftentimes more public and transparent, so that the press has an easier time chronicling their activities. Despite this greater visibility, however, the civil society organization of the right is generally much more influential than the civil society organization of the left. They are, to borrow Gramsci's famous term, more "organic" to the class structure. Promise of CSOs Having flagged this, one can now turn to the promise of progressive CSOs in the creation of a more just and equitable order at home and abroad. First of all, CSOs are quickly emerging as a third or fourth actor in the formulation and implementation of macro-political and macro- economic decisions. In many Asian countries, for instance, real decisionmaking power used to be monopolized by politicians, technocrats, and the business elite. That is increasingly less and less possible in the face of the mass mobilization by labor groups, environmental groups, and human and social rights groups, often working in coalitions. Coordination, even of a rough sort, among a variety of CSOs, has become more pronounced after the Asian financial crisis, which underlined the hopeless corruption of the old order and the necessity of constantly monitoring and checking the old elites outside the usual governmental institutions and processes. Second, CSOs are crucial not only as checks on elites. They are also the key to the evolution of democracy. Representative democracy has always suffered from what Rousseau saw as its tendency to develop a "corporate will" separate from the General Will, thus perverting the purposes of representation. The development of the US democratic system into a plutocratic system, where Republicans and Democrats in Congress have been subjugated by corporate money, is the best example of the Rosseauean dilemma of large-scale representative democracies. With their constant pressure on bureaucrats and parliamentarians to be accountable, CSOs are a force for more democracy. By organizing the energies of millions of citizens to impinge on the daily political scene, CSOs are a force pushing the evolution of more direct forms of democratic rule. CSO activity, combined with advanced applications of information technology that allow citizens and citizens' groups to instantaneously communicate with one another, may be the key to the emergence of direct democracy in contemporary mass societies. Finally, CSOs are a force for effective internationalism that can check the power of politically hegemonic forces like the US government and transnational corporations. The power of states and thus of counter- hegemonic alliances among states has been eroded by corporate-led globalization. But the combination of citizens' resistance to globalization and communications technology has created global citizens' movements that can assemble and meet the "enemy" at a moment's notice. The "Battle of Seattle" in November 1999 and, more recently, the "Battle of Washington," are examples of the new transborder activist movements. The development of civil society, in short, presents opportunities for democracy both vertically and horizontally. It is the route to a more humane, more participatory, more equitable future. Pitfalls There are, of course, major obstacles that need to be surmounted if this vision is to become a reality. First of all, there is the North-South divide among NGOs. Many Northern NGOs are, oftentimes, focused on single issues, such as the environment or human rights and carry agenda that are filtered through the lens of these particular issues. Southern NGOs, on the other hand, are more comprehensive in their concerns. They are concerned almost equally with the environment, social equity, development, national sovereignty, and democracy. Thus, while NGOs in the North working on climate change are sometimes solely concerned about bringing down the level of greenhouse gas emissions, Southern NGOs want to make sure that bringing down CO2 levels in the South does not conflict with the legitimate aspirations to development of their countries. Similarly, they are concerned that environmental standards in the North do not become a protectionist screen against the entry of products from the Third World. Second, there is the question of compromising with or fundamentally opposing corporate-led globalization. For some CSOs, both in the North and the South, corporate-led globalization is inevitable; the main task is to humanize it. For instance, some labor and environmental NGOs see the World Trade Organization as a fact of life and focus their energies on attacing "social" or "environmental" clauses to WTO agreements. Others see the WTO as fundamentally problematic and push for abolishing or radically reducing its powers. Third, there is the question of working with governments. Some CSOs adopt a stand of maximizing cooperation with governments so as to get governments to adopt some of their agenda. Many environmental NGOs in the North, for instance, worked with the US government to ban imports of tuna and shrimps to the US if these were not caught with methods specified in US government legislation. In the South, some NGOs have strongly supported the nationalist policies of certain governments, while muting their criticisms of other aspects of their governments, like the bad record of these governments in the area of human rights and democracy. Other NGOs in both the North and the South, in contrast, have made it a point to limit working relationships with governments to a minimum, while maximizing their critical stance. A fourth problem is that competition and intrigues among CSOs are often just as intense and destructive as conflicts in the political and business worlds. Among NGOs in the North and the South, a source of intense competition that can quickly make allies into adversaries is funding. Indeed, some observers contend that nothing has proven more problematic in terms of building common fronts and common programs among CSOs and NGOs than fights over funds which often mask as fights over principles or politics. In any event, pluralism will continue to mark global civil society. This is its source of strength. But it can also be a source of fatal weakness, one which will prevent the emergence of a working unity of CSOs, whether at the national or global level. The challenge is how to ensure that differences in strategies and tactics do not become the sources of permanent and bitter divisions. The challenge is how to keep dialogue going so that differences on some issues do not prevent coming together in solidarity on other issues. To take a very current issue, can CSOs that found themselves on different sides of the battle on the question of the US's granting of permanent normal trade relations to China work together to radically reduce the powers of the WTO. Corporations, governments, and multilateral organizations that carry the pro-corporate globalization project are waiting to seize on divisions among CSOs and NGOs. It is important to make sure that even as CSOs disagree among themselves, they do not play into the hands of forces with a different agenda.
Nikkei Weekly
June 24, 2002
The Japanese government's decision to ratify the 1997 Kyoto Protocol to combat global warming on June 3 was a major victory for nongovernmental organizations that lobbied long and hard for the treaty's approval. "Citizens and NGOs have made a significant impact on negotiations to ratify the treaty," declared Mie Asaoka, a lawyer who is president of the Kiko Network, a Japanese NGO working on environmental issues. She has attended every international climate conference since 1997, researching the activities of participating countries. When Tokyo's resolve wavered after the U.S. announced its withdrawal from the Kyoto Protocol in May 2001, Asaoka and other NGO leaders went directly to Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi to stress the significance of the treaty. Asaoka is disappointed that the final version of the pact falls short of its original principles, but she still considers ratification a "turning point" for civilization. "While the U.S. sentenced the treaty to death, the rest of the world has made a great leap toward a common objective," she said. When the treaty goes into effect, Japan will be obligated to cut greenhouse-gas emissions by 6% from 1990 levels in 2008-2012. NGOs will play a part in meeting the targets. "Participation by citizens will be necessary to achieve the target," Asaoka said. "We have to make bottom-up efforts, including rallying public opinion and implementing local government measures based on regional concerns." International NGOs have played a key role in the Kyoto Protocol since negotiations in 1997, where the groups drew attention for their ability to gather information. "The information network of global NGOs made a great impact on the climate talks," said Yurika Ayukawa, senior officer of the World Wide Fund for Nature Japan, the Japanese chapter of the Switzerland-based NGO. NGOs released the latest information on a regular basis independent from governments during international conferences on global warming. European and U.S. NGOs, such as the World Wildlife Fund, sometimes published the news before the Japanese government obtained it. In Europe, NGOs have a significant influence on governments and have made great strides in building relationships based on trust. At a conference in Bonn in 2001, a European government delegation even asked a Japanese NGO what the Japanese government wanted. Mitsutoshi Hayakawa, managing director of the Citizens' Alliance to Save the Atmosphere and the Earth (CASA), a Japanese NGO, said, "Continued monitoring by citizens led to the government's ratification of the treaty." On May 29, Hayakawa was invited to the upper house as a witness during deliberations on amending the law on emission-cutting measures. "Global warming measures have reached the stage for action, and we need to establish appropriate domestic laws," Hayakawa said. He also argued that the amendment was not sufficient to achieve a 6% emissions cut required by the Kyoto Protocol. CASA estimates that Japan would be able to achieve a 9% emissions cut by adopting new industrial and transportation systems and popularizing carbon-dioxide emission reduction techniques. "NGOs need to maintain a level of analytical expertise equal to that of the government in order to continue their influence," Hayakawa said. More Information on NGOs
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By Thalif Deen Inter Press Service
June 3, 2005U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan's characterisation of civil society as ''the world's new superpower'' reverberated through the corridors of McGill University here this week as 350-plus representatives of international non-governmental organisations (NGOs) met to hatch strategies to prod world governments on crucial political, social, and economic issues that plague the world's poorer nations. ''After decades of undemocratic and ineffective global governance on key global issues -- ranging from development and environment to human rights, trade, and security -- now is the time to privilege and highlight the visions and views of civil society leaders around the world,'' said James Riker of the University of Maryland, USA. Playing an important role in this new vision for a better global society should be the estimated 40,000 international NGOs who comprise today's civil society, he said. NGOs have increased in numbers and have begun to fill essential gaps in global leadership on key issues, he added, citing successes including the international campaign to ban landmines and the Kyoto Protocol to curb global warming. Riker said that civil society also played a watchdog role by mobilising to oppose secret negotiations over proposed rules governing foreign direct investment through the Multilateral Agreement on Investment. They also undertook advocacy campaigns that compelled global institutions to act on debt relief and acknowledge serious problems in their backing for dams. Kathryn Mulvey, executive director of the U.S.-based Corporate Accountability International, said the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC), which came into force last February, also was a major NGO achievement. More than 200 NGOs were directly or indirectly involved in the entire three-year process, she said. ''The FCTC is the first global health and corporate accountability treaty that challenged the abusive practices by transnational corporations,'' Mulvey told IPS. The treaty, backed by civil society organisations as well as countries from Asia, the Caribbean, Middle East, and Pacific, was a collaborative effort that ultimately will save millions of lives and change the way tobacco giants like Altria, British American Tobacco and Japan Tobacco International operate globally, she added. Rajesh Tandon, chair of the Montreal International Forum, said that while NGOs should continue to critique governments and their policies, ''we should also look for opportunities to collaborate because you cannot move forward without collaboration.'' Asked if he was confident that civil society could successfully link up with governments on public policy issues, Tandon said yes, ''because there is more maturity in the NGO movement now than five years ago.'' The World Social Forum (WSF) -- held annually since 2001 in Porte Allegre, Brazil and Mumbai, India -- drew over 75,000 people and hundreds of NGOs last January. Created in response to the World Economic Forum held annually in Davos, Switzerland -- which represents the world's big business interests -- the WSF has continued to spearhead the campaign against what participants call corporate-led globalisation, which they say has had a devastating impact on the economies of developing nations. Cashing in on their collective track record, the NGOs meeting in Montreal this week agreed to promote regional integration to enhance the role of civil society on issues relating to debt, hunger, development assistance, the environment and changes they say are needed at multilateral institutions such as the United Nations, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The first test will come June 23-24 when the United Nations hosts two days of civil society hearings to discuss poverty eradication and U.N. structural reforms. ''We should treat the U.N.'s civil society hearings as a prototype of an annual global civil society forum we seek to institute at the United Nations,'' said Rob Wheeler of the Association of World Citizens, a U.S.-based association claiming affiliates in at least 30 countries. The NGO hearings will precede a U.N. summit meeting of world leaders scheduled to take place in mid-September. Benton Musslewhite of One World Now, a group promoting international studies among high school students in the Seattle, USA region, said that he, along with Wheeler, planned to establish an NGO steering committee to campaign to revise the U.N. charter and make it what activists groups would consider a more responsive instrument of global governance. He challenged -- but did not disagree with-- the U.S. neo-conservative view that the United Nations had to be written off as ''irrelevant.'' ''Frankly, it is hard to disagree with that view when it comes to really dealing with our global problems in an effective way. But this is not the fault of those who run the present United Nations,'' he added. The people who have run the United Nations for the last 60 years have done wonderful things, he said, adding, ''look at the U.N. children's agency UNICEF and the vaccination of millions of children.'' But the fact remains that the present United Nations ''simply does not have the power to take globally effective steps to deal with global warming, save rainforests, protect oceans, keep the peace, generate disarmament, end poverty, prevent terrorism, stop genocide, control pandemics, provide aid when natural disasters occur, and address the many other serious global problems we face,'' he said. Phyllis Bennis of the Washington-based think tank Institute for Policy Studies said there is ''a big challenge ahead within the anti-globalisation and peace movements around the world''. And that challenge, she told IPS, is to educate people about why ''the United Nations is not simply an inevitable 'tool of U.S. foreign policy' like the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Trade Organisation (WTO), even if it often gets used in that way.'' She emphasised that ''we have to reclaim the United Nations, not destroy it.'' Nigel Martin, president of the Montreal International Forum, which organised this week's talks here, said that NGOs increasingly are mobilising their resources to campaign for a better global society, as evidenced at the WSF meetings in Brazil and India. He also singled out the rising interest of youth in political, social and economic issues. ''We had to turn down over 100 youth volunteers worldwide who wanted to participate in our seminar,'' Martin said. ''They came with extraordinary understanding of the issues we were going to discuss. The demand was overwhelming. We plan to tap this source and this energy for the future,'' he added. More Information on NGOs More Information on Growing Importance of NGOs in the International Arena Introduction to NGOs
By James McGann and Mary Johnstone * International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law
January 2006World politics has undergone a radical and often-overlooked transformation in the last fifteen years, resulting neither from the collapse of the Soviet Union nor the rising tide of fundamentalism, but from the unprecedented growth of non-governmental organizations around the globe. NGOs or Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) have moved from backstage to center stage in world politics, and are exerting their power and influence in every aspect of international relations and policymaking. NGOs have been a positive force in domestic and international affairs, working to alleviate poverty, protect human rights, preserve the environment, and provide relief worldwide. Few, therefore, have felt the need to take a critical look at the effectiveness and accountability of these organizations. After 9/11, however, the specter of terrorists using NGOs as a front for their operations and some highly publicized cases of abuse have made this a critical issue that needs to be addressed by the NGO community.2 In addition, the increasing power of NGOs has prompted scholars, governments, and the media to raise questions about the roles and responsibilities of these new global, non-state actors. Fundamental questions include: how many NGOs actually exist, and what are their agendas? Who runs these groups? Who funds them? And, perhaps most significantly, to whom are NGOs accountable, and how and what influence do they actually have on world politics? This article will attempt to address these questions and suggest some ways in which NGOs can become more transparent and accountable as a means of protecting the credibility and independence of these vital organizations. New Actors and Agendas Organizations such as Amnesty International, Greenpeace, and the International Campaign to Ban Landmines have helped bring non-governmental organizations the international recognition that has made "NGO" a household word. Some NGOs gained notoriety by organizing large-scale protests that captured international headlines due to the violence and disruption they caused. Still others have organized meetings to coincide with the official gatherings of the G-8, the World Trade Organization, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund with the intent of challenging their legitimacy. Milestones in this largely non-violent NGO revolution include the Solidarity Movement's role in the 1980's political transformation in Poland; the influence of environmental activists on the outcome of the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro; the international coalition of groups led by the South Council that developed the 1994 "Fifty Years is Enough" campaign directed at the World Bank and International Monetary Fund; and the labor, anti-globalization, and environmental groups that derailed the 1999 Seattle WTO meeting. The effectiveness of these efforts stunned the major multilateral institutions and governments worldwide and forced them to develop ways to engage and involve NGOs in their deliberations and decision making. With their place in world politics now firmly established, the majority of NGOs have moved from protesting on the streets to contributing to policymaking in the boardrooms of the United Nations, World Bank, World Trade Organization, and the International Monetary Fund. International relations were once the exclusive domain of diplomats, bureaucrats, and states; however, today's policy-makers must consider a diverse set of international actors when formulating policy, including organizations as varied as CNN, al-Jazeera, the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, al-Qaeda, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). While these actors were not born of globalization, they have been empowered by it. The diffusion of information, technologies, and power have leveled the playing field and enabled NGOs large and small to organize locally and have a global impact. Jessica Mathews, Lester Salamon, and others have written extensively about the dramatic proliferation of NGOs and the impact these institutions are having on world politics.3 The current body of literature, however, has not examined the problems created by what can be called a crisis of transparency and accountability, an issue that looms on the horizon for the entire NGO sector. As we will see, NGOs as an international community lack the transparency and accountability in terms of finances, agenda, and governance necessary to effectively perform their crucial role in democratic civil society. NGO Proliferation and Power The term "non-governmental organization" describes a wide variety of organizations variously known as "private voluntary organizations," "civil society organizations," and "nonprofit organizations." The dramatic proliferation in the number of NGOs and the growth in public and private grants and contracts flowing to these organizations have enabled them to become a powerful force in world politics. Because so many types of organizations are subsumed under the acronym NGO, the scope and breadth of this sector's typological landscape is lost. Our inability to accurately gauge the size and range of this sector is one of the critical problems that needs to be addressed jointly by the public (first sector), private (second sector), and NGOs (third sector) around the world. Despite these limitations, a variety of efforts at estimation provide a glimpse into the scope of NGO proliferation. The Economist estimates that the number of international non-governmental organizations rose from 6,000 in 1990 to 26,000 in 1996.4 According to the 2002 UNDP Human Development Report, nearly one-fifth of the world's thirty-seven thousand INGOs (international non-governmental organizations) were formed in the 1990s. The Independent Sector, a non-profit organization that serves and tracks developments in the third sector of society, estimates that there are currently 1.5 million non-profit organizations in the United States. Similarly, India was estimated to house more than one million NGOs. NGOs have not only increased in numbers but also in membership, with many organizations more than doubling their member base at a steady rate.5 Recent figures from the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) emphasize the growth of NGO budgets, many of which have reached millions of U.S. dollars. USIP states that the 160 INGOs associated with InterAction have a combined annual revenue of $2.3 billion, almost all of which comes from private donors. USIP also echoes the point that "sheer growth in the number of INGOs in recent years has been dramatic," noting that more than 1,500 INGOs are registered observers of the United Nations.6 The real story is not the proliferation of NGOs, but how these organizations have effectively networked and mobilized their members to reshape world politics. This point was graphically illustrated by the significant NGO presence at the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio, where 17,000 NGO representatives staged an alternative forum to the UN-sponsored meeting, while 1,400 were involved in the official proceedings. Emboldened by their success, an even larger group converged in Beijing for the Fourth World Conference on Women in September 1995. There, an astonishing 35,000 NGOs organized an alternative forum and 2,600 NGOs participated in the official multilateral negotiations. Understanding the Paradigm and Power Shift The growth of non-state actors has in large part been fuelled by the perceived inability of both domestic and international institutions to respond to the social, economic, and political consequences of rapid advances in science and technology, growing economic interdependence, and political fragmentation. In addition, a growing number of transnational threats (pandemics, global warming, and the proliferation of WMDs) that require a coordinated response have created a need for new partners and approaches to solving global issues. As the NGO sector grows, however, it is also facing a new array of organizational challenges that it must address. We have identified six interrelated forces that we believe have propelled the remarkable growth of NGOs, and here look at both the problems and possibilities that each of these represents: 1. increased democratization, and recognition of the importance of civil society in promoting democracy;
2. an increased demand for independent information and analysis;
3. the growth of non-state and inter-state actors;
4. improved communications technologies;
5. the globalization of NGO funding, especially from North to South;
and
6. what can be called "a crisis in confidence." 1. Democratization and the Civil Society Ideal: The addition of more open societies has been a necessary condition for the creation of an environment conducive to the proliferation of independent, issue-driven, and action-oriented NGOs. The emergence of the civil society movement has put political pressure on governments, which in turn have created the space and demand for NGOs in the political landscape. The work of civil society theorists, such as Robert Putnam of Harvard University, and the dramatic social laboratories of Poland, the Philippines, and South Africa have served to advance the perception that democracy cannot prosper unless a society contains an extensive network of organizations that promote civic engagement, dialogue, and trust among both acquaintances and strangers. NGOs are perhaps the most natural and effective response to this need. Furthermore, according to civil society proponents, such organizations are critical to promoting the protection of freedoms and social needs as well as the quality of public information and political interaction. It is important to remember that many NGOs do not fit the mold of the grassroots, mass-participation vehicles idealized by many theorists. However, NGOs often come the closest to engaging directly with those citizens most affected by but least heard in policy decision-making. The growth in interest in civil society has thus stimulated interest in NGOs as an alternative source of information on issues of national and international concern and as a potential critic of government policy that can, in theory, speak with a uniquely objective voice independent of either governmental or business interests. 2. Growing Demand for Information, Analysis, and Action: In an increasingly interdependent and information-rich world, governments, policy makers, and citizens face the common problem of bringing expert knowledge to bear on decision making. Policy makers need basic information about the societies they govern--about how current policies are working, possible alternatives, and their likely costs and consequences. Citizens increasingly demand the same, and NGOs have grown to be an integral part of the response to this increased demand for information. Both policy makers and the general public, however, are often besieged by more information than they can possibly use. The problem is that this information can be unsystematic, unreliable, and/or tainted by the interests of those who are disseminating it. NGOs have an important role to play in monitoring and facilitating the collection of reliable data needed to make informed decisions - a role that is particularly important in developing and transitional countries, where such information often does not otherwise exist. Furthermore, NGOs, which tend to focus on a relatively narrow range of issues, are often much more expert on a given topic than a general policy maker could possibly be and therefore provide a bank of experience and knowledge to which officials can turn. Even when providing reliable information, however, NGOs are hardly neutral on issues of policy formation. Due to their varied nature, NGOs often play the interesting dual role of providing information and acting as an agent of political pressure on the government, leading to potential conflicts of interest. Transparency and the disclosure of interests and funding sources here are crucially important, but there are often few mechanisms to ensure compliance, especially on an international scale. 3. Growth of States, Non-state, and Inter-state Actors: The latter part of the twentieth century has seen unprecedented growth in the number of nation-states, as well as in governmental and non-governmental organizations. In 1950 there were only fifty nations and approximately sixty inter-governmental organizations. We now have four times as many nation-states and inter-governmental organizations and, as noted earlier, an almost exponential growth in the number of NGOs. The forces that drove the expansion of all non-state actors also led to the astounding proliferation of NGOs. No factor is as significant as the global trend toward increased democratization and decentralization, which began with the increase in the number of nation-states after World War II, and the creation of a host of inter-governmental organizations (such as the UN, World Bank, and WTO) to which certain powers and functions were delegated. While the grand vision of a world government was never fully realized, a seamless web of organizations and activities, most notably in the areas of low politics, has helped reduce conflict and facilitate bilateral and multilateral relations. In our current system of global governance, inter-governmental institutions work with what The Economist identifies as "an enormous weakness"--they are limited by the treaties and states that created them, and therefore subordinated to the national interest of states, making decisive and responsive action difficult. The embattled public image developed by these large, centralized bureaucracies has made them easy targets of "NGO swarm," as NGOs eagerly move to fill the vacuum in global governance.7 Partly in response to the mass meetings and protests described earlier, World Bank president Jim Wolfensohn gave some of the Bank's harshest critics a role in the majority of the Multilateral Development Banks' work. Over half of World Bank projects are currently executed in partnership with NGOs. This move, however, has not only "co-opted" some of the Bank's former critics but also created a situation in which "NGOs are at the center of World Bank policy, and moreover often determine it. While the current World Bank is more transparent, it is also more beholden to a new set of special interests."8 The ultimate legitimacy and impact of NGOs, therefore, even in work with institutions such as the World Bank, are still compromised by the lack of transparency that exists in the NGO community today. This translates into an increased incentive for organizations such as the World Bank and the United Nations, which work extensively with NGO partners, to support the development of a set of standard policies and best practices to improve third sector transparency and accountability. 4. Improved Communications Technologies: Extraordinary changes in the technology of communication have also helped transform the world of NGOs. The widespread diffusion of knowledge made possible by improvements in information and telecommunications systems, plus the near-ubiquity of electronic facsimile machines by the early 1990s, made it possible to transmit documents almost instantly to virtually anywhere in the world. The growth of the Internet has furthered an instant, inexpensive, and almost entirely unregulated flow of information. NGOs, whose goals for impact often outstrip their budgets, have benefited greatly from the information age and have found that they can have a tremendous impact with a small staff. Leaders in the NGO community agree that NGO growth has been greatly facilitated by the increased ease in collaboration, and the dissemination of information across vast distances.9 International consortia of like-minded NGOs have sprung up across cyberspace to share ideas and coordinate efforts to push for their adoption into policy. Contributing to the growth of NGOs has been the fact that the nature of the present information age makes it increasingly difficult for authoritarian governments to restrict the inflow of information and opinions they would prefer to exclude. Increasingly, the only options are to allow untrammeled access or to bar access to the Internet entirely. However, the issue of accountability rises again when discussing NGOs' increasing reliance on cyberspace, a forum in which there is almost no means for quality control of information. Sham NGOs can easily be created online and disseminate their views at low cost in a manner that might prove convincing to an unsophisticated viewer. Thus, in the cyber-age as in the age of NGOs, the caveat emptor principle is more appropriate than ever before for those seeking reliable information. 5. Globalization of NGO Funding: Although the market for ideas is well established and expanding, even the most prominent NGOs require constant inflows of money in order to operate. In both Western countries and the developing world, many organizations operate with small budgets and minuscule staffs. Thus, the issue of funding trends and sources is crucial to the discussion of trends in the development of NGOs because it is the globalization of funding that has helped create and sustain many of these institutions. In Africa, Asia, and Latin America, particularly, NGOs often lack critical tax incentives for donors that foster philanthropic traditions and in turn encourage local support. As a result, much of the impetus for NGO activity growth in developing and transitional economies has been the flow of money from industrialized countries. Many donors have chosen to work through NGOs out of a concern that their funds may otherwise be misused. While international funding has dramatically increased the resources available to NGOs, it clearly poses problems of its own. Foreign funding can raise questions about the credibility of an organization's activities: if foreign donors are providing money for an NGO, might they be dictating its goals as well? This can be distorted and exploited, and may even serve as an excuse for an authoritarian leader to shut down organizations, which was the experience of some East European affiliates of the Open Society Institute in the 1990s. Less extreme controversies have also occurred in industrialized nations. Critics have expressed concern that the use of foreign money to support the work of U.S.-based NGOs may come with strings attached, or at least cause institutions that accept money from foreign corporations and foundations to mute any criticism of the donor country's foreign or domestic policies. The issue of funding and accountability becomes even more complex when an NGO operates across national boarders, at which point the need for NGO transparency and accountability becomes most clear. It is often almost impossible to accurately track the funding of NGOs based outside the United States, Europe, Japan, and Australia. Most NGOs in the developed world have at least achieved financial transparency as a result of a mix of public and private oversight, regulation, and accreditation. Every NGO in the United States, for example, must file its finances annually with the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), the federal agency in charge of taxation. Once filed and processed, these reports are accessible to the public. In addition, every U.S. NGO must register with the state in which it is resident and is required to publish an annual report. Charitable organizations throughout Europe, Japan, and Australia are also required to register with their governments; beyond registration, however, further accountability in terms of governance and programs is not uniform, and in many cases is not required. Given the current concerns about security, it is essential to understand where international NGOs get their funding in order to understand exactly whose interests they may be, even inadvertently, promoting. This lack of transparency in the NGO sector is perhaps their greatest vulnerability, and must be addressed internationally in order to ensure the integrity and continuity of the work of NGOs. Unlike a true democratic mandate, however, funding for NGOs is almost impossible to track. Echoing Steve Rudolph, Peter Tavernise points out that many foundations do not probe deeply into what exactly is being done with grant funds in both developed and developing countries. Grant makers' trustees, who are volunteers, often do not even read grant proposals, and program officers are often "too busy" with grant applications to read reports on projects' impact. Thus, while funders are in a prime position to demand accountability from NGOs, this opportunity is often lost. 6. Paralysis and Poor Performance of the Public Sector: While the challenges to the governments in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union were swift and dramatic, there has been a more gradual erosion of confidence in the leaders and institutions of governments across the globe. The paralysis and poor performance of policy makers as well as the seemingly endless stream of scandals involving public officials and a bloated, unresponsive bureaucracy have led the public to question the very legitimacy of their governments. We live in a period when the nation-state is distrusted, or more precisely, its institutions are considered ineffective and unreliable. Similar to their role in international governance, NGOs operating on a local level have emerged in an effort to address the deficiencies of nation-states and the lack of leadership shown by government officials. It is important to note, however, that the rapid proliferation of NGOs has not always resulted in a clearer policymaking scenario. Rather, as John Paul Lederach, director both of the International Conciliation Service of the Mennonite Central Committee and the Conflict Analysis and Transformation Program at Eastern Mennonite University points out, NGO proliferation has resulted in the development of myriad qualified institutions to focus on issues in "hitherto inaccessible and neglected parts of the world." While this is positive, Lederach also points out that this "has also complicated relief efforts by creating an extraordinarily complex system which makes medieval Europe look centralized and ordered by comparison." Reversing Accountability True international accountability is for the moment an elusive goal, one that first requires a comprehensive definition and an answer to the complicated question, accountability to whom? There is no global method to ensure that NGOs are accountable to anyone, a fact that leaves their mandate compromised if NGOs do not as a sector prioritize the achievement of transparency and accountability. There is a need, therefore, at the very least, for committed action on the part of NGOs towards organizational and systemic transparency that is in line with their role in impacting policy and engaging the public in dialogue on the challenges facing our world. In a period of intense scrutiny of governments and corporations, it is only logical that NGOs should be closely examined. NGOs have proven their effectiveness in holding large institutions and governments accountable and exposing them to public scrutiny. In terms of accountability from the reverse perspective, however, neither the policy nor academic communities have systematically analyzed the funding, transparency, and accountability of NGOs. No international mechanism currently exists in which a meaningful dialogue about these critical NGO components can take place. This fact both weakens the credibility of NGOs that, as a sector, cannot claim to be anything close to models for transparency, and also leaves NGOs as a group vulnerable as no "industry-wide" standards for transparency and accountability are in place. Kumi Naidoo, president of CIVICUS, a civil society advocacy group, captures the importance of this issue when he addresses civil society organizations (CSOs): In seeking to improve our accountability and transparency, we need not be defensive or apologize for our work. [CSOs must] think critically about long-term viability, especially when some government and business leaders are questioning the legitimacy of CSOs, and when CSOs operating in new conditions of political instability are increasingly being asked to be transparent, legitimate, and accountable. Civil society organizations must meet this challenge head on by making themselves more accountable and transparent. Maintaining public trust in CSOs is critical for ensuring active, participatory democracy, which can enrich our public life at the national and global levels.10 We should not be afraid to ask who holds groups working in the public interest accountable or, as a New York Times article put it, "Asking Do-Gooders to Prove They Do Good."11 In the final analysis, the NGO community must be willing to practice what they preach or they will risk losing both their credibility and their independence. The diversity of the NGO sector is, in many cases, a source of disorganization. Observations such as John Paul Lederach's thus represent a further call to NGOs to ensure that their work is not jeopardized by weaknesses in their sector. The kind of dialogue and coordination that would be necessary for NGOs to achieve significant advances in terms of the creation of norms for transparency and a framework for discussion of accountability would also have the attractive benefit of creating an NGO sector that is more self-aware, cohesive, and therefore effective. Bridging the Credibility Gap The proliferation of NGOs is challenged by the fact that the impact, nature, and interests of these organizations can each become almost impossible to measure.12 Despite the fact that NGOs have always played a role in "sustaining an independent civil society," their proliferation and the increased scope of their role in every aspect of society now requires better monitoring and regulation so that they can function effectively and protect the integrity and independence of the entire third sector.13 The NGO community holds one of the most significant roles internationally in maintaining accountability in the private sector, public sector, and international bureaucracies. It is therefore vital that the NGO community commit itself to developing a set of credible and verifiable standards that can be universally applied. The path toward achieving increased transparency must begin with systematic international dialogue on the topic within the NGO community. A primary objective of such dialogue would be a consensus regarding the state of transparency in the NGO community and the establishment of realistic goals for the sector on this issue. These goals must include an approach that focuses on making the finances, governance, and programs of NGOs more transparent. These recommendations will take skill to craft, given the great diversity that exists in the third sector, but proactive steps in this area are necessary and can serve as a prudent safeguard against the potential loss of the public's trust. Private donors, national governments, and international organizations should actively encourage this effort and provide the resources necessary to help the NGO community define and implement the principles of transparency for NGOs worldwide. Once NGO transparency norms are drafted, a series of fora should be created to promote their adoption and discuss the importance of transparency to the NGO sector. The application of the standards need not be inflexible and must take into consideration the social and political environments in which NGOs operate, but the basic principles of transparency must not be compromised if the effort is to be successful. On transparency, an ideal next step would be committed, coordinated action toward a plan of action intended to achieve specific goals regarding transparency as defined by NGOs. This can only be realized if we create a transnational culture of accountability and greater transparency within the NGO community that is based on a set of international best practices and minimum standards that make all NGOs accountable for their integrity and performance. These standards and best practices must be developed, implemented, and monitored through an international inter-sector partnership. NGOs have been vested with great power, and with that power comes a profound responsibility to all the citizens of the world. As "the conscience of the world" they must be beyond reproach so that they remain the keepers of the public trust. Notes 1 About the Authors: James McGann is the Director of the Think Tanks and Civil Society Program, Foreign Policy Research Institute. He is also a member of the political science department at Villanova University. Mary Johnstone is a consultant for the Office for Trade, Growth, and Competitiveness at the Organization of American States. She was previously a Research Assistant in the Think Tanks and Civil Society Program at FPRI. This article originally appeared in the Brown Journal of World Affairs, vol. XI, issue 2, winter-spring 2005, and is reprinted with the Journal's kind permission. To view additional articles and receive information on how to subscribe, please visit the Journal online at http://www.bjwa.org. Copyright 2005 by the Brown Journal of World Affairs. 2 See, for example, Jeremy Scott-Joynt, "Charities in Terror Fund Spotlight," BBC Program, 15 October 2003; "Palestinian Civil Society Hurt by NGO Funding Scandal," Advocacy Net, 10 April 2003. 3 Jessica Mathews, "Power Shift: The Rise of Global Civil Society," Foreign Affairs 76 (January/February 1997); Lester Salamon and Helmut K. Anheier, The Emerging Not-for-profit Sector: An Overview, (Manchester; New York: Manchester University Press, 1996). 4 "The Non-Governmental Order: Will NGOs Democratize, or Merely Disrupt, Global Governance?" The Economist, 11-17 December 1999. 5 Ibid. 6 Pamela R. Aall, NGOs and Conflict Management ( Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace, 2000). 7 The Economist, 11-17 December 1999. op. cit. 8 Ibid. 9 What is Behind the Current Debate on NGO Accountability? Panel produced by Keely Stevenson and Phil Collis, http://skoll.scocialedge.org, Skoll Foundation and Alliance, 19-30 January 2003. 10 Kumi Naidoo, International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law, 6 no. 3, June 2004. 11 Jon Christensen, "Asking Do-Gooders to Prove They Do Good," New York Times, 3 January 2004. 12 The Economist, 11-17 December 1999 op. cit. 13 Peter Willetts, "What is a Non-Governmental Organization?" UNESCO Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems, Section I: Institutional and Infrastructure Resource Issues, Article 1.44.3.7, Non-Governmental Organizations ( London: City University). Bibliography Aall, Pamela R. NGOs and Conflict Management ( Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace (USIP) Press, 2000). Arts, B., A. Noortmann, and B. Reinalda, eds., Non-State Actors in International Relations ( Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001). "Corporate Money Co-opts Nonprofit Groups, Says Report Critics Silenced & Friends Won Through Corporate Donations," Common Dreams, 9 July 2003. 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(San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1993). More Information on NGOs
More Information on Growing Importance of NGOs in the International Arena
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By Glenn Brigaldino Toward Freedom
April 5, 2007The correlation between free market capitalism and the democratic organization of society through civil society institutions and their members is steadily declining. The post 9/11 political order, seen as an accelerated mode of democratically unchecked globalization, is marked by increased militarization and repression of social organizations and democratic rights. Increasingly traditional civil society is relegated to a marginal, merely nominal role in the greater scheme of things. The discussion of civil society, its roles, functions and relevance for social order might be near the final frontier of meaningful advances in a democracy under the spell of globalization. The concept of civil society has become fixated on representative democracy and subservient to established political elites and economic hierarchies. By helping these elites to maintain antiquated institutions and processes of political order, civil society is draining itself of its democratic potential. While civil society is still alive in the global arena, it is hardly well. In spite of such predicaments, new opportunities for democracy have arisen in the wake of the anti-globalization movements, set in motion by a multitude of actors who are exploring, developing, and advancing protest and challenges to today's imperial mode of globalization. Now the universal ideal of democracy finds itself between the proverbial rock and a hard place: it cannot take root on the wastelands of imperial globalization, yet there is still little nurturing soil to be found on the fields of possibility. For now, civil society remains the vehicle of choice for social change. However, it will need to step out and beyond itself in order to create sustainable development and unconditional democracy. The Nutshell All hands are raised in support of civil society. This is the fitting cover photo for Michael Edwards' short book on the theory and practice of civil society. More often than not, civil society is a confusing concept, but Edwards is able to provide welcome clarity while covering a lot of historical ground in just 138 pages (Edwards, 2004). In essence, Edwards' holistic approach to civil society aims for consensus. It is a constructive approach, one that evolves into an agenda for 'nurturing connections between civil society theories'. At its base is the recognition that "civil society is simultaneously a goal to aim for, a means to achieve it and a framework for engaging with each other about ends and means" (Edwards:110). The critical shortcoming of Edwards' synthesis is its inability to provide a suitable basis for challenging today's rule of neo-imperial globalization. Analytically mechanic, the holistic approach offered by Edwards remains stuck in political theory that is dependent upon a state system no longer in tune with the constantly shifting and emerging social and political constellations, coalitions and networks of public sphere actors and stakeholders. However this is equally true of his critics, such as Neera Chandhoke, who praise "Civil Society" as readable and finely nuanced. However, they cannot contrive anything beyond Edwards' positive assessment of the prospects for civil society apart from resurrected party politics alongside rights-oriented citizens' campaigns. (Chandhoke, 2005) The state today is frequently a root cause of inequality and an institutional roadblock for advancing democratic civil society. The very concept of representation is no longer adequate to give expression to the multitude of societal voices, ideas and interests increasingly defined by cross-cultural and trans-national identities. Most importantly, the notion of "sovereignty" is at odds with democratic aspirations and interactive practices expressed outside and beyond the classical nation state. In "Multitude," Michal.Hardt and Antonio Negri critically examine how the crisis of democracy is at heart a crisis of the concept of sovereignty. They call for a new science of democracy: "Sovereignty in all its forms inevitably poses power as the rule of the one (society reduced to an artificial unity or 'social body') and undermines the possibility of a full and absolute democracy. The project of democracy today must challenge all existing forms of sovereignty as a precondition for establishing democracy" (Hardt and Negri, 2004:353). In order to understand new evolving organizational forms and political modes of expression, current conceptualizations of civil society obviously no longer provide satisfactory analytical frameworks. Post-civil society is not a merely advanced or updated civil society form that exists alongside or in conjunction with our current political and economic systems. These systems of neo-imperial globalization impose bourgeois restraint and 'civility' upon civil society as a global enterprise and therefore inhibit, undermine and suffocate democratic alternatives with global demands and aspirations. A global arena Only when understood as the anti-thesis to globalization's unsustainable and in essence, undemocratic systems, will civil society be able to live up to its global potentials and step outside of the boundaries of formally democratic and pro-forma representative, imperial-agenda driven consumerist society. Seen as an emerging multitude of interests committed to sharing and sustainably managing the global commons, society can be organized in all-inclusive manners, thereby stepping outside of the present realities of nation-state bound civil society. Yet even the notion of global civil society only partially overcomes the limitations civil society at the national level faces with regard to ensuring development and democracy. Laxer and Halperin have noted that "Like globalization, global civil society is mainly a normative and 'strategic concept', not an accomplished reality" (Laxer and Halperin, 2003). Globalized capitalism to date, has failed to deliver most of its promises in its own homelands; it has delivered even less in most poor countries. The failure is clear enough by simply restating that the "Rich keep getting richer and the poor poorer", when Forbes magazine celebrates more billionaires in our world this year compared to last year but never takes note of the parallel of more slum dwellers today than ever before in human history. It is precisely at this point where democracy theory needs to formulate a viable global project, one that is viable across economic regions and throughout different forms of social organization. In the age of today's Empire, established national civil societies are constantly losing independency and capacity to challenge Empire-supporting political systems. German political economists Altvater and Mohnhaupt have pointed out that global governance has emerged as an attempt to regulate ecological and social limits of capitalist globalization, limits that are far harder to define than boundaries of nation states (Altvater and Mohnhaupt,1996). Historically, rights, freedoms and civic responsibilities have been associated with the nation state. Globalization in fact redefines territory-based relationships between citizens and states. Once unrestrained globalization reaches and exceeds ecological limits, it becomes hard to dispute its direct impacts on the lives of billions of people trapped in cycles of poverty. It becomes apparent that globalization runs on an unsustainable course counter-productive to its own reproduction. Coming back to mainstream thinking on civil society, considerable theoretical shortcomings emerge when trying to explain trans-nation state dimensions of civil society. Authors like Chandhoke and Edwards do have a vivid sense of the current crisis of representation that is choking and frustrating democracy around the world. However, instead of lamenting the inefficacies of governments and how they often fail to meet their responsibilities in society, a critique of the state and its instrumentalization by capitalist globalization is called for. Clearly, a 'good society' cannot be brought about by depending on the good will of states with little or no interest in sharing resources and power or embracing multi-level and dimensional accountability practices. In a divided world, contradictions persists, even flourish as democratic social change happens only in leaps and bounds, with traditional and new stakeholders work alongside as well as diametrically opposed to one another. On the one hand, "The powers of the nation state continue and formal representative democracy has expanded throughout the globe. Yet nation states currently display a very frail form of democracy because although everyone in principal has an equal voice it is a weak voice" (Diane Perrons, 2004). To his credit, Edwards does point to the potential of global civil society to form networks for collective action. However he regards this only as a distant possibility. In part this hesitation is due to his view of global civil society as mechanically emerging, as an addition of new layers of non-state actors and their associations. Global civil society for Edwards, however desirable, remains an embryonic social movement and is too often merely issue-driven. Likewise when discussing critical theory, Edwards also misses the political practice inspired by the theory: the revolutionary momentum of 1968 to which critical theory contributed is not recognized, the immanent threat to the survival of bourgeois civil society that arose, is not acknowledged. In a reductionist manner, Edwards equates Habermas with critical theory, seemingly unaware that as a second-generation critical theorist, Habermas strayed considerably from the revolutionary political philosophy of Adorno and Marcuse. While Adorno can prove to be quite a hard read, his critical analysis of capitalist society remains surprisingly relevant today. "No one was better than Adorno at dissecting the psychic and emotional brutality of capitalism's regimes of commodification and the increasing pressure it exerts on individuals to define themselves through consumption. This, he argued, led to the compulsion to shut off one's capacity for empathy, whether with working people whose labor produces commodities (how could we shop at Wal-Mart otherwise?) or those whose homes, lives and futures are being sacrificed in the name of a market-friendly abstraction called 'Iraqi freedom.'" (Jamie Daniel, 2005) Critical theory challenged the straightjacket of alienating political representation; it did not settle for communicating about the forms, processes and degrees of exclusion from democracy. Thus it is only in the last sentences of the book where Edwards comes to acknowledge that 21st century manifestations of global civil society action (such as the World Social Forum in Brazil in 2002, followed-up on in 2005 and in 2007) are expressions of alternative forms of politics,"a new kind of society"(Edwards:111). In order to understand evolving organizational forms and political modes of expression of this new society, current conceptualizations of civil society can no longer provide satisfactory analytical frameworks. Post-civil society is not a merely advanced or updated civil society form that exists alongside or in conjunction with our current political and economic systems. First steps beyond the arena In the lopsided arena of North-South relations, development NGOs and their networks of partners have been stepping up to this challenge, not only to consolidate and defend developmental gains, but also to explore avenues for advancing global civil society and democracy. To no small degree, the critical contribution of partnership-oriented development NGOs and their networks rests upon their ability to promote grassroots-level activities that often stand in opposition to state-led or sponsored development work. As many developing country governments still lack vital resources and essential local capacities to implement well-intended policies, civil society organizations such as development NGOs often play pivotal roles in meeting persistent basic human needs. Implementing aid programs in response to locally defined agendas becomes as much an exercise in service delivery as a balancing act in meeting multiple, frequently conflicting development agendas. Since the mid-1990s, NGOs active in development cooperation work have increasingly embraced notions of good governance and civil society strengthening in their program portfolios and implementation approaches. Enhancing local-level capacities to design, manage, implement and evaluate aid is the essence of local ownership and is generally considered essential for attaining aid effectiveness. Clearly, effective forms of development cooperation depend on the successful adoption of partnership approaches in aid relationships, on "ownership", and "mutuality and shared identities" as best practices demonstrate. (Jennifer Brinkerhoff, 2002). NGOs are often expected to "fill in the gaps", even to mediate between citizen expectations and state unwillingness (and/or inability) to deliver stability, equality and social progress. Where these NGOs work in consort and in networks with like-minded global partners, they frequently do succeed in promoting forms of democratic global civil society. Global commons, such as natural resources, human rights and democracy, can be claimed by global civil society actors; but in terms of asserting this claim, NGOs may simply lack the political muscle to safeguard and expropriate global commons from the fangs of predatory globalization. Global civil society actors and their networks have an increasingly political role to play as actors of "the multitude", as contributors to the possibility of democracy on a global scale. This is an open and expansive role, one that steps beyond the jealously guarded power spheres of nation states and their sovereignty preoccupations. It is a role that is irreconcilable with an understanding of civil society and NGOs as depending on some ill-defined goodwill and benevolence of nation states. NGOs, which through their global networks of partners endeavor to defend, promote and most importantly, extend democracy beyond the limits imposed by sovereignty obsessed nation state systems, are challenged to reduce dependency on states to function and flourish, to define political agendas rather than be subjected by them. Contested ground, imagined spaces With regard to culture and related identities, the modern nation state model that originated in the 18th century has already proven incapable of furthering the democratic ideal and associated political identities. It seems strangely archaic to assume that cultural differences or commonly attributed cultural identities neatly coincide with the nation states of today. Most, if not all nation states are home to a variety of broad-based cultures and a multitude of sub-cultures. These cross-cut and intersect through time and space, interacting randomly or on selected occasions. To define culture in relation to a nation state is an increasingly futile academic exercise. Cultural confrontation appears more of a political construction, with an assigned political purpose than it is associated with genuine conflict between populations adhering to particular sets of cultural traditions, norms and interpretations of society. Thus, it is not far-fetched to see the typical nation state of today as deeply entangled in the fangs of armed globalization: it is far more of a functional necessity to the economic interests aligned with armed globalization, than it is in any way an ally to a democratic project on a global scale. Crumbling arena In the "homelands" of globalization, the power elites are continuously trying to propagate ad infinitum the myth of a natural link between free markets and democracy. From the perspective of democratic global civil society, this is nothing new and indeed political resistance must take aim at rejecting and persistently opposing such claims. Correspondingly, the economic structures and relationships that reproduce below one-dollar-a-day inhuman existence for half the world, while upholding extremely consumerist lifestyles for less than a tenth of global citizens, eventually harm all. Discontent with the contemporary globalization regime constantly arises and latently provides an explosive basis for social revolt. Hardt and Negri speak of "economic grievances" and observe: "In each nation state, poverty is distributed unequally along lines of race, ethnicity and gender. . The construction of the global market and the global integration of national economies has not brought us together but driven us apart, exacerbating the light of the poor. .. Non-profit and religious charity organisations provide enormous assistance for those in need, but they cannot change the system that produces and reproduces poverty." (Hardt and Negri:278f.) Civil disobedience today needs to seek forms of internationalization that take aim at state systems which discourage, often even criminalize any insistence on civil liberties and the historic promise of socialist democracy. Yet it remains short-sighted to assume that a global civil society will succeed in asserting itself on par with the power elites that drive globalization. Such a view is counterproductive for advancing a global democratic project, as it can be convincingly argued that ".contemporary conceptions of 'civil society' are based in idealistic notions of states, markets, freedom, rights, and citizen power and therefore, hinder rather than facilitate the attainment of deeper forms of democracy." (Laxer and Halperin: 63) The choices at hand in most parliamentary democracies are harrowingly few. Often more opinionated rather than truly knowledgeable about the inter-relatedness of political struggles around the world, citizens have begun to equate democratic freedoms with freedom of movement. Across the "free world" citizens too easily overlook the deepening social and political divides; they tend to accept the picture of freedom presented to them at face value. Only when personal experiences of suspension and limitation of democratic freedoms mount does discontent form and occasionally lead to political protest from within. Such protest has increased in the wake of the aggressive unilateralism, "...or, rather, the exception posed by the United States within the global system, (which) thwarts all.reform proposals." (Hardt and Negri: 304) Emerging from the WTO protests movements against robber-baron globalization, and intensifying in response to the outright assault on civil rights in the post-9/11 world, a new mix of personal and collective experiences of political protests and resistance has taken root. While such resistance is often issue-driven, it likewise takes on a network-type of organizational form. Its actions maintain a high degree of spontaneity but are increasingly formalized in event form or cross-national action campaigns. The most important should be mentioned, staying plugged in to how, when and where they take on form and shape is almost a civic necessity. The World Social Forum (WSF) that took place in Nairobi, Kenya this year is certainly a central movement of political dissent. Toward Freedom ran a report on this event in January (Dan Morrison, 2007). The MakePovertyHistory campaign against poverty and injustice will again be making its voice heard at the summit of the G8 states, this year held in early June in Germany. In North America, The MidWest Social Forum (MWSF) will hold an annual gathering in late June in Atlanta. The MWSF, a gathering of grassroots organizations, community activists, workers, educators, students, artists, and many others, sees itself as an open space for exchanging experiences and information, strengthening alliances and networks, and developing effective strategies for progressive social, economic, and political change. The online portal Idealist, a project of Action Without Borders, links to over 59,000 non-profit and community organizations in 165 countries. It has recently stared an effort to launch a global network of people interested in social and political change, starting at the community level. Some 84 start-up meetings in over 30 countries are planned in the coming weeks. The Al Gore movie on climate change has allowed the debate to make its way into the world of Hollywood. And on the 7th of July, the issue will be propelled onto a global music stage through LiveEarth, bringing together more than 150 of the world's top musicians for 24-hours of music from 7 concerts across all 7 continents. Another, more "established" key driver of civil society in its many manifestations is, of course, Civicus. It will hold its next World Assembly, one of the largest annual civil society conferences, in Glasgow, Scotland, from the 23 - 27 of May, 2007. Equally established and a driving force, the global network of Oneworld, brings together more than 1,500 organizations from across the globe - to promote sustainable development, social justice and human rights. Hopefully the momentum these and other democratic ventures generate will prove to be significant enough to permanently dismantle the neo-liberal globalization project. There are promising signs that the walls of the house of globalization are already crumbling even before the roof has been built. Some parts of the edifice may succeed in providing some shelter from today's political storms, but temporary abode is little more than hidden homelessness. Rather than continuing to search for approaches to further spread and embed current forms of globalization, a new foundation for a completely new design of global relations and development are needed. Civil society, nationally and globally can no longer be satisfied with helping out to fix the leaking roof. It is time to move on and let the arena crumble like Rome's coliseum. More Information on NGOs
More Introduction to NGOs
More Information on Networking
More Information on NGOs and States
By Peter Nunnenkamp * Development & Cooperation
April 2008 Recent research suggests that non-governmental organisations (NGOs) from donor countries do not provide better targeted or more efficient aid than state-run development agencies. They do not seem to even try to outperform the latter by focussing on the neediest or by working in particularly difficult environments. It is easy to lament the stinginess and selfishness of official donors, as Kishore Mahbubani did in D+C/E+Z 2/2008. Those donors provide critics with the data needed to expose the flaws of official development assistance (ODA). It is different with non-governmental organisations (NGOs). NGO aid is certainly relevant, but its allocation has hardly been mapped, let alone explained. The main reason is that sufficiently detailed data are hard to come by. After all, NGOs probably do not want critical analysis to tarnish their image of being superior donors. NGOs are often believed to provide well-targeted aid. They are said to be particularly close to the poor, as many of them directly cooperate with local target groups, circumventing recipient governments with a reputation of corruption. Accordingly, the argument goes, they are better aligned to poor people's needs, and suffer from less leakage. Moreover, it is said that NGO aid is less distorted by donor governments' commercial and political interests, such as export promotion or political alliances. Donor governments seem to share that favourable view. To a large extent, they channel ODA through NGOs. In some donor countries, the share of such ODA is as high as 20 %. The total of aid granted by NGOs from OECD nations amounted to almost $ 15 billion per annum in 2005 and 2006. That sum exceeded bilateral ODA from every individual donor country except for the USA. Some critics, however, suspect that the case for NGO aid largely rests on ideological grounds. The view that NGOs have a clear focus on the poor first came under attack in the 1990s. Critics believe that NGOs probably prefer the quiet life of implementing their national governments' agendas to risking failure in attempts to outperform state agencies. This seems all the more likely as some NGOs financially depend on official "backdonors". The cases of Sweden and Switzerland Such criticism is hardly supported by empirical research so far; and that is something it has in common with the wide-spread faith in high NGO performance. NGOs only rarely support scholars who collect data. Doing research on German NGOs, for instance, therefore tends to be frustrating. By contrast, two relatively small donors - Sweden and Switzerland - offer reasonable data to compare NGOs and state agencies by analysing the following three questions: - Do NGOs focus more strongly than ODA on those countries where need is most pressing? - Do NGOs engage in particular where the policy environment is difficult, so government-to-government transfers are unlikely to work? - Do NGOs behave more altruistically than state aid agencies, which may be pursuing hidden agendas? Research done at the Kiel Institute for the World Economy in cooperation with the KOF Swiss Economic Institute in Zurich and the Radboud University in Nijmegen has led to only preliminary results so far, but they do reinforce the sceptics' view on NGO aid. The answer to the first question is clearly "no" if one judges recipients' need for aid by average per-capita incomes. The increase in Swiss NGO aid for countries with lower average income, for instance, was slightly less pronounced than the increase in Swiss ODA. In striking contrast to Swedish ODA, Swedish NGOs completely ignored the income position of recipients, spreading their aid almost equally over low and middle-income countries. The poorest 25 % only received 27 % of Swedish NGO funds, whereas the wealthiest 25 % received 22 %. The picture is more favourable for Swiss NGOs if need is measured in terms of absolute poverty (share of the population living on less than one or two dollars per day). Swedish NGOs hardly differ from state agencies in this respect. As for institutional environments, we found interesting differences between Sweden and Switzerland, but they did not follow the NGO-government divide. Both Swedish and Swiss NGOs tended to mirror their governments. This is in conflict with advice by the World Bank which is echoed in many policy documents both at UN and national levels. Accordingly, official donors should focus on better governed countries in order to render ODA more effective, whereas NGOs should become active predominantly where governance is bad. Just like the state-run agencies, Swedish NGOs were not particularly active in challenging settings. Swiss NGOs did allocate more funds to countries with weak institutions - but so did the Swiss government. It thus seems that Swiss NGOs were accommodating government policy rather than trying to excel in places where governance was particularly troubled. As for donor countries' own interests, neither Swedish nor Swiss NGOs seemed to be pursuing any hidden agenda. The notable exception was that Swiss NGOs resembled their government in providing more aid to countries that voted in line with Switzerland at the UN. Switzerland's neutrality may be at the root of this finding; both the government and NGOs may feel that developing countries that take a similar stance deserve support. On the other hand, countries with commercial relevance to both Sweden and Switzerland, for instance as export markets, did not get significantly more NGO aid. Once again, however, NGO performance did not differ much from their governments'. Comparisons among OECD countries typically show that Sweden and Switzerland belong in the "altruistic" camp of countries that do not use ODA to promote exports. NGOs based in various OECD countries NGOs may have better chances to excel in less altruistic donor countries. OECD nations that are known for more self-searching development policies include big donors like France, the USA and Japan. To assess NGO aid tentatively for a broader donor sample, our Dutch co-author, Dirk-Jan Koch, collected data on some 60 OECD-based NGOs. Together, these NGOs spent $ 5.7 billion on aid to almost all recipient countries in 2005. That was nearly as much as the four Scandinavian countries spent on ODA that year. One may, of course, doubt the representativeness of the sample. Moreover, the data only refer to one year. Nonetheless, it is striking that the aid allocation of the seven German NGOs included in the sample was actually biased against poorer countries. Brazil and South Africa were among the top-10 recipients of German NGO aid in absolute terms, even though the per-capita income of both countries ranged in the highest quartile. The top-10 with respect to aid per capita included four countries in the upper income half (Botswana, Cape Verde, Namibia and Swaziland). The whole group of 60 NGOs granted more aid to needier countries, however. The impact of local institutions on NGO aid from all OECD countries together remained inconclusive. It seems that many NGOs were torn between favouring better governed countries and allocating aid in accordance with the comparative advantage NGOs might have in working under difficult local conditions. NGOs from all donor countries taken together have a strong tendency to replicate the aid allocation of official backdonors. This indicates the limits to autonomous decision-making of NGOs that depend on government funds. Moreover, NGOs tend follow their peers, probably in order to control risks by hiding in the crowd. In any case, NGO aid is clustered, and NGOs are deepening the divide between so-called donor darlings and aid orphans. Conclusion All in all, our findings point to NGO aid not being a panacea for providing better-targeted aid and boosting aid effectiveness. In contrast to what one might expect, NGOs seem to prefer to keep a low profile. They did not try to distinguish themselves from state aid agencies by outperforming the latter in terms of focus on the neediest, or by entering uncharted waters where ODA is likely to fail. The preliminary nature of the findings reported in this short account of ongoing research must be stressed. Future research will have to look into what exactly is driving NGOs to replicate both official donors and peers. It must also be understood to what extent NGOs that rely strongly on official backdonors behave differently from those that are truly independent. To assess these matters, it would certainly help if NGOs became more transparent and opened their books to research. Sources: Dreher, Axel, Florian Mí¶lders, Peter Nunnenkamp, 2007: Are NGOs the better donors? A case study of aid allocation for Sweden. Kiel Institute for the World Economy, Working Paper 1383, October. Koch, Dirk-Jan, Axel Dreher, Peter Nunnenkamp, Rainer Thiele, 2008: Keeping a low profile: What determines the allocation of aid by nongovernmental organizations? Kiel Institute for the World Economy, Working Paper 1406, March. Nunnenkamp, Peter, Janina Weingarth, Johannes Weisser, 2008: Is NGO aid not so different after all? Comparing the allocation of Swiss aid by private and official donors. Kiel Institute for the World Economy, Working Paper 1405, March. About the Author: Peter Nunnenkamp heads the research area "Global division of labour" at the Kiel Institute for the World Economy. The research that lead to this essay was done in cooperation with the KOF Swiss Economic Institute in Zurich and the Radboud University in Nijmegen. More Information on NGOs
More General Analysis of the Role of NGOs
More Information on International Aid
NGOs and the Bretton Woods InstitutionsThe following Section analyzes the impact of World Bank funding and "partnerships" with NGOs. It also looks at NGOs' interactions with and reactions to the IMF.
NGO Involvement in the WTO: A Comparative Perspective (October 2008) Peter Van den Bossche discusses the arguments for and against giving NGOs a larger role in WTO decision making. A more open dialogue with NGOs could possibly increase the legitimacy of the WTO, giving the organization a more democratic and transparent function. However, at the same time some NGOs lack legitimacy because they often advocate on single issues and may therefore not represent all of society’s interests. (Journal of International Economic Law Civil Society Has Something to Say (October 27, 2008)The 2008 Civil Society Development Forum (CSDF) in Geneva concludes that governments have the responsibility to solve the international financial crisis and the food crisis, but that they cannot do this without the help of civil society. This article urges governments to consult with NGOs. It argues that international financial institutions should not impose fixed ideas but use the knowledge that already exists in poor countries to formulate development plans. In the CSDF outcome document, NGOs also criticize the World Trade Organization and argues that its "role in negotiations on agricultural matters should be re-examined." (Inter Press Service) Brief Observations on the Mechanisms for NGO Participation at the WTO (December 2006)This piece from SUR – International Journal on Human Rights critically analyzes some of the institutional and external factors that limit NGO involvement in the World Trade Organization's (WTO) decision-making processes. The author argues that poorly-defined formal procedures for NGO participation pose a major obstacle to how effectively non-state actors can monitor WTO governance. In light of the growing influence and ever-changing profile of the NGO sector, the article highlights the rising demand for "permanent mechanisms" to make the WTO more representative of this "new reality." Breaking out of the WTO Box (April 1, 2004)In preparation for the UN Conference on Trade and Development in June 2004, NGOs drafted a proposal challenging the neo-liberal agenda of the WTO and suggested the UN as an alternative body to regulate global trade. (Utne) WTO Mood at Cancun Worsened by NGOs- EU's Fischler (19 September, 2003)Franz Fischler, Europe's farm chief served as top negotiator at the World Trade Organization's meeting in Cancun. In this AlertNet article Fischler portrays the poor countries' unity at Cancun as resulting from NGO mischief, insisting that "heavy NGO presence" influenced the meeting by creating a "mood of distrust." WTO's Attack on Public Education (August 10, 2003)World Trade Organization may include education in the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). Students worry that this would reduce public spending on post-secondary institutions and increase dependence on private funding, jeopardizing the affordability of degrees and making research a corporate commodity. (ZNet) WTO Ignores Calls for Democratic, Inclusive Processes for Cancun (June 20, 2003)Decrying a lack of transparency and undemocratic processes in the WTO, civil society and ministers from poor countries lobby the organization for open-ended consultations before Cancun. (ATTAC) IMF, World Bank Join Forces with WTO (May 12, 2003)Senior officials of the IMF, World Bank and WTO will meet in Geneva to synchronize their policies on developing nations. NGOs are concerned that the common agenda will make trade and development policy more inflexible, entrenching the organizations one-sided approach to development and widening the gap between the rich and poor. (Inter Press Service) Rich Nations Continue to Wield Power in Global Bodies (May 6, 2003)NGOs point out the undemocratic governance structures of the UN, WTO, IMF and World Bank. Despite professing to create an equitable global community, these institutions concentrate power among world's richest nations. (Inter Press Service) Regional Consultation on the WTO/Trips Agreement and Access to Medicines: Appropriate Policy Responses (April 17-19, 2003)A Regional Consultation in Sri Lanka on the TRIPS Agreement and Medicines Access strongly recommends that developing countries use the flexibilities in TRIPS to promote public health. This workshop also expresses appreciation for NGO campaigns against exclusive rights of patent-holding pharmaceutical companies. (Third World Net) NGOs Say "No" to Investment Agreement at WTO (March 21, 2003)Over 50 NGOs call on governments to reject a WTO investment agreement at the Cancun negotiations in September 2003. The agreement restricts government's ability to regulate the actions of foreign multinational companies, causing concern that local communities will be exploited. (Third World Network) NGOs and Experts Call For Rejection of WTO Agriculture Modalities Paper (February 24, 2003)The WTO Committee on Agriculture considers a proposal for new agricultural trade agreements by the committee chairman, Stuart Harbinson. NGOs call on member states to reject the proposal, claiming it will consolidate the power of multinational agricultural firms at the expense of farmers in developing nations. (Third World Network) 150 NGOs Challenge Democracy Deficit at the WTO and Call for an End to Exclusive Meetings (November 14, 2002)Over 150 NGOs criticize the "invitation only" WTO mini-ministerial in Sydney, where 25 WTO members from all regions will discuss pressing issues at an "unofficial meeting." NGOs argue that by building a consensus among select members, the group "de facto and illegally takes leadership of the organization." (Focus on the Global South) WTO Boss Says Free Trade Talks Gathering Momentum (November 12, 2002)WTO chief Supachai Panitchpakdi claims he will consider NGOs' concerns about the negative effects of privatizing water, healthcare, and education and liberalizing the financial sector. (Reuters) NGOs Call on Trade Ministers to Reject Closed WTO Process (November 4, 2002)As the 5th Ministerial nears, NGOs urge trade ministers to reject exclusive, "unofficial" meetings that include only a small portion of the member states. These meetings serve to build a consensus among the few, which is then presented as "a take-it-or-leave-it package" that often presses positions counter to development goals. (WTO Watch) ASEAN Rejects US Call for NGO Access to WTO Dispute Process (September 17, 2002)ASEAN diplomats reject the US proposal for WTO transparency, which would allow NGOs unrestricted access to dispute settlement panels and amicus curiae briefs. (Business Times) European Civil Society Groups Launch Campaign on Global Trade and Investment Talks (September 13, 2002)European NGOs call on governments to "fundamentally re-orient the rules of the trade system to promote poverty reduction and sustainable development and withdraw proposals for investment negotiations in the WTO." (Friends of the Earth) Globalization's Bad Effects Discussed (September 12, 2002)NGOs, labor groups, and businesses met to discuss ways for governments to mitigate globalization's negative impacts. They insisted that the WTO must consider this debate before commencing further negotiations on trade issues. (BusinessWorld) NGOs Preparing for the World Social Forum (January 9, 2002)NGO representatives meeting in Mali to plan for the World Social Forum recognize the need for international experts within African NGOs to allow them to play a constructive role in discussions with the World Trade Organization and International Monetary Fund. (Inter Press Service) NGOs Urge Support for Pro-Public Health Interpretation of TRIPS (September 19, 2001)The civil society is concerned about the TRIPS agreement, demanding its revision at the Doha Conference. Public health and human rights protection should carry more weight within the protection of intellectual property rights. (Third World Network). NGOs Accuse WTO of Hidden Agenda Behind "Environment" Seminar (March 26, 2001)What the WTO wants in reality is to gather Asian support for a new trade round. NGOs refuse to participate at the meeting (Deutsche Presse Agentur). Civil Society Groups Spark Power Battle within WTO (November 24, 2000)Member States fear the intrusion of NGOs in legal proceedings at the World Trade Organization, expressing disagreement with the Appellate Body's decision to allow NGO participation in the case opposing France and Canada at the WTO. (IPS news reports) Giving the Public a Voice in the Protection of the Global Environment (Winter 2000/2001)The author, who thinks that NGOs can address environmental cross-border issues better than states, calls for strengthening the role of NGOs in international institutions such as the European Court of Justice and the WTO and standardizing NGO access. (Colorado Journal of International Law and Policy) In the Aftermath of Seattle: Backlash Reigns (October 3, 2000) A critique of the "shut- it-down- strategy" stressing that "some form of multilateral economic governance is fundamentally important". Instead of condemning international institutions, protesters should focus on the US role in the development of a corporate-led globalization. (In Focus) NGO Statement on the WTO High-Level Symposia (March 17- 18, 1999)NGOs submit a statement to the WTO for consideration during the WTO High-Level Symposia on Trade and Environment (March 15 -16, 1999) and Trade and Development. NGOs Unwelcome at Forum (November 30, 1999)Report from the World Trade Observer on the WTO-NGO symposium in Seattle. NGOs voiced criticism of the WTO and suggestions for change.
NGOs and the World Trade OrganizationThis section analyzes NGO activity on the WTO. NGOs have led the citizens around the world to challenge the economic policies of the World Trade Organization as well as the Organization's closed meetings and lack of accountability.
NGO Involvement in the WTO: A Comparative Perspective (October 2008) Peter Van den Bossche discusses the arguments for and against giving NGOs a larger role in WTO decision making. A more open dialogue with NGOs could possibly increase the legitimacy of the WTO, giving the organization a more democratic and transparent function. However, at the same time some NGOs lack legitimacy because they often advocate on single issues and may therefore not represent all of society’s interests. (Journal of International Economic Law) Civil Society Has Something to Say (October 27, 2008)The 2008 Civil Society Development Forum (CSDF) in Geneva concludes that governments have the responsibility to solve the international financial crisis and the food crisis, but that they cannot do this without the help of civil society. This article urges governments to consult with NGOs. It argues that international financial institutions should not impose fixed ideas but use the knowledge that already exists in poor countries to formulate development plans. In the CSDF outcome document, NGOs also criticize the World Trade Organization and argues that its "role in negotiations on agricultural matters should be re-examined." (Inter Press Service) Brief Observations on the Mechanisms for NGO Participation at the WTO (December 2006)This piece from SUR – International Journal on Human Rights critically analyzes some of the institutional and external factors that limit NGO involvement in the World Trade Organization's (WTO) decision-making processes. The author argues that poorly-defined formal procedures for NGO participation pose a major obstacle to how effectively non-state actors can monitor WTO governance. In light of the growing influence and ever-changing profile of the NGO sector, the article highlights the rising demand for "permanent mechanisms" to make the WTO more representative of this "new reality." Breaking out of the WTO Box (April 1, 2004)In preparation for the UN Conference on Trade and Development in June 2004, NGOs drafted a proposal challenging the neo-liberal agenda of the WTO and suggested the UN as an alternative body to regulate global trade. (Utne) WTO Mood at Cancun Worsened by NGOs- EU's Fischler (19 September, 2003)Franz Fischler, Europe's farm chief served as top negotiator at the World Trade Organization's meeting in Cancun. In this AlertNet article Fischler portrays the poor countries' unity at Cancun as resulting from NGO mischief, insisting that "heavy NGO presence" influenced the meeting by creating a "mood of distrust." WTO's Attack on Public Education (August 10, 2003)World Trade Organization may include education in the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). Students worry that this would reduce public spending on post-secondary institutions and increase dependence on private funding, jeopardizing the affordability of degrees and making research a corporate commodity. (ZNet) WTO Ignores Calls for Democratic, Inclusive Processes for Cancun (June 20, 2003)Decrying a lack of transparency and undemocratic processes in the WTO, civil society and ministers from poor countries lobby the organization for open-ended consultations before Cancun. (ATTAC) IMF, World Bank Join Forces with WTO (May 12, 2003)Senior officials of the IMF, World Bank and WTO will meet in Geneva to synchronize their policies on developing nations. NGOs are concerned that the common agenda will make trade and development policy more inflexible, entrenching the organizations one-sided approach to development and widening the gap between the rich and poor. (Inter Press Service) Rich Nations Continue to Wield Power in Global Bodies (May 6, 2003)NGOs point out the undemocratic governance structures of the UN, WTO, IMF and World Bank. Despite professing to create an equitable global community, these institutions concentrate power among world's richest nations. (Inter Press Service) Regional Consultation on the WTO/Trips Agreement and Access to Medicines: Appropriate Policy Responses (April 17-19, 2003)A Regional Consultation in Sri Lanka on the TRIPS Agreement and Medicines Access strongly recommends that developing countries use the flexibilities in TRIPS to promote public health. This workshop also expresses appreciation for NGO campaigns against exclusive rights of patent-holding pharmaceutical companies. (Third World Net) NGOs Say "No" to Investment Agreement at WTO (March 21, 2003)Over 50 NGOs call on governments to reject a WTO investment agreement at the Cancun negotiations in September 2003. The agreement restricts government's ability to regulate the actions of foreign multinational companies, causing concern that local communities will be exploited. (Third World Network) NGOs and Experts Call For Rejection of WTO Agriculture Modalities Paper (February 24, 2003)The WTO Committee on Agriculture considers a proposal for new agricultural trade agreements by the committee chairman, Stuart Harbinson. NGOs call on member states to reject the proposal, claiming it will consolidate the power of multinational agricultural firms at the expense of farmers in developing nations. (Third World Network) 150 NGOs Challenge Democracy Deficit at the WTO and Call for an End to Exclusive Meetings (November 14, 2002)Over 150 NGOs criticize the "invitation only" WTO mini-ministerial in Sydney, where 25 WTO members from all regions will discuss pressing issues at an "unofficial meeting." NGOs argue that by building a consensus among select members, the group "de facto and illegally takes leadership of the organization." (Focus on the Global South) WTO Boss Says Free Trade Talks Gathering Momentum (November 12, 2002)WTO chief Supachai Panitchpakdi claims he will consider NGOs' concerns about the negative effects of privatizing water, healthcare, and education and liberalizing the financial sector. (Reuters) NGOs Call on Trade Ministers to Reject Closed WTO Process (November 4, 2002)As the 5th Ministerial nears, NGOs urge trade ministers to reject exclusive, "unofficial" meetings that include only a small portion of the member states. These meetings serve to build a consensus among the few, which is then presented as "a take-it-or-leave-it package" that often presses positions counter to development goals. (WTO Watch) ASEAN Rejects US Call for NGO Access to WTO Dispute Process (September 17, 2002)ASEAN diplomats reject the US proposal for WTO transparency, which would allow NGOs unrestricted access to dispute settlement panels and amicus curiae briefs. (Business Times) European Civil Society Groups Launch Campaign on Global Trade and Investment Talks (September 13, 2002)European NGOs call on governments to "fundamentally re-orient the rules of the trade system to promote poverty reduction and sustainable development and withdraw proposals for investment negotiations in the WTO." (Friends of the Earth) Globalization's Bad Effects Discussed (September 12, 2002)NGOs, labor groups, and businesses met to discuss ways for governments to mitigate globalization's negative impacts. They insisted that the WTO must consider this debate before commencing further negotiations on trade issues. (BusinessWorld) NGOs Preparing for the World Social Forum (January 9, 2002)NGO representatives meeting in Mali to plan for the World Social Forum recognize the need for international experts within African NGOs to allow them to play a constructive role in discussions with the World Trade Organization and International Monetary Fund. (Inter Press Service) NGOs Urge Support for Pro-Public Health Interpretation of TRIPS (September 19, 2001)The civil society is concerned about the TRIPS agreement, demanding its revision at the Doha Conference. Public health and human rights protection should carry more weight within the protection of intellectual property rights. (Third World Network). NGOs Accuse WTO of Hidden Agenda Behind "Environment" Seminar (March 26, 2001)What the WTO wants in reality is to gather Asian support for a new trade round. NGOs refuse to participate at the meeting (Deutsche Presse Agentur). Civil Society Groups Spark Power Battle within WTO (November 24, 2000)Member States fear the intrusion of NGOs in legal proceedings at the World Trade Organization, expressing disagreement with the Appellate Body's decision to allow NGO participation in the case opposing France and Canada at the WTO. (IPS news reports) Giving the Public a Voice in the Protection of the Global Environment (Winter 2000/2001)The author, who thinks that NGOs can address environmental cross-border issues better than states, calls for strengthening the role of NGOs in international institutions such as the European Court of Justice and the WTO and standardizing NGO access. (Colorado Journal of International Law and Policy) In the Aftermath of Seattle: Backlash Reigns (October 3, 2000) A critique of the "shut- it-down- strategy" stressing that "some form of multilateral economic governance is fundamentally important". Instead of condemning international institutions, protesters should focus on the US role in the development of a corporate-led globalization. (In Focus) NGO Statement on the WTO High-Level Symposia (March 17- 18, 1999)NGOs submit a statement to the WTO for consideration during the WTO High-Level Symposia on Trade and Environment (March 15 -16, 1999) and Trade and Development. NGOs Unwelcome at Forum (November 30, 1999)Report from the World Trade Observer on the WTO-NGO symposium in Seattle. NGOs voiced criticism of the WTO and suggestions for change.
NGOs and the European UnionThe European Union has a supranational governance structure, which means it is able to make decisions without the unanimous agreement of national governments. To address the criticism concerning its democratic deficit, the different EU institutions have included NGOs in the policy making process. With their expertise and representative member base, NGOs can provide valuable input and help legitimize the decision-making process within the EU. NGOs have played an important role in developing European policy. Since the early 1990's, they have built coalitions with national and regional governments, industry, other interest groups and members of the European parliament as well as the European Commission. Lobbying generally favors big NGOs with enough resources to provide robust facts and scientifically based evidence in their advocacy work. The EU consults with NGOs in different ways, for instance through green papers (discussion papers), white papers (official proposals), communications, advisory committees and ad hoc consultations. The EU commission has allocated more than 1 billion Euros annually in support of NGO projects and there are over 15 000 lobbyists and 2 600 special interest groups in Brussels. EU and Civil Society: The Case of NGOs and Humanitarian Intervention (July 2009)Despite the European Union's growing awareness of NGOs, the regional body does not have the same open dialogue with NGOs as the UN does. Consequently, NGOs have strengthened their cooperation in the hope of having stronger relations with the Union. This paper shows the historical development of the EU's increasing engagement with NGOs, and it emphasizes the important knowledge NGOs can provide in its decision-making bodies. (European University Institute) EU: Corporate Lobbying Grows (December 22, 2004)Campaigners and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) urge the European Commission to "curb the excessive influence" of murky and influential corporate lobbying in Brussels. The NGO coalition calls for advocacy legislation based on transparency and accountability, under which lobby groups, corporations and public relations firms would have to report openly about their agenda and financing. (IPS Terraviva) Commission Keen to Draw More on Organized Civil Society (December 11, 2002)The European Commission considers adopting standards for outside consultation, which would include input from organized civil society. Religious communities and NGOs have proposed specific frameworks for dialogue with the Commission, but "the Commission believes these proposals go beyond general principles and minimum applicable standards on consultation." (European Union Online) European Civil Society Coming of Age (May 2002)This paper discusses the evolving definition of civil society, ways for NGOs to participate democratically in policy-making, and the importance of NGO transparency and accountability. It also looks at NGOs' attempts to create a system of formal representation within the European Union and their varying degrees of success. (The Platform of European Social NGOs) Listening To Civil Society: What Relationship Between the European Commission and NGOs? (June 2001)The European Citizen Action Service (ECAS) fears that the European Commission may become overwhelmed by the number of NGOs requesting involvement in discussions at the highest level. Civil society would be damaged if the Commission were to withdraw from some activities or only liase with a few, large NGOs, due to a simple lack of staff. Compromise Payment Marks End Of Commission-NGO Dispute (May 9, 2001)The European Commission and CLONG (the umbrella group of development NGOs) signed a compromise to settle their four-month dispute over the outcome of an audit process. (Europe Information Service) NGO Liaison Committee Forced to Disband (February 2, 2001)An audit report of the Liaison Committee of European NGOs to the EU finds no evidence of fraud. However, the policy of EU development officials is "zero tolerance" for alleged financial discrepancies, thus is forcing the Committee to disband (InterPress Service). The Commission and NGOs: Building a Stronger Partnership (April 15, 2000)This paper highlights and describes the relationship between the European Commission and NGOs, while maintaining that some improvements should be made to render it even stronger. (European Commission) Report on EC-NGO Consultation in Brussels (1999)MS-Danish Association for International Co-operation's brief notes on meeting held on January 27th 1999. Provides insight into the European Commission's relationship with civil society.
Tied Aid Debate Tests Donor Ambitions Before Busan Summit (November 1, 2011)The 4th High-Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness that will be held in Busan, South Korea in late November will look at the controversial “tied aid” requirements, where donors insist aid is spent on goods and services provided by companies based in their own countries. The European Network on Debt and Development has report that $20-$25 billion of aid is given in this form and fails to improve developing countries’ economies, reduces the purchasing power of aid distributors, and increases the risk of unsuitable aid programs. (Guardian) Civil Society Urges G20 to Focus on Rights at Financial and Climate Negotiations (October 28, 2011)Ahead of the upcoming G20 Summit in France, a group of NGOs, including CIVICUS, DAWN, and the Center for Economic and Social Rights, have prepared a statement urging G20 leaders to remember human rights when debating financial regulation and climate change. The statement calls on leaders to take measures which requires all parties to take responsibility and acknowledge universal human rights. (Social Watch) Carving Out a New Aid Order at Busan (October 4, 2011)In this IPS Terraviva interview, the director of IBON International Tony Tujan suggests the possibility of an “aid revolution” at the upcoming Busan high level forum on Aid Effectiveness. Tujan argues that with the rise of South-South cooperation amongst emerging powers such as China, India and Brazil, there will be a crucial opportunity to stop the continuation of a “Northern-dominated aid architecture.” NGOs Must Play Key Role in Rio+20 Summit on Sustainable Development (August 26, 2011)In this IPS Terraviva interview, Michael Renner of the Worldwatch Institute emphasizes the important role of NGOs in the lead up to the Rio+ 20 conference in Brazil 2012. Renner highlights that NGOs need to hold governments accountable for not following through on commitments to sustainable development. According to Renner, “if the public cannot hold governments and corporations accountable, then commitments may never properly be translated into action.” Renner correctly identifies the need for a strong grassroots presence that advocates for and represents a non-governmental perspective at global conferences. Islamic Civil Society Organizations Form Humanitarian Forum (October 29, 2005)Since 9/11, Western governments and civil society have increasingly scrutinized Islamic NGOs. As a result, a British-based Islamic NGO has convened an ongoing five-year forum for NGOs based in the Middle East. In this forum, Muslim organizations will collaborate, and learn world standards for civil society that they would otherwise not be informed of, since distrust from other NGOs often blocks vital lines of communication. (Yemen Observer) African Civil Society and the African Union: Time for Self-Organization? (June 16, 2005)At the 2005 African Union (AU) Heads of State Summit, the AU opted, without explanation, not to sponsor a parallel civil society summit for African NGOs. Pambazuka questions why "at a time when rock musicians and pop stars across the West can claim to have influence on the future of Africa," African NGOs have been silenced on the issues most pertinent to their existence. In order to deflect the risk of obsolescence, African NGOs must organize quickly to coordinate their own, independent meeting. NGOs and the OECD (June 2003)This article says that the OECD takes an interest in increasing its engagement with civil society. The article also describes the mechanisms within the OECD that NGOs can use for advocacy. (BOND)
NGOs increasingly work "in the field," providing humanitarian relief and development assistance in countries around the world. As they carry out their work, they face many serious problems. Governments or rebel groups deny them access to those in need, corrupt officials or warlords demand payoffs, and local violence threatens the safety and even the lives of field personnel. Donors also subject these NGOs to political pressure, diminishing their neutrality. Military forces increasingly distribute humanitarian assistance to civilians in countries they occupy, blurring the traditional military/humanitarian distinction and making civilian humanitarian workers targets for resistance fighters. In the 1990s, a problematic new doctrine of "humanitarian intervention" arose, giving a humanitarian rationale for armed conflict. Some NGOs have uncritically embraced this doctrine, which further erodes humanitarian neutrality and blurs the longtime distinction between humanitarian action and the anti–humanitarian nature of warfare and organized violence, as carried out by the most powerful states.Articles 2013 | 2012 | 2011 | 2010 | 2009 | 2008 | 2007 | 2006 | Archived Articles
2013
Giving Communities a Voice in Resilience (March 5, 2013)The way international aid agencies design disaster intervention programs is criticized for largely ignoring the most valuable source of expertise-affected rural communities. Since interventions are often ad-hoc and information dissemination to isolated communities is poor, communities are unable to plan for the long term. The Partners for Resilience coalition, however, works specifically with local stakeholders to create a set of minimal standards for disaster risk reduction, enabling them to forge relationships with meteorological agencies, interpret early warning signals and communicate needs with their local governments. Meanwhile, the “ACCRA” partnership works to strengthen knowledge dissemination on climate forecasts and related shocks like food prices and population growth to local communities. These NGOs act as a model for more needs-based adaptation programs and community empowerment in future adaptation efforts. (IRIN)
2012Mali: Negotiating Humanitarian Access in the North (May 1, 2012)Humanitarian aid agencies in northern Mali face a dilemma: should they negotiate with the rebel groups in power to deliver aid, or should they maintain independence and impartiality. Some US agencies like Catholic Relief Services operate only through local partners because they cannot negotiate with terrorist-affiliated groups. Cri du Coeur has decided to having armed escorts and allow National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) and Ansar Dine to supervise the aid distribution. Although impartiality is valuable for the long term operation in Mali, humanitarian aid agencies feel they are forced to compromise these principles in an effort to gain aid access. (IRIN) 2011Médecins sans Frontiéres Book Reveals Aid Agencies’ Ugly Compromises (November 20, 2011)A new book by Medecins Sans Frontieres reveals that aid agencies have sometimes negotiated and made deals with armed groups and governments accused of violating human rights in order to deliver aid. The book sheds light on the difficulties of working in a conflict zone and putting humanitarian aid before global politics. (Guardian) The Politics of Humanitarian Principle (October 28, 2011)This IRIN article examines the ethical dilemma NGOs working in conflict areas face when it is necessary for them to negotiate with armed forces in order to effectively deliver aid to vulnerable communities. While many NGOs claim to be “above politics,” several feel they must adapt to the political and economic situation on the ground and engage in dialogue with all parties involved. (IRIN) Aid Agencies Take a Stand Against Forced IDP Returns (October 27, 2011)A group of NGOs are urging the government of Cote D’Ivoire to reconsider a plan that would force more than 18,000 internally displaced people (IDP) back to their homes. The government plans to close centers for displaced persons, while NGOs fear residents will be left without shelter if they are not able to return to a safe and secure living situation. This article points to a growing trend where governments try to find cheap, short-term fixes to address ongoing systemic problems. (IRIN) Counter-Terrorism Laws Taking Their Toll on Humanitarian Action (October 17, 2011)As states increase their counterterrorism laws, NGOs working in Afghanistan, Somalia and the Gaza Strip fear prosecution and loss of funding. These counter terrorism laws penalize any interaction with groups that have been labelled as terrorist organizations, and NGOs fear these “overzealous” laws will deter relief groups from providing relevant aid to areas run by terrorist organizations, undermining the independence and neutrality of many legitimate NGO operations. (Guardian) US NGOs Still in the Dark over Terrorism Law in Somalia (October 5, 2011)Although the US is currently negotiating with al-Shabab to allow western food aid into famine-affected parts of Somalia, US NGOs are hesitant to take part in aid operations in al-Shabab controlled areas. Currently, al-Shabab is listed as a US Terrorist Organization and any US citizens contacting al-Shabab can be sentenced to fifteen years in jail. NGOs in the US are currently applying for exemption licenses, but are meanwhile unable to provide crucial assistance. US NGOs provide the majority amount of aid and humanitarian assistance to Somalia, and each bureaucratic delay prevents millions of famine-victims from getting the necessary assistance. (IRIN) Is Yemen on the Brink of Humanitarian Disaster? (October 5, 2011)Aid workers in Yemen are reporting that aid delivery is becoming increasingly difficult as Yemen verges on a humanitarian disaster. Due to political insecurity and coordination difficulties, donors are hesitant to provide aid money. Consequently, chronic problems, like malnutrition, have increasingly becoming “acute crises.” (Alternet) Development NGOs Face “Existential Challenge” (Aug 13, 2011)This IPS Terraviva article shows how the increased number of foreign funding restrictions and “philanthropic protectionism” laws are shrinking the “space” for NGO work. Whereas previously NGOs had the freedom to create large scale projects, such as Nobel Prize winner Muhammad Yunus’ Grameen Bank, NGOs today are unable to start new initiatives without facing severe government restrictions. This is particularly troubling as foreign funding has become increasingly hard to secure due to the global financial crisis. While it is important to regulate NGO actions, laws should not prevent humanitarian assistance from being delivered and should not be allowed to be used as a political mechanism to suppress opposition voices. (IPS Terraviva) Piracy Hampers Delivery of Aid to Somalia (August 11, 2011)Somali pirates are obstructing emergency aid delivery efforts to the Horn of Africa. Currently 80% to 90% of food aid arrives by sea, and aid organizations are being forced to deliver food by air at a much greater expense, or to ship food to ports that are further away. Though piracy has long been a problem, it is only one of a myriad of factors contributing to the famine. In considering long-term food security strategies, aid organizations must look at preventative measures for piracy, as well as at the larger ecological and geopolitical influences that have led to this hunger crisis. ( Guardian)
Aid Agencies Complain Lack of Funding to Battle Africa Famine (August 5, 2011)Though the Horn of Africa famine is one of the worst humanitarian disasters in over 60 years, aid organizations are lamenting the lack of aid being donated to address the crisis. While other international crises, like the Japanese Tsunami and the Haitian earthquake, immediately generated significantly larger amounts of aid donations, Caryl Stern, the CEO of the US Fund for UNICEF, states that because the famine is not a “sudden” crisis, but rather one that “slowly [got] worse,” there has been not been sustained media attention. As a result, Stern asserts people and governments have been less willing to donate the necessary amounts for such an ongoing crisis. (IPS Terraviva) A report released by Haiti Grassroot Watch examines why 800,000 people live in make-shift tents despite the highly publicized reconstruction efforts by the UN, the Haitian authorities and numerous foreign humanitarian agencies. The study asserts that reconstruction efforts are failing due to disagreement, rivalry and a lack of coordination between the different governmental bodies and aid organizations. Bureaucratic or structural issues should not prevent the timely delivery of humanitarian assistance. (IPS Service) Why Western Aid Workers are Coming under Threat (May 27, 2011)As more western aid workers become targets of attack, western aid organizations are increasing security measures and halting specific aid operations. This Guardian article asserts that these attacks are the result of a larger problem where western aid is seen as having political, rather than humanitarian, motivations. Unless western aid organizations acknowledge the ‘false’ neutrality of aid, these attacks are likely to continue or worse, increase. Aid Work Delayed by Barriers (May 10, 2011)Israeli operated checkpoints in the West Bank and Gaza are obstructing the delivery of humanitarian aid to Palestinian communities in need. Aid workers for national and international NGOs, and the UN, face long delays or denials at checkpoints. In addition to creating bottlenecks in the supply of aid, humanitarian organizations also face increased costs – at least $4.5 million annually – as a result of Israel’s extensive security measures, threatening the sustainability of aid operations. (IRIN)Lack of justice "entrenching impunity" in Darfur (April 18, 2011)Darfur is one of the most dangerous locations in the world for humanitarian work. The risks faced by aid workers have meant that humanitarian organizations have had to limit their operations to only essential activities. This article argues that a culture of impunity is, at least partly, responsible for creating this dangerous environment. At present, there is no credible threat of prosecution to deter kidnapping and violence against aid workers. The government of Sudan must institute more effective justice mechanisms in the region and remove immunity for officials. (IRIN)Aid Policy: Staff Security - "Bunkerization" Versus Acceptance (April 13, 2011) Aid workers operate in the most dangerous parts of the world and increasingly find themselves under attack. Aid policy must change to ensure that humanitarian assistance can still reach those in need. The UN Office for the Coordination for Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has responded by releasing a report called To Stay and Deliver: Good practice for humanitarians in complex security environments. The report recommends that aid workers should re-open channels of communication with parties to conflicts and local people, rather than isolating themselves in high-security compounds and armored vehicles – referred to as “bunkerization.” (IRIN)As civil society protests in the Middle East and North Africa continue, local media sources in Kosovo claim to have uncovered NGO plans to overturn that region's government. Early parliamentary elections were held in Kosovo in December 2010. The election was marred by claims of electoral fraud and mistakes in vote counting, which required partial re-polling. The release of a Council of Europe report, implicating Prime Minister Hashim Thaçi in organ trafficking, added further controversy. Large scale protests were to be held in March, but the plan ultimately appears to have collapsed after some NGOs withdrew, stating it was not in line with their missions. (Balkan Insight) The Militarization of Aid and its Perils (February 22, 2011) Humanitarian aid work has become increasingly dangerous in recent years. Aid workers are now often the target of attacks, rather than merely bystanders caught in the crossfire. This is a symptom of the militarization and politicization of aid, whereby assistance is used as a means to achieve non-humanitarian objectives. Pierre Krahenbuhl, director of operations for the International Committee of the Red Cross, says that humanitarian organizations have been complicit by working closely with military forces. Krahenbuhl argues organizations should be neutral and independent to ensure they can effectively carry out their operations. (International Committee of the Red Cross) Aid and Corruption: Cleaning Up (February 17, 2011) In January 2011, an Associated Press story detailed misappropriation of Global Fund to Fight AIDS monies. The story was based in part on an internal investigation by the Fund, the results of which were made public. In the weeks following the AP story there has been significant backlash against the Fund. Donors, including Germany, Spain, Sweden and the EU plan to freeze their contributions, and others may follow suit. The Fund is, by no means, the only international aid organization that must deal with corruption however. Punishing the Fund for its transparency is not an effective response. (Economist) Sudan Governor Expels French Aid Group from Darfur (February 14, 2011)Médecins du Monde, a French humanitarian NGO, has been expelled from Darfur and 12 of its workers have been arrested. Sudanese authorities accuse the group of undermining the government and providing support to rebels. Médecins du Monde was one of the last groups operating in a region of Darfur under rebel control. The crackdown demonstrates the difficulty faced by organizations giving humanitarian aid to people living under the control of anti-government forces. Governments often equate aid to direct support of these forces, putting NGO operations in jeopardy. (Reuters Africa)Fraud Plagues Global Health Fund (January 23, 2011) The Global Fund to Fight AIDS has been a key player in many countries struggling to combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis. Yet an investigation by the fund's inspector general, John Parsons, has uncovered significant misappropriation of grant monies by recipients. The organization will withhold grants in response to evidence of corruption - as it did with Papua New Guinea in 2010 - and will also seek the return of misappropriated funds. While anti-corruption measures are essential for effective distribution of aid, one must question how this strategy will affect people dependent on the Global Fund's assistance.(The Associated Press) Haiti has one of the world’s highest concentrations of NGOs. Yet the sheer volume of groups active in the country has not translated into effectiveness. This article attributes the inertia of NGOs to the disenfranchisement of the Haitian people. Haitians do not have a representative government and have had no input into the rebuilding efforts or the distribution of aid funds. Also, many NGOs are controlled by foreign funders and foreign governments - sources that may not favor Haitian democracy. (The Nation) Dangerous Aid in Afghanistan (January 12, 2011) The line between aid work, military operations and nation building is becoming increasingly blurred in Afghanistan, and other conflicts. Military forces often provide so called "humanitarian aid," while some NGOs adopt the agenda of one party to the conflict - compromising their independence. Those who suffer are the people these groups are, ostensibly, trying to help; accepting aid becomes a loaded decision, aligning them with one side in the war, and putting them at risk of retaliation. (Foreign Policy) As the world tensely awaits any fallout from the South Sudan referendum, a collaboration between NGOs, Google and the UN will utilize satellite technology to monitor developments in the region. Satellite technology has, until relatively recently, been only within the reach of states. However, with increasing numbers of private satellites, this technology is now being used by NGOs to monitor - and potentially deter - humanitarian crises. States will also face greater pressure to act, should evidence of pending violence emerge. (Radio Free Europe) The Palestinian Red Crescent has accused Israel of violating international humanitarian law by blocking the relief organization’s access to Palestinians in need of assistance. The accusations are based on 161 events in 2010. The Red Crescent claims that these violations were calculated by Israel to worsen the already terrible living conditions of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and West Bank. (AlertNet) 2010Save the Children Breaks with Soda Tax Effort (December 15, 2010) Save the Children is no longer campaigning for a tax on sugary drinks to combat childhood obesity. Carolyn Miles, chief operating officer, says that the issue is "too controversial" but the organization may have been influenced by grants from Coca-Cola and PepsiCo Foundation. NGOs are often affected by money which can take them away from their missions. It seems as though this is what happened at Save the Children. (New York Times) In this article, policy analyst David Rieff calls attention to the identification of humanitarian work with military action. This is an increasingly important issue in the conflict regions that are a part of the ongoing War on Terror where some NGOs are furthering US military counterinsurgency aims and the US military itself is engaged in a number of quick-impact development projects. The Obama administration has strengthened the linkage between aid work and national security, specifically in the case of Afghanistan and Pakistan, where development priorities closely follow the locations of greatest conflict and tension. (The New Republic) The increasing involvement of military forces on humanitarian aid and development not only blurs the lines between military and humanitarian aid, it also places the safety of NGO aid workers in jeopardy. NATO has actively participated in Afghan development and humanitarian aid through its "civilian-military provincial reconstruction teams" which consist of military staff, reconstruction experts and diplomats. Such efforts could be seen as a bid to foster friendly relations with the local community, and to benefit NATO's military strategy. This raises serious concerns among NGOs, such as French aid group Solidarités, who argue that humanitarian aid should be "independent, neutral and impartial." (PANOS London) 2010 is an important year for the Peacebuilding Commission - it marks half a decade since its inception, and it is also a year of extra scrutiny in the form of reviews by the General Assembly and Security Council. The Commission got off to a rocky start. Its initial engagements with Sierra Leone and Burundi were "fraught with challenges and confusion." While critics regard the body's functioning and achievements thus far as outcomes by accident - rather than design - many remain optimistic. (All Africa) 2009 Playing with Principles in an Era of Securitized Aid (2009)The Afghanistan "reconstruction" has brought military and private corporations more fully into the humanitarian sphere. This paper discusses "politicization and securitization of aid" in Afghanistan, which challenges NGO neutrality, legitimacy and independence. Further, it explores how Afghan NGOs have responded and adapted to various constraints. (Sage Publications) According to a French think tank, the local population in Chad has a growing hostility towards foreign humanitarian NGOs. Abéché in Chad is the region with one of the highest crime rates ever against aid agencies in 2009. The presence of the NGOs has put pressure on prices in housing and food, due to high spending of expat staff. But aid workers answer that increased security and employment in the area far outweigh these drawbacks. (IRIN) Mutual Accountability and Transparency in Development Cooperation (November 2009)ECOSOC urges NGOs to be accountable for their development assistance. The Council argues that an insufficient involvement of Southern governments, parliamentarians and civil society weakens the effectiveness of development cooperation programs. Humanitarian NGO's must be held accountable for the quality and volume of their assistance and they must work with program country governments in order to make aid more effective. (ECOSOC) Civil Society and Peacebuilding (2009)Though civil society plays an important supportive role in peacebuilding, it cannot replace political action. These are the results from a report by The Centre on Conflict, Development and Peacebuilding (CCDP) examining the role of civil society based on 13 case studies. The findings showed high effectiveness by civil society in activities during war such as protection, monitoring and advocacy. Whereas they showed low effectiveness in post-conflict activities such as socialization and conflict resolution between opposing groups. (Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies) Rising Threat to Aid Agencies in Afghanistan (September 18, 2009)Blurring of the civil-military line results in rising threat to aid agencies in Afghanistan. UN discussions on the creation of a Civil-Military Fusion Centre - an Afghan war "information and knowledge sharing" platform - further complicates the already ambiguous distinction between aid and combat. The use of the term "civil-military fusion" has already upsetted many in the NGO community, since it implies a connection between humanitarianism and the military. With impartiality at stake, and given the Taliban's growing contention that humanitarian workers represent "an arm of the war effort against them," NGOs are increasingly under the risk of attack in Afghanistan. (Truthout) Closing the Door on Aid (August 2009)Authoritarian governments and their legal restrictions create obstacles for the funding of NGOs in several different regions of the world. These restrictions prevent developing countries from receiving aid from foreign donors and impede their economic development. To change this development, donor states must seek to influence a change in the law policies of the aid-receiving countries. (The International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law) NGOs fear law will hobble their activities (August 26, 2009)Human rights activist fear that the Zambian Government is using a new NGO law to silence critics and weaken civil society. The law obliges NGOs to re-register every five years and submit information every year on their activities and funds. This may lead to a decrease in the small civil society organisations. Development experts claim that the law will have a negative impact on development work in Zambia. (irinnews) UNFPA Partners With Faith-Based Groups (August 13, 2009)UNFPA sees partnerships with faith-based groups in developing countries as important for the development work of the UN. Faith-based organisations provide 30 to 60 percent of the basic health care in developing countries, and in addition, they have a central position in communities. They can therefore provide UNFPA with valuable assistance in reducing maternal deaths and ending violence against women. (terraviva) Have NGOs Contributed to Development? (August 9, 2009)In Africa, the civil society sector tends to grow more rapidly in countries recovering from war. This was seen in Uganda after the country had suffered from a severe dictatorship in the 1970's. Due to lack of resources, the new government granted NGOs the permission to assist them in rebuilding the country. Since then the role of NGOs in development has increased tremendously. However, there is still a need for better cooperation between civil society and the authorities in Africa, to improve the work of both sectors in development assistance. (Allafrica) The number of killings, kidnappings and serious injuries against humanitarian aid workers has risen sharply since 2006. In fact, more humanitarian aid workers than UN peacekeeping soldiers were killed in 2008. Attackers target international staff and increasingly employ tactics such as kidnappings, which suggest that the attackers have political motives. Many aid organizations try to demonstrate their neutrality by distancing themselves from Western political actors. This approach does not work because aid organizations are viewed as a part of the Western agenda, not merely as cooperating with Western political forces. (Center on International Cooperation and Overseas Development Institute) 2008NGOs and the Victim Industry (November 2008)This article in Le Monde diplomatique questions the legitimacy of some international NGOs and claims that poor countries perceive their interventions as "political interference" based on western interests. The author argues that NGOs weaken their neutrality by working side-by-side with governments, the military and international peacekeeping forces in conflict zones. In Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, for example, armed groups have kidnapped and killed humanitarian aid workers from international NGOs. NGOs Withering Under Foreign Currency Shortages (April 24, 2008)NGOs in Zimbabwe face collapse because they cannot withdraw funds from the Zimbabwe Reserve Bank (ZRB), where the government requires they hold all currency. Many NGO staff have not received wages since 2007 and healthcare charities cannot buy antiretroviral drugs for HIV/AIDS relief. Some fear that if the government-controlled ZRB continues to "financially throttle" NGOs, they will close en masse by the second half of 2008 amidst a humanitarian disaster. (Plus News) ANSO Quarterly Data Report (Q.1 – 2008) (April 2008)NGOs in Afghanistan have experienced more frequent and fatal attacks by Armed Opposition Groups (AOGs) than in previous years. Abduction and murder by AOG-contracted criminals remains the primary threat to NGO workers, with 12 people kidnapped in the first quarter of 2008. This report argues that attacks have increased because armed groups have lost respect for NGO political neutrality. As the conflict has escalated, Coalition Forces have increased their reach and made insurgents distrustful of any foreign presence in Afghanistan. (Afghanistan NGO Safety Office) Is NGO Aid not so Different after all? (March 2008) Experts often assume that NGOs provide aid better targeted to developing countries because they are less influenced by commercial and political self-interest. A comparison of Swiss NGO aid and official aid shows that it depends on the source of NGO funding and the targets of the official aid. The study illustrates that NGOs may choose to follow official aid strategies to get easier access to public funds. (Kiel Institute for the World Economy) 2007Afghanistan: NGOs Question New Government Directive on Armed Escorts (August 2, 2007)This Integrated Regional Information Networks article argues that "humanitarian space" is "diminishing" in Afghanistan, as foreign aid workers face increasing danger. The Afghani Ministry of Interior now demands that armed escorts accompany NGO personnel outside of Kabul, but NGOs fear that the security measures will make them a "legitimate target" for insurgent groups who will associate them with the government. Darfur Advocacy Group Undergoes a Shake-Up (June 2, 2007)Save Darfur, the most prominent advocacy group speaking out on the conflict in Sudan, has aggravated many aid groups working in the region. Aid workers suggest that Save Darfur's conspicuous ad campaigns, which often call for intervention, occasionally bend the truth and make negotiation with Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir more difficult. Save Darfur is beginning to respond to these criticisms by reorganizing and changing their tactics. (New York Times) Delivery of Aid Still a Problem Four Years after US Invasion (March 21, 2007)After four years of US occupation, the vulnerable groups in Iraq still do not have access to humanitarian assistance due to the fragile security situation and the killing of aid workers, which has caused many NGOs to flee the country. According to the NGO Coordinating Committee in Iraq (NCCI), the number of aid workers killed since 2003 has reached 83 – the highest in any single country worldwide. Iraq's humanitarian emergency has reached a crisis level, but the international relief system has not been able to respond accordingly. (Integrated Regional Information Network) Iraq: Fighters Fill Humanitarian Vacuum (February 14, 2007)In the face of continued violence and the rapidly deteriorating security situation in Iraq, many international aid agencies scaled down – or even abandoned – their operations in the country, leaving militias and insurgents to provide humanitarian assistance to civilians. However, due to deep sectarian divisions in Iraq, armed groups only offer aid to their supporters. The catastrophe in Iraq illustrates the need to ensure the neutrality of humanitarian action. (Integrated Regional Information Networks) Impact Measurement and Accountability in Emergencies: The "Good Enough" Guide (February 9, 2007)Drawing from the experiences of a number of international aid agencies, this guide outlines how NGOs can assess the effectiveness of their responses to humanitarian crises. This report emphasizes the need for an assessment system to enable the people affected by emergencies – as well as donors and host governments – to hold relief workers to account for their activities. Further, with evaluations that more accurately reflect the impact of their work, NGOs can improve existing field operations and better prepare for future unforeseen disasters. (Oxfam UK) Increasing Risks to Aid Workers? Part II (January 11, 2007)This Globalist piece outlines the second part of a joint study by the Center on International Cooperation and the Humanitarian Policy Group on the safety of aid workers. The study disputes the notion that local humanitarian workers in violent settings face lower risk than international staff "because they are of the place." According to the research results, national aid workers constitute 80 percent of victims of violence in the world's major trouble spots. The author calls on NGOs to adopt equitable security policies that assure the safety of all their personnel – local and foreign. Increasing Risks to Aid Workers? Part I (January 10, 2007)This Globalist article summarizes the findings of a two-part study which contests the widespread public perception that violence increasingly disrupts the operations of NGOs in crisis zones. While recognizing the perils of aid work, the report argues in favor of "a far less dramatic" rise in the number of attacks relative to the number of relief workers. Furthermore, the report finds a 77 percent growth in the world's number of humanitarian personnel between 1997 and 2005.
2006Iraqi Red Crescent: US Is Biggest Humanitarian Threat (December 16, 2006)Dr. Jamal al- Karbouli vice president of the Iraqi Red Crescent has said that harassment from the US-led military poses a greater problem to its relief operations than attacks by Iraqi insurgents. Dr. al Karbouli further stated that Red Crescent offices had been "repeatedly attacked" by US-led forces. The Geneva Conventions on warfare – that protect the Red Crescent as an international humanitarian organization – prohibit such acts and consider them illegal. (Associated Press) Humanitarian Work is the Task of Aid Workers, Not Soldiers, Security Council Team Told (November 16, 2006)Alarmed at how military forces increasingly encroach upon their working space, local NGOs in Afghanistan have called for "a clear line between [NATO] soldiers and aid workers." Critics argue that military involvement often impedes, rather than complements, the work of aid agencies. The army's use of aid as a tool to generate negativity towards insurgents actually increases the security risks of aid workers and ultimately harms those who need help the most. (Integrated Regional Information Networks) International Aid Work a Deadly Profession (November 10, 2006)While trying to help those recovering from dire humanitarian disasters, aid workers often encounter potentially life-threatening situations involving physical attacks, kidnappings or harassment. Furthermore, in some cases, local governments aggravate these security risks by restricting NGOs' access to the civilians needing assistance or by denying the workers their rights to protection, as stipulated by international conventions. This Inter Press Service piece highlights some of the safety challenges facing humanitarian personnel in the field. Aid Train Runs Off The Rails (September 25, 2006)After the December 2004 Asian tsunami, NGOs, private donors and aid agencies responded promptly to the ensuing humanitarian crisis by providing food, health supplies and financial assistance as well as rebuilding homes. Yet nearly two years later, poor planning and "simple incompetence" have undermined relief and reconstruction efforts, reports this Associated Press article. Learning from this failure, NGOs should increase coordination amongst each other and with local governments to avoid delivering low-quality aid or engaging in projects that exceed their capacity. Aid Workers Threatened by Sectarian Violence (August 16, 2006)As international aid agencies increasingly withdrew their staff from Iraq for security reasons, local NGOs assumed a greater role in helping sick, displaced and hungry Iraqis. But now these local humanitarian groups "also have become victims" of sectarian violence, with volunteers under personal threat. The dire situation highlights the need for greater security so that Iraqi NGOs can deliver aid to those who need it most. (Integrated Regional Information Networks) Turf Wars "Mar Disaster Effort" (August 14, 2006)Medical relief groups such as Medecins Sans Frontieres seek to provide immediate health aid in emergency situations, whereas development agencies, NGOs and governments aim to develop long-term, sustainable healthcare systems. Health Action Network, a group of leading medical charities, has called for integration of these conflicting goals as well as better communication among health development groups. While their priorities may differ, relief providers and development agencies "meet the need of reducing poverty and suffering." (BBC) Global Aid Workers Walking a Tightrope (August 9, 2006)AlertNet examines the killing of 17 NGO humanitarian workers in Sri Lanka in light of the larger process of aid politicization. With governments increasingly moving into the humanitarian sphere, NGOs constantly have to "negotiate simply to have the space in which to operate." In Sri Lanka, foreign donors have favored working through NGOs rather than directly with the government, giving rise to the anti-NGO sentiment. The massacre of the Action Against Hunger workers illustrates the difficulties of balancing humanitarian work with local politics. Role of NGOs in Conflict Prevention Crucial (May 2, 2006)This Kenya Times opinion piece discusses the important role of NGOs in defusing conflicts, addressing human rights violations and post conflict reconstruction. The author reports that NGOs have developed monitoring skills and opened dialogue between adversarial parties. Many NGOs have field operations and local contacts that give groups access to information not available to governments. But the author warns that NGOs must not "institutionalize these ties" with national policy makers. Darfur: Humanitarian Aid Under Seige (May 2006)This extensive Human Rights Watch report details how the Sudanese government and rebel groups have prevented humanitarian aid organizations from reaching hundreds of thousands of civilians in Darfur. Workers have faced harassment, arbitrary detentions, intimidation by officials, administrative regulations and armed attacks. In late 2005 an increase of armed clashes and criminal activity also caused organizations to evacuate many locations. Although special procedures for aid work were introduced in 2004 in Darfur, the Sudanese government has since rolled back these gains. Fighting "NGOism" (January 13, 2006)NGOs and aid workers in Afghanistan have unfairly found themselves a target of anti-NGO political rhetoric. Misconceptions concerning donor money and equating NGOs with the slow reconstruction process has fuelled these opinions. Furthermore, targeted attacks on NGOs have resulted in workers leading an "insulated" life, preventing integration with the local population and hence causing anti-foreigner attitudes. ( Hindu Business Line) Reports Humanitarianism Sacrificed: Integration's False Promise (Fall 2004)Recent efforts to integrate humanitarian aid with conflict resolution goals such as peace, justice, development and political representation compromise the ideals of humanitarian aid, says Carnegie Council's Ethics and International Affairs. In Afghanistan and Iraq, the US military's political motivations have increased targeted attacks on aid workers and caused several agencies to leave these conflict zones completely. This article believes humanitarian aid must be unconditional and impartial, as it is "ethically untenable" to put unknown future benefits before saving lives. Building Peace from the Ground Up: A Call to the UN for Stronger Collaboration with Civil Society (August 2002)This report examines peace-building efforts throughout the world, highlighting the unique role civil society organizations can play in achieving peace. It also provides recommendations to the UN on improving collaboration with civil society groups at UN Headquarters and in the field. (Conflict Transformation Working Group) The New Humanitarianisms: A Review of Trends in Global Humanitarian Action (April 2002)This comprehensive report by the Overseas Development Institute covers a wide range of humanitarian aid issues, including financing of aid, trends in EU and US aid policy as well as topics within the UN humanitarian system. Regarding "The Responsibility to Protect" (February 15, 2002)On launching of the report "The Responsibility to Protect," Médecins Sans Frontières Delegate to the UN Catherine Dumait-Harper draws attention to the increasingly "blurring lines" of humanitarian and military interventions. While the report is important in addressing this confusion, concerns about the protection of populations are still "less important than other concerns like 'national interest.'" And, unless the international community shows political interest to respect and carry "human protection interventions," these concerns will remain unaddressed.
Some NGOs are highly problematic in their conduct, funding, connection to governments, program mission and methods of work. Reverend Moon front groups, weapons promoters and corporate lobby associations are among the UN's most dubious NGO participants. Some of these NGOs already have accreditation, and several more continue to push for access to and participation in the UN. The discrepancies between NGOs cause UN officials to be more critical of all outside organizations and raise questions on the process of NGO participation and status at the UN. Key Documents Rev. Moon and the United Nations: A Challenge for the NGO Community (November 2001)According to WEED, three Moon front groups operate as accredited NGOs at the UN and more have applied for NGO status. This paper raises questions about who should qualify for NGO status and what protections should be developed against well-financed charlatans. ArticlesConservatives Step Up Activities Overseas (January 14, 2006)The influence of US-based conservative NGOs' has increased dramatically, this Associated Press article reports. US groups are attempting to influence UN conferences and persuade Washington to implement foreign aid restrictions. The groups are trying to block aid to UN funds, agencies or groups that allegedly support abortion. Progressive activists have criticized the US-based groups, claiming their influence results from political ties rather than expertise. The Rev. Moon's Last Stand? (June 2, 2004)Controversial religious leader Sun Myung Moon revived his interest in the UN after a period of silence. After futile efforts to encourage the UN to form a "religious assembly," Moon organized the Inaugural Assembly of the Interreligious International Peace Council, a "body on the level of a new United Nations." Calling for a faith-based approach to world peace the assembly attracted influential political figures and triggered the Bush administration's interest. (WorkingForChange) For Faith and Family: Christian Right Advocacy at the United Nations (Fall 2002)A new era of collaboration across faith organizations begins as the conservative wings of religious groups define a common agenda on the death penalty and abortion.(Public Eye) "New Sheriff in Town": The Christian Right Shapes US Agenda at the United Nations (Summer 2002) With blessings from the Bush Administration, the Christian Right has begun to aggressively manipulate the UN agenda. Author Jennifer Butler shows how in recent years, many "pro-family" NGOs have managed to attain consultative status at the UN, allowing them to lobby against "women's rights, abortion, homosexuality, and children's rights." (The Public Eye) The Religious Right at the Beijing+5 PrepCom (updated June, 2000)Analysis by Jennifer Butler of "pro-family" religious groups and how they tried to influence negotiations leading to the five year review of the Beijing Women's Conference. Right-Wing Anti-Feminist Groups at the United Nations (May 2000)This research report prepared by Anick Druelle of the Université du Québec à Montréal, is part of a larger research project designed to analyse the discourse and strategies of a number of national governments and groups that claim religion as their authority when they address the rights of women at the United Nations.
Given the diverse nature and large number of NGOs, relations between NGOs and the UN have at times been stormy. NGOs face a constant battle to be heard at the UN, and often must compete with businesses and other private sector organizations toward which the UN is increasingly friendly. While some NGOs enjoy excellent access to meetings and good relations with UN officials and delegations, governments sometimes react negatively to NGO advocacy and seek to restrict NGO opportunities. This section analyzes NGO relations with the UN in terms of role, contributions and the substance of participation. Reports | Articles Reports Response to Advisors' Report to the President of the 60th General Assembly on the Relationship between Member States and NGOs (September 1, 2006)In this statement, a group of NGOs, including Global Policy Forum, responds to the recommendations of Ambassadors Johan Lovald of Norway and Rezlan Jenie of Indonesia for boosting NGO participation at the General Assembly (GA). The text reflects on past NGO contributions to the work of the UN, reiterates calls for regular status with the GA and also conveys reservations about the use of the Cardoso report as a "basis for policy." The NGOs request a formal and open process, instead of just hearings, to foster sustained dialogue between Member States and NGOs. Paper on NGO Participation at the United Nations (March 28, 2006)A group of NGOs, including Global Policy Forum, has submitted a letter to the General Assembly President calling for improved NGO access and participation at the UN. The list of ten recommendations includes access to the new Human Rights Council, Peacebuilding Commission and the General Assembly, as well as better support for NGLS and the appointment of a high-level person on NGO affairs in the Executive Office of the Secretary General. "The United Nations must strengthen and deepen its relations with NGOs in order to create a stronger, more effective and more legitimate organization." UN System Engagement with NGOs, Civil Society, the Private Sector and Other Actors (October 2005)This document illustrates how NGOs participate and work together with United Nations Offices, Agencies, Programmes, Funds, and Specialized Agencies as well as UN Treaty Bodies. It also provides information on how NGOs can get involved in the work of the UN at different levels. (UN Non-Governmental Liaison Service) "NGOs and the United Nations" by Global Policy Forum (June 17, 1999)A comprehensive and critical report that reviews recent progress and problems of NGOs at the UN. Prepared as input to the second report of the Secretary General. Includes comments on GPF's report.
Articles 2013 | 2012 | 2011 | 2010 | 2009 | 2008 2013 Civil Society Wants Bigger Role in Green Climate Fund Planning (March 12, 2013)Civil society groups are bothered by their limited level of access and participation during discussions concerning the Green Climate Fund (GCF). Created in 2010 under the UNFCCC framework, the GCF has received pledges of $30 billion from developed countries that will be used for aiding developing countries in their adaptation and mitigation efforts against climate change. However, just $7 billion have been contributed to date, partly because of the current economic situation, and discussions are now centered on the potential role of the private sector in donor contributions. Several fear that limiting the role of civil society groups in discussions surrounding matters with a large impact on communities will significantly impact the success of the GCF. Janet Redman from the Institute for Policy Studies suggests that when considering private sector financing it is important to source from local companies that will help build the economy rather than multinationals looking to profit from vulnerable populations. However, the difficulty in channeling private financing to those most in need is a strong case for public funding for the GCF. (IPS) Give Grassroot Groups a Real Say on What Comes Next in Development (February 22, 2013)The upcoming Sustainability Development Goals due to replace the MDGs in 2015 are expected to have a “people-centered agenda”. However, civil society organizations (CSOs) have little voice in international decision-making, nor are there any mechanisms created to change that process for the SDGs. Moreover, grassroots CSOs in the global south in particular are often unable to participate, unlike larger northern NGOs that are well connected, have better funding and are ideally situated to lobby at international conferences. As a result, addressing root causes of poverty, inequality and environmental destruction, predominantly seen in the global south, are unlikely to have the desired impact without the input of local CSOs, which have a real understanding of these issues. For the SDGs to achieve greater success there is a need to enhance CSO involvement as stakeholders rather than background voices. (Guardian) 2012
The Growing Role of NGOs at the UN (January 26, 2012)
This article discusses NGO involvement at the UN. The optimistic tone is unwarranted however, as the author misses’ key areas where NGOs are excluded or their influence minimized. NGO’s have been most intensively involved in social and environmental issues, although their role in actual policy formulation is often less than they would like to believe. In addition, the UN is slowly constricting the operational space NGOs work within and obstructing effective advocacy. (FoR) 2011 The Role of NGOs in Global Governance (September 27, 2011)This World Politics Review report analyzes the growing importance of NGOs in global politics, particularly their ability to mediate between international institutions and individuals. While some NGOs enjoy excellent access to meetings and have good relations with UN officials and delegations, governments sometimes react negatively to NGO advocacy and seek to restrict NGO opportunities. 2010 Summary of Hearings with Civil Society (July 12, 2010)The President of the UN General Assembly issued a summary of hearings held on June 14-15 with civil society organizations as input into the upcoming High-Level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals. Civil society leaders raised many questions about the MDGs and urged UN member states to produce a strong document. They said that civil society organizations should have strong participation in accountability and oversight to achieve the MDGs. (NGLS) Review: "The United Nations and Civil Society"
Nora McKeon's book titled 'The United Nations and Civil Society: Legitimating Global Governance - Whose Voice?' analyzes the interaction between civil society organizations (CSOs) and the UN over the past two decades. Much of the focus is devoted to food and agricultural issues and McKeon examines the World Food Summits of 1996 and 2002 to identify a growing trend of "partnership culture" between the FAO and CSOs. Although she calls attention to the obstacles faced by CSOs, she does believe that the UN can serve as a forum for meaningful CSO engagement.(Foreign Policy in Focus) 2009
The UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy includes a role for civil society in UN counterterrorism in Afghanistan. The co-director of the Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation, Alistair Miller, believes that the UN's cooperation with civil society in Afghanistan has increased on matters of education and human rights, but is still underdeveloped on security-related issues. He explains that this is due to member states' reluctance to share military and law enforcement responsibilities with non-state actors. (UNAUSA) UN Experience with Small Farmer Organizations and Indigenous People (October 2009) The UN has neglected to build strong relationships with civil society at the country and regional level, particularly with small farmers, indigenous people and rural women. These groups represent the people living in poverty who are most affected by UN policies. Therefore, the UN needs these groups to address climate change, food security and hunger. Some argue that the UN has the responsibility to ensure that the voices of people’s movements are heard. (NGLS) Review of the Engagement of NGOs with the Humanitarian Reform Process (October 2009)NGOs argue that the issue of global humanitarian reform is underrepresented in UN reform talks. In this report, a group of NGOs analyses the humanitarian work in five developing countries. Based on these findings, they provide recommendations for future reform. Areas that need improvement are funding, coordination, leadership and partnership. NGOs criticize the UN for appointing people in humanitarian crises who do not understand the importance of strong partnerships with NGOs.(International Council of Voluntary Agencies) Second Thoughts About NGOs as Representing Civil Society (2009)Large international organizations such as the UN ask for NGO's mandate before granting them representation and influence. Due to NGOs' fierce competition for visibility, influence and clients, Professor Hans Holmen and Magnus Jirström argue that NGOs often do not give a voice to the poor. According to Holmen and Jirström, the UN should adopt a stricter attitude towards NGOs and their mandates to build a more representative and strong civil society. (Journal of Asian and African Studies)
2008
Ahead of the Curve (April 22, 2008)This article claims that the growing importance of transnational actors, such as NGOs and businesses, threatens to undermine the founding UN principle of "division of nation-states." The author advises the UN to cooperate more closely with these organizations, in order maintain its moral and intellectual leadership. Otherwise, new actors, including governments, companies or NGOs may step in to fill the role the UN currently holds. (Harvard Political Review) Three Generations of UN-Civil Society Relations: A Quick Sketch (April 2004)Since its creation in 1945, the UN has shifted from an inter-governmental organization, to one that joins governments, the corporate sector and civil society. Three generations of UN-Civil Society relations have emerged as a component of this process, amplifying decision-making possibilities for the next generation. (United Nations Non-Governmental Liaison Service) Geneva Hosts Revolutionary Summit (December 5, 2003)The UN permits NGO participation at the World Summit on the Information Society. Yet NGO involvement is on a consultative basis and many criticize the insufficient role of NGOs in the UN initiative. (Swissinfo) UN System and Civil Society - an Inventory and Analysis of Practices (May 2003)This Background Paper looks at the history of civil society's engagement with the UN, exploring the ways in which the High Level Panel on UN-Civil Society can improve UN-civil society relations. Watchdog Organization Struggles to Decrease UN Bureaucracy (October 29, 2002) The Digital Freedom Network looks at how UN bureaucracy makes it difficult for NGOs to work with the UN. Dr. Tan of the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS), a watchdog organization of the UN, claims that the UN is aware of the plight of NGOs and plans to tackle these problems. UN Civil Society Outreach Symposium (June 1, 2001)This paper emphasizes the need to allow greater NGO participation in UN policy development. It addresses issues such as extending NGO consultative status to the General Assembly and increasing the ability of Southern NGOs operating at a grass-roots level to be heard at the UN. (Stanley Foundation) Creating Global Governance: The Role of NGOs in the UN (2000)Using the Millennium Forum of May 2000 as a background, this study finds that difficulties arise as increasing numbers of NGOs participate in UN discussions. The author asserts the urgent need for coalition building if NGOs want to translate their grassroots achievements to the global level. (UNA Finland) The United Nations and Civil Society: The Role of NGOs (February 19-21, 1999)This conference paper reports participants' discussion on ways to work towards a "sustainable partnership" between the UN and NGOs. The paper also presents the main proposals in regards to NGO accreditation procedures and other NGO access issues. (Stanley Foundation) Another Role for an NGO: Financing a WHO Program (January 1997)The financial contribution of the Rotary Club to a WHO Program highlights another side of the relationship between Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs) and NGOs. (Transnational Associations) NGOs and the UN System Since the Rio Summit (1997) The Rio Summit is often seen as a turning point in the relations between NGOs and the UN. While important improvements have occurred, as described in this paper, NGOs remain marginal actors in important decisions. (NGLS) Relationships Between International NGOs and the UN: A Research and Policy Paper (1995)This paper, written in 1995, provides an interesting perspective on the earlier optimism surrounding the potential for expanded NGO role and participation in the UN System. A Selection of Speeches about the role of NGOs at the UN.
NGOs rely on money from a variety of sources, including individual donors, foundations, corporations, and governments. Often what an NGO can and cannot do is tied to where the money comes from, dramatically affecting the effectiveness and neutrality of NGOs. While some NGOs, like GPF, refuse to accept government or corporate funding to stay independent in their decision making, many NGOs need depend on these funding sources in order to operate. Funding Issues have become particularly challenging, following the economic crisis. This section examines how NGOs are funded, and how funding sources affect NGO operations. Articles2012 | 2011| 2010 | 2009 | 2008 | 2007 | 2006 | 2005 | Archived Articles
2012Hired Gun Fight (July 18, 2011)Rajiv Shah, the administrator of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), is fighting to channel US foreign aid through local institutions rather than American for-profit contractors, in order to increase accountability and aid effectiveness. The Coalition of International Development Companies, an advocacy coalition of 50 government contractors, have objected to the procurement reform stressing the threat of waste and corruption by foreign governments and other institutions. Shah’s aggressive push for paradigm shift is stirring the development world to rethink accountability. (Foreign Policy) 2011Foreign Funding Critical for NGO Survival (October 18, 2011)Nottingham University’s Centre for Research in Economic Development and International Trade released a study looking at the impact of foreign funding on NGOs, specifically why some NGOs survive, why NGOs attract foreign donors, and how many NGOs funded by foreign donors legitimately provide aid and how many are set up as “shell companies. ” The study examined NGOs in Uganda, where the numbers rose from 3,500 to 7,000 between 2002 to 2008. The study found that whether or not an NGO received foreign funding or grants was the biggest factor for its survival, rather than the effectiveness. Moreover, the study found that allocation for foreign funding is neither fair nor effective, and is generally awarded based on habit rather than merit. (IRIN) Horn of Africa Aid Must Also Build Long-Term Resilience (July 27, 2011)This IRIN article asserts that the Horn of Africa famine “symbolizes a failure to act in time,” because the famine could have been prevented had humanitarian aid been applied effectively. The author argues that investing in preventative measures is more effective than responding after a crisis has begun. Preemptive aid is especially necessary as the cost and frequency of disasters have increased significantly, and many countries can no longer afford to repeatedly pay for short-term disaster relief. As the famine continues, it is important that countries and various aid organizations refine long-term disaster prevention techniques in order to prevent future crises. Record Donor Aid, Record Costs (July 20, 2011)Development Initiatives, an aid watchdog organization, released a report analyzing the relationship between aid donations and aid costs. In 2010, countries donated a record number of monetary aid, but the report recommends that countries invest in long term disaster prevention. Otherwise, given that the cost and frequency of disasters has increased significantly, countries risk paying repeatedly for short-term disaster relief. Moreover, the report argues that NGO aid reporting needs to be “standardized” in order to see who is donating aid money and where it is going. Several countries, particularly the US, spend significant amounts of money in military aid, yet the money is rarely reported. Watching Aid Fall Short (May 20, 2011)In 2010, the European Union fell short of its development aid targets by 15 billion euros. A study by the Concord coalition of advocacy organizations predicts that the situation is likely to get worse rather than improve in the coming years, due in part to state practices that inflate aid budgets and the economic crises faced by Greece, Ireland and Portugal. An ongoing shortfall in aid threatens the sustainability of NGO activities and may mean development targets are not met. ( IPS) President Housing Project Competes with NGO's for Funds (April 6, 2011)Botswana is a middle-income country, and one of the most stable in Africa. Nonetheless, it confronts serious social and economic issues – including a very high rate of HIV/AIDs. The relative stability of Botswana has meant international aid has shifted to countries with more acute problems. Government and NGOs are now in competition for limited local private sector funds. The private sector has favored government programs, which has led NGOs to form alliances to pursue funds. (The Botswana Gazette) The NGO community in Sri Lanka is being assailed by the government, which purportedly sees these organizations as its opposition in governance. The state is particularly concerned about funding of local NGOs by foreign governments. These NGOs are viewed as the tools by which foreign powers are able to influence internal political affairs. The obscured influence of foreign governments through NGOs is a legitimate concern. However, this should not be used as an excuse for suppression of valid critics and opposition movements. (IPS) Money can Taint NGO's Clean Image (Febraury 10, 2011)The Seub Nakhasatien Foundation, a prominent Thai environmental NGO, has accepted 25.89 million baht - approx 851,000 USD - from the energy company Petroleum Authority of Thailand (PTT). In the 1990s, the Foundation campaigned against a gas pipeline built by PTT through the Huay Kayeng forest reserve. By accepting sponsorship from PTT, the Foundation exposes itself to the firm's influence. Regardless of whether PTT exercises actual influence over the Foundation's environmental agenda, the appearance that it does is enough to damage the NGO's credibility. (Bangkok Post) NGO Hopes to Benefit from Failure (January 17, 2011)In the competitive world of NGO fundraising, conventional wisdom holds that disclosing your failures is not a smart move, as "donors demand results and punish failure". Yet Engineers Without Borders is doing just that, setting up a website to document mistakes it, and other NGOs, have made in projects. The website is meant to help NGOs learn from their failures. It also sets these NGOs apart from other groups, potentially a clever tactic to attract the allusive donor dollar. (The Guardian) Many Charities May Be In Breach of New Equality Law (April 21, 2010)In the UK, many charities and NGOs may find themselves in breach of the law when the new Equality Act comes into operation in October. The new legislation - which consolidates and replaces the Race Relations Act, the Sex Discrimination Act and the Disability Discrimination Act - will impose higher legal thresholds on organizations which rely on "charitable instrument exemptions" to "positively discriminate" by providing benefits and services only to specific members of the public. This could also lead to a drop in funding for those are unable to fulfill the wishes of donors who insist on the specific use of their gifts. (Civil Society Media) Fast Developing India is Putting NGOs Out of Business (January 9, 2010) International funding agencies and foreign governments are hesitant to fund Indian NGOs. Due to positive economic projections, many no longer recognize India as a "poor nation" and have removed it from their list of countries that require funding. Decreased government spending on NGOs due to the global financial crisis further complicates the situation. (Mumbai Mirror) 2009USAID Rejects NGO Concerns over Aid Militarization (December 2, 2009)Humanitarian NGOs have turned down aid from the US because it requires cooperation with the military. USAID argues that military- NGO cooperation is needed when aid workers operate in insecure areas, but the organizations fear that the presence of military will jeopardize their relations with the local communities. According to the head of the UN humanitarian office in Afghanistan, aid should purely be based on the needs of the civilians. If aid has any other motive, the natural reaction of the community will be hostility towards the NGOs. (Irinnews) Donor Caution Alarms Aid Workers (November 6, 2009)Governments, notably the US, are hesitant to support humanitarian NGOs in Somalia. Due to the security situation, they are concerned that their funds or supplies might reach armed forces or insurgent groups. The NGOs disagree with these concerns, arguing that even in dangerous areas, strong relations with local partners ensure an appropriate delivery process. (Irin News) Global: Less Money for More Work - the NGO Double Whammy (April 21, 2009)Foundations saw their assets decline by almost 22 percent in 2008, which will mean a substantial drop in their funding to NGOs. Individual donors are also cutting their contributions. The decreased resources is forcing NGOs to reduce programmes and staff, but many NGOs are also trying to find and attract new sources of funding. Some NGOs ask corporations for support and the NGOs that accept and rely on government funding currently have more secure funds, but at what costs? If major NGOs let governments and corporations dominate their funding, the sector could face problems of independence and credibility more serious even than financial problems. (Integrated Regional Information Networks) Global: Individuals Give NGOs More Funds Than Donors (March 13, 2009)The think-tank Development Initiatives found that 51 percent of humanitarian funding for NGOs comes from private sources. With private funds NGOs can respond within hours or days to emergencies. In contrast, it takes most Development Assistance Committee (DAC) donors six weeks to disburse funds. However, in the wake of the economic crisis, many private contributors are reducing their donations. This volatility in funding could affect 19 of the largest humanitarian non-profit networks that together spend 60 percent of global humanitarian funding. (Integrated Regional Information Networks) Is the Economic Mess Going to Kill 100, 000 Non-Profits? (March 13, 2009)A professor from New York University has predicted that 100, 000 US non-profits will go under in the coming two years due to the economic crisis. Along these lines, the author Eyal Press provides concrete examples of how non-profits in the US see funding sources disappear. Has there been a non-profit bubble? If so, the best case scenario would be more careful spending by all actors in society leading to a reduction in the number of illegitimate non-profits and more effective work by those that survive the crisis. In the worst case, important humanitarian work would be lost, which would directly affect the most vulnerable in society. (AlterNet) 2008 Why Fundraising May Flourish While Business Flounders (December 15, 2008)Fundraising for charities and NGOs continues to do well despite economic downturns, but donation from individuals increase in a slower pace. This article argues that fundraisers are used to proving impact and "telling compelling stories" since they aspire to build a long term relationship with individual donors. Surveys also show that individuals have more trust in charity organisations than in businesses and governments.(Canadian Fundraiser) Foundations Stand by Aid Commitments – So Far (December 2, 2008)In spite of the current global economic crisis, foundations are committed to maintaining stable aid funding levels and will have to "dig deeper into their endowments." Many foundations have handled the crisis by diversifying their investments, but if the crisis turns into a long term downturn, they will have to make cuts and will not be able to develop new programs. (Integrated Regional Information Networks) Mixed Picture on Private Donations as Financial Crisis Bites (November 28, 2008)This article argues that the effects of the global financial crisis are variable and that it is still too early to foresee the long term impact. Many NGOs report that the number of donations have not dropped compared to previous years, but that people donate smaller amounts. Other NGOs state that the growth is smaller than what they had originally expected, but that they are not facing an overall decrease in funding. (Integrated Regional Information Networks) From Intelligent Funder to Intelligent Recipient: Civil Society Intermediary Role in Delivering Change (November 21, 2008)This article draws on experiences in post-communist countries in Eastern Europe, where international donors financially supported any NGOs that claimed to strengthen democracy and foster liberalization. The author highlights the absence of clear and realistic goals for both funders and local NGOs and argues they need to establish comprehensible indicators of what they wish to achieve. Further, international donors should allocate more funding to improve the capacity of local NGOs to carry out fundraising and strategic planning. (CIVICUS) Tight Belts, Tough Choices for Charities (November 13, 2008)The global financial crisis affects the income of humanitarian NGOs who now deal with decreased funding by trying to make their operations more efficient. For many NGOs, reducing their current programs and cutting back on humanitarian relief is a measure of last resort. (Integrated Regional Information Networks) NGOs Pare Down in Face of Financial Crisis (October 27, 2008)Many donors, especially corporate donors in the financial sector, have reduced their donations to NGOs due to the global financial crisis. To cut down costs, a large number of NGOs are revising their programs and laying off staff. Funding from governments, institutions and other individuals now play an increasingly important role in preventing the crisis from affecting the poorest. (Integrated Regional Information Networks) Credit Crisis Rattle Civil Society (October 24, 2008)Donors in rich countries are cutting back on their aid funding because of the international financial crisis. NGOs in aid-recipient countries now have to compete for less money. In Cambodia for example, NGOs worry that donors will cancel hundreds of millions of dollars of development aid. (Phnom Penh Post) Charity Coffers Face Credit Crunch (September 26, 2008)NGOs worry that the Wall Street crisis will tempt governments to reduce international aid and make investors more cautious about supporting development projects. The economic crisis also affects individual donors, who have already lowered their donations to charity organizations. (Integrated Regional Information Networks) What Happens to Aid Money? (September 23, 2008)ActionAid, UK Aid Network, Data/ONE, and a group of other NGOs initiated the Publish What You Fund (PWYF) campaign to urge donors to better share information about development aid funding. It encourages donors to give timely and accessible information on how they will spend their money and it also ranks donors according to how much access they give the public to their planning documents and their financial situation. (Integrated Regional Information Networks) The Rise and Fall of Donor Funding for Advocacy NGOs: Understanding the Impact (August 2008)Over the past decade, donor funding for Asian advocacy NGOs has experienced a cycle of dramatic rise and decline. Deficiency of domestic sources has led to increased NGO dependence on international donors. This article explores challenges faced by Asian advocacy NGOs in balancing funding needs with neutrality demands. It discusses the risks of asymmetric donor-NGO relationships, and claims that NGOs which align their activities and objectives to follow donor priorities will be seen as lacking independence and legitimacy. (Journal of Development in Practice) Not Many Speak Their Mind to Gates Foundation (August 3, 2008)The Gates Foundation, with its US$38 billion endowment, plays a dominant role in financing development and fighting disease in poor countries and few grant recipients dare to openly criticize the foundation since they risk losing their funding. But analysts from academia and think tanks argue the foundation should take part in discussions on how it can improve its work, and also share information about both successful and less successful programs. (Seattle Times) China, NGOs and Accountability (April 8, 2008)Private donations account for almost 90 percent of NGO funding in China and the government has had more of a "monitoring" role than a "facilitating" one. This article describes how NGOs can strengthen their independence and credibility through examining each other's work and involving the people they serve. (openDemocracy) The Global Links Initiative Story (March 11, 2008)There are numerous NGOs in urban areas in China, but none can acquire non-profit status due to the lack of a legal framework. Without access to domestic funding, Chinese NGOs must rely on international aid. But as the Chinese economy develops, donor countries and foundations are decreasing their financial support. The absence of NGO help during the heavy 2008 snow storms in Southern China is a tragic consequence. This article by the executive director of Global Links Initiative looks to the emerging class of "new rich" Chinese philanthropists to remedy the domestic funding dilemma. (Policy Innovations) Online Philanthropy Markets - from 'Feel-Good' Giving to Effective Social Investing? (January 2008)"Online philanthropy markets" is a recent internet development which allows individuals to easily engage with and invest money in organizations and small entrepreneurs all over the world. This paper by the Aspen Institute argues that individual donors should not think of themselves as providers of short term relief, but act as "investors for social change". It therefore recommends creating common reporting frameworks and independent data sets online that allow "investors" to compare the performance of the different NGOs. 2007Silences in NGO Discourse: The Role and Future of NGOs in Africa (2007)This collection of essays argues that NGOs are Africa's new missionaries. They dispense services in a spirit of "charity and pity" as puppets of "neo-colonial" powers. NGOs rely on their funding partners in a paternalistic relationship where foreign "true friends" – as one US ambassador termed donors – treat the poor as recipients of aid and exclude citizens from policy-making. The author recommends that NGOs in Africa stop pretending neutrality and engage in political activism. (Fahamu) Shifting the Focus: What Is the Role of Grantmakers in Enabling NGO Accountability? (May 2007)This article urges donors to "recognize that they are just one of many stakeholder groups that NGOs should be accountable to." The author critically assesses the "upwards accountability perspective" with rigid project monitoring, and recommends "downward accountability" which for example would allow those who are affected by the work of the NGOs to participate more.(One World Trust) 2006 Does Foreign Funding Make NGOs into Puppets? (October 11, 2006)In light of a debate among Turkish NGOs on the subject of credibility, this New Anatolian article examines the sometimes obscure relationship between NGOs and their sources of funding. By stipulating conditions for the use of funds, foreign donors can strongly influence recipient groups, which raises questions about the NGOs' accountability to the communities they serve. Therefore, legitimate NGOs must display openness about – and independence from – their financial supporters to maintain their "honor" and credibility with the citizenry. Strengthening Democratic Governance: The Role of Civil Society (September 21, 2006)This Wilton Park report delves into the challenges that grassroots organizations face in their efforts to promote government accountability and citizen participation. In their intertwined activities of advocacy, monitoring and providing services, NGOs often encounter government interference, unreasonable donor demands and questions about their own legitimacy. The report encourages NGOs to focus on attaining sustainable results and to "not be diverted" in their operations by such obstacles. Managing Globalization: Bad News Traveling Faster, But So Is Aid (August 22, 2006)As technological developments allow news to travel faster, aid groups can better alert potential donors. Furthermore, international aid agencies have begun to solicit donations from individuals and groups on a global scale, rather than just in the wealthiest countries. However, although widespread coverage may benefit aid collections, it may also endanger aid workers who wish to remain inconspicuous in conflict-ridden zones. (International Herald Tribune) How Genuine Are NGOs? (August 7, 2006)According to this New Times opinion piece, western donors, particularly the US, have historically used NGOs to exploit economic opportunities in poor countries or to counter hostile political ideologies. Citing US-led wars and the ensuing relief efforts in Vietnam, Afghanistan and Iraq, the author strongly criticizes what he calls the "mockery of humanitarian aid." This occurs when donor nations use NGOs to provide humanitarian assistance in countries occupied by their troops. The article concludes that government-dependent NGOs work more to attract funds than to strengthen democracy. All (Reasonably) Quiet on NGO Front- For Now (June 21, 2006)The NGO community in South Africa fears that Pretoria's threat to introduce laws to prevent whistleblowing will discourage NGOs from voicing their concerns about government policies. NGOs that actively lobby for policy change also tend to receive less funding than NGOs which only provide services. This TerraViva article draws attention to the limits that financing problems and conservative legislation can impose on NGOs' activities. Aid Harmonization: Challenges for Civil Society (May 2006)This newsletter from the International NGO Training and Research Centre (INTRAC) looks at how the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness affects NGOs as providers of international aid. The declaration urges governments to transfer aid directly into the budgets of poor countries, rather than funding their own development projects. While this could prevent rich countries from using aid as a tool to achieve their own political and economic interests, INTRAC warns that Northern NGOs could lose much of their funding and political influence. Southern NGOs, although benefiting from poor countries' increased aid budget, could lose their political independence since national governments would fully decide which NGOs to fund. NGOs Tiptoe through Africa's Political Minefields (October 11, 2005)Spurred by fears of neocolonialism, many African governments view NGOs as "Trojan horses for Western governments." Many Northern NGOs receive a large amount of funding from their own governments, and are thus inclined to support that government's foreign policies on the ground. Countries like Eritrea, Zimbabwe and the Sudan have passed laws limiting the functionality of foreign-funded NGOs within their borders. Critics of these new policies accuse the African governments of espousing undemocratic values, and attempting to conceal human rights abuses. (Reuters) Russia: Putin 'Foreign Funding' Remarks Draw Civil Society Concerns (July 21, 2005)Russian President Vladimir Putin accused foreign-funded NGOs of serving "dubious group and commercial interests," and instead offered financial support from the Kremlin. While some experts applaud Putin's proposal, it seems very unlikely that a "not free"-rated country would support groups that monitor human rights abuses and that criticize the stifled political atmosphere. (Radio Free Liberty/Radio Europe) Welcome to the Aid Business! (June 26, 2005)The number of NGOs in Africa has increased from a few hundred to over 25,000 in about fifty years and their work goes beyond humanitarian aid. This article argues that the growing presence of foreign NGOs, or the "army of outsiders" as the author puts it, both results from, and causes Africa's slow development process. NGOs are now part of an aid business and spend over US$4 billion on recruiting staff from outside the continent. (openDemocracy) Do Donors and NGOs Speak the Same Language? – Part II (April-June 2005)While the influence of large and wealthy international NGOs continues to grow, governments and donors still tend to regard small, local grassroots groups as less important and less "legitimate" actors. Citing trends in Lesotho, this article criticizes the seemingly paternalistic attitude of foreign donor organizations, which sometimes "drastically" change their funding schemes without consulting recipient NGOs. The author urges greater financial and strategic support for NGOs, saying a lack of funding could "cripple the democratic function of civil society." (Lesotho Council of NGOs) Do Donors and NGOs Speak the Same Language? – Part I (April-June 2005)This article discusses the issue of foreign donors channeling funds for NGOs through local governments, focusing specifically on Lesotho. The author suggests that due to the often underdeveloped administrative capacity of fledgling democracies, funds may not trickle down to the groups that most need financial support. Additionally, those organizations that monitor government policymaking risk losing their credibility if they receive state-controlled aid. Therefore, donors must establish "deeper partnerships" with NGOs in order to better understand and strengthen their work. (Lesotho Council of NGOs) Stop Sending Us Money, French Aid Group Says (January 4, 2005)Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) has angered some NGO community members by asking donors to send money to the medical aid agency's general funds rather than specifically for Asian tsunami relief. The unprecedented move was to ensure "honesty" for MSF donors about where their funds go. But other NGOs claim MSF's report was "irresponsible" because it failed to clarify that other organizations, which focus on long term assistance rather than emergency relief, still want and need funding. (MSNBC)
Archived Articles
GPF Perspective | Articles GPF Perspective GPF Policy Papers on NGOs
NGOs and Global Policy-Making (June 2000)An analysis that provides historical background and emphasizes NGO's growing contemporary importance, diversity, impact on policy, etc. "NGOs and the United Nations" by Global Policy Forum (June 17, 1999)A comprehensive and critical report that reviews recent progress and problems of NGOs at the UN. Prepared as input to the second report of the Secretary General. Includes comments on GPF's report. "NGO Access at the UN" A narrative account of NGO access covering the period from 1996 to 1999 with many links to further information.
Articles 2013 Water-Hungry Indian Villagers Find New Reservoirs of Solidarity (February 26, 2013)A NGO partnership in the Dungapur area villages in Rajasthan, India is exemplary of community empowerment programs bringing positive impacts to rural livelihoods. The region’s 2-month monsoon season is irregular, and droughts every four years cause water scarcity. Villagers are unable to practice agriculture, their main source of livelihood, and men are forced to migrate elsewhere as laborers. The recently expanded reservoir has made water available throughout the year, giving local farmers the ability to grow more varieties of crops, which resulted in 400 less migrant workers this year. More importantly, the NGOs worked to better connect the marginalized villagers with government officials at the state level through the creation of village development committees. The committee consisting of men and woman from within the community has fostered a sense of solidarity and empowerment for decisions that affect them. (Guardian) 2012 Dozens of Groups Boycott Russia's New NGOs Law (November 21, 2012)Russia has passed a law this year, obliging foreign-funded NGOs to register as “foreign agents.” The affected NGOs, such as the Moscow Helsinki Group, Golos and Agora, have been boycotting the law as they claim it damages their credibility. In Russia, a “foreign agent” is almost synonymous with “spy”. These NGOs state that they are already experiencing a popular backlash from the new law. While Russian President Vladimir Putin accuses the Washington of using NGOs as a means of political influence in Russia, civil society is seriously restricted by the new law. (Associated Press) Uganda: NGOs Launch Anti-Corruption Week As Germany Cuts Aid (December 2, 2012)Many foreign donors have announced that they are halting aid to Uganda because of theft of public resources by government officials. These donors also cite Uganda’s alleged support for the M23 as a reason to withdraw their funds. Civil society organizations in Uganda have called for an anti-corruption week to draw attention to these corruption problems. Germany, the UK, Ireland, Sweden, Denmark and Sweden have already turned off their aid taps. However, given the West’s long support for Museveni, these moves are more likely to be the result of geopolitical calculation than of civil society mobilization. (All Africa) Ethiopia: Cooperatives Championed Amid NGO Restrictions (November 7, 2012)In Ethiopia, cooperatives are preferred over NGOs as models for economic development. Cooperatives have contributed to economic growth by giving the national coffee industry a big push, while critics argue that NGO presence in the country of several decades has failed to lift Ethiopia out of poverty. NGOs have not promoted self-sufficiency enough and programs often collapsed with the departure of the organizations. For this reason cooperative development is now often regarded as an alternative to NGO assistance. Simultaneously, NGOs have been involved and supportive in the cooperative model by providing funding and resources. In order to stay close to the needs of the general population, civil society must ensure that cooperatives do not to transform into isolated market-driven “oligarchies”. (All Africa) USAid Covertly Influencing Political Processes, Says Russia (September 19, 2012)The Russian government has ordered USAid, Washington’s official development agency, to cease all its activities in the country from October 1. Moscow accuses the agency of attempting to exert influence, by means of funding, on political processes, such as elections and civil society activities. Moreover, President Putin is claiming that the political opposition against his administration is part of a foreign plot of which this financing is a part. The US government says it remains committed to supporting Russia’s civil society, but its political agenda is hardly a secret. (Guardian) Is the Faultline Among NGOs Over the Future of Development Deepening? (August 17, 2012)A study by University of Manchester has questioned the legitimacy of large development NGOs, saying that they are heavily influenced by government and corporate donors. This has sparked a debate about “development” programs that are too skewed towards aid rather than the structural causes of poverty. Grassroots organizations have criticized big international aid agencies for being bureaucratic and lacking the political commitment to force change. In the recent UK hunger summit organized by the government, big agencies praised the target commitments made in official policies. Those demanding more radical approaches charge that the government’s approach to simply earmark aid programs will not generate the systemic changes that are necessary. (Guardian) Kyrgyzstan: Could Microfinance Bubble Burst? (June 11, 2012)The microfinance market in Kyrgyzstan is overheating. The poor rural population and the absence of an efficient regulatory requirement in Kyrgyzstan have rapidly increased the number of small scale lenders that aggressively attract clients and charge high interest rates. Microfinance institutions are often driven by commercial interest rather than development goals. The rising indebtedness suggests the possibility of a sudden burst of the credit bubble. (EurasiaNet) Can environmental NGOs form partnerships with corporate bodies and maintain their integrity? Time magazine sparked controversy when it reported a $25 million donation from Chesapeake Energy, a natural gas company, to the Sierra Club, one of the oldest environmental groups in the USA. The size of the donation, and the secrecy surrounding it, make this corporate/environmental partnership notable, but such partnerships are not in themselves rare. This has brought to the fore a longstanding debate within the green community, about integrity, conflicts of interest, and the price of activism. (New York Times) 2011 Development Co-Operation: Aid By Any Other Name (July 27, 2011)This Guardian opinion pieces looks at how the term “development co-operation” has begun to replace the word “aid” at high-level conferences the effectiveness of development aid. Whereas “aid” typically refers to “richer” countries giving money or services to “poorer” countries, development co-operation promotes the idea of two countries working together to find long-term solutions. Though development co-operation invokes a sense of equality between countries, the author warns that the idea does not reflect the reality of their relationship. Instead, countries often give money and make decisions based on a “mix of interest, ideology, and altruism” rather than for purely humanitarian reasons. It is therefore important that future declarations on aid effectiveness are scrutinized for these “hidden agendas” starting by critically assessing the terminology used. ( Guardian) The Role of NGOs in Global Governance (September 27, 2011)This World Politics Review report analyzes the growing importance of NGOs in global politics, particularly their ability to mediate between international institutions and individuals. While some NGOs enjoy excellent access to meetings and have good relations with UN officials and delegations, governments sometimes react negatively to NGO advocacy and seek to restrict NGO opportunities. (World Politics Review) 2010 Criticism Grows of Afghanistan's Bloated NGO Industry (September 22 2010) NGO's in Afghanistan are being increasingly criticised on the grounds of waste and corruption. The Afghan Economics Ministry's report demonstrates that international NGOs squander 60 percent of available resources on their own expenses, including security and protection for aid workers. Over 2,000 NGO's have to this date been disbanded for inability to show outcomes or evidence of work in the proposed area. The Finance Ministry in Kabul reports that more than three-quarters of the money donated by foreign countries is distributed primarily through military channels rather than the concerned ministries. As the gap between the Government, the NGO community and the needs of the people widens, distrust of rebuilding efforts is increasing . (Spiegel Online) The global economic crisis has spurred discussions about the role of civil society in constructing and sustaining a resilient economy. The Carnegie Inquiry into the Future of Civil Society examined humanitarian work by the voluntary sector, and how it could be modified or improved. The inquiry discovered broad consensus on the need to significantly increase the role of civil society organizations. It even suggested that public services such as libraries and parks should be opened up to civil society organizations, and that civil society as a whole should move beyond its current sphere of activities to a larger and broader economic role. (Guardian) The food, environmental and economic crises have challenged civil society organizations (CSOs) and the communities they serve. Based on responses from 640 NGOs worldwide, this UN-funded survey measures the impact of crises on the operating capacity of CSOs. It discusses strategies adopted by CSOs to address diminished funding support due to the global economic downturn, and it also examines CSO efforts in maintaining and strengthening their social-service delivery capacities during crises periods. (FES; NGO Committee for Social Development et al.) Movement for Progress Gets Stuck in the Lobby (January 2, 2010)The growing prominence of NGOs in public debates leads to increasing public discussion and scrutiny. Some claim that NGOs have too much power. In light of the climate change summit, this article discusses the role of NGOs in global politics. Mark Purcell - leader of an Australian umbrella group - argues that NGOs provide transparency and accountability to international meetings. ( The Australian) Compendium of Civil Society Rights Documents (January 2010)In January 2010, CIVICUS launched a compendium of civil society rights documents with an aim to strengthen and defend the rights of civic associations and citizen participation worldwide. As a first attempt to consolidate international standards and commitments relevant to civil society, the compendium highlights commitments made by the UN as well as governments - both nationally, regionally, internationally - to protect the rights of citizens and civil society organizations to actively participate in the shaping of policies and practices of government institutions. (CIVICUS) 2009 Civil Society, Democracy and Good Governance in Africa (February 2009) Donor-driven, Western-type NGOs are undermining traditional African civil society. These imported NGOs set the agenda without having rooted relations with local society. International analysts and donors must widen their concept of civil society to develop sustainable democracy and good governance in the region. (CEU Political Science Journal)
Civil Society Actors in International Law and World Politics: Definition, Conceptual Framework, Problems (January 2008)This paper argues that NGOs powerfully shape global politics. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, NGOs have increased in activity because governments inadequately deal with global problems like human rights violations and climate change. As entities distinct from governments, NGOs can mobilize and expand support for causes across borders. The author cites the Coalition for an International Criminal Court as a powerful example of how a global NGO network has reshaped international law. (International Journal of Civil Society Law)
2008 Aid Effectiveness: The Myth of NGO Superiority (April 2008)This Development & Cooperation study examines why some NGOs from rich countries distribute aid to the world's poorest no more effectively than official state agencies. The Swiss and Swedish NGOs under scrutiny in this paper replicated government policy, rather than channeling aid to areas overlooked by governmental development agencies. The paper concludes that NGOs would provide better-targeted aid if they undertook independent initiatives amongst the lowest income groups which governments fail to reach. Making NGO's More Effective and Responsive in a Globalized World (March 28, 2008)This article describes how NGOs in the developing world can help the poor to benefit from economic globalization. In countries like South Africa, NGOs work with communities to negotiate optimal labor contracts, increase access to credit and prevent corrupt middle-men from stealing profits in business transactions. Donor countries increasingly channel development aid through nonprofits, rather than through government budgets. This gives NGOs capacity to dispense services that governments usually provide. (African Path) 2007 While "power elites" and states often claim that free markets and a globalized economy promote democracy, this Toward Freedom article argues that these systems actually widen North-South disparities. The author claims that "NGOs are often expected to fill in the gaps," however states repress and marginalize civil society. NGOs must partner and build strong networks in order to effect change. 2006 Strengthening Democratic Governance: The Role of Civil Society (September 21, 2006)This Wilton Park report delves into the challenges that grassroots organizations face in their efforts to promote government accountability and citizen participation. In their intertwined activities of advocacy, monitoring and providing services, NGOs often encounter government interference, unreasonable donor demands and questions about their own legitimacy. The report encourages NGOs to focus on attaining sustainable results and to "not be diverted" in their operations by such obstacles. Who Else Will Do the Work? (July 16, 2006)According to this Worldpress piece, NGOs can play a key role in providing services that "should fall under the mandate of governments." The author suggests that some Eastern European governments respond too slowly, or not at all, to the needs of poor and underrepresented communities. As the article concludes, even small NGOs can band together to address problems such as unemployment and female illiteracy in poor neighborhoods. This report from the Institute for Public Policy Research urges that "global civil society" must create a "more level playing field for the global south," a region where NGOs typically lack resources and have largely been ignored. The author recommends strengthening southern organizations' research and policy analysis and promoting financial independence. The report also discusses the value of free media and access to information in pressuring governments and mobilizing public awareness. The Power Shift and the NGO Credibility Crisis (January 2006)Over the past half century, NGOs have increased four-fold and become astute at mobilizing support. In the midst of transnational threats, like global warming, and a wave of democratization, international and domestic institutions rely critically on NGO input. Yet there is a dearth of mechanisms to scrutinize NGOs themselves. This paper argues for a set of "industry-wide standards" to enhance NGO credibility. (International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law) 2005 'We the Peoples,' Not the States (September 2005)The UN system was founded on state sovereignty and protection from foreign intervention. From human rights to the provision of peace, sovereign states provide most social services. Whether weak or strong, some states either cannot or do not perform these functions. In their place, NGOs represent "popular sovereignty" by conveying the will of "we the peoples," as set out in the UN Charter. (Le Monde) How Civil Society Organisations Use Evidence to Influence Policy Processses (July 2005)Academics and NGO experts have conducted extensive research on organizational aspects of NGOs. This approach tends to examine NGOs in a "vaccuum," and not in the broader context of international policy-making. The authors of this Overseas Development Institute paper reviewed existing literature on NGOs, with the aim of clarifying some of the tactics civil society employs in influencing public policy. 'New Superpower' Seeks 'Better World' (June 3, 2005)This Inter Press Service article cites NGO achievements in banning land mines, challenging corporations, and monitoring international institutions, echoing UN Secretary General Kofi Annan's description of civil society as "the world's new superpower." Hundreds of NGOs convene in Montreal to discuss their plans of action to continue the "campaign for a better global society." The NGO Phenomenon (January 9, 2005)Though the media commonly picture NGOs as disaster relief organizations, NGOs in fact represent a "worldwide phenomenon" and create "a positive effect on their societies" by participating in areas that governments overlook. This Baltimore Sun article relates a cursory history of NGOs, from the inception of CARE packages to the "symbiotic relationship" between the UN and NGOs. Global Civil Society 2005/20062004 Learning in Partnerships (May 2004)This BOND paper explores how NGOs in industrialized countries share resources and expertise with NGOs in less developed countries to achieve common development goals. The author warns that Northern NGOs can limit how much their Southern partners learn from this relationship if they impose corporate management principles of repetitive audits and reporting procedures. NGOs at the grassroots become less culturally diverse when they adopt corporate practices, and this removes them from the reality of the development problems they seek to tackle. 2002 The Role of NGOs and Civil Society in Global Environmental Governance (August 27, 2002) This chapter of Global Environmental Governance: Options and Opportunities identifies the role civil society might play in five key areas of global environmental governance and presents case studies of successful NGOs. It also calls for a "more formalized institutional structure for engagement" for civil society at the UN. Kyoto Protocol Ratification Marks Victory For NGOs (June 24, 2002)NGOs and citizens played a crucial role in the ratification negotiations of the Kyoto Protocol due to their ability to gather and spread useful information to both the public and governments. (Nikkei Weekly) Nongovernmental Organizations Show Their Growing Power (March 22, 2002)The role of NGOs in providing foreign aid has increased since the early 1990's. While NGOs are respected for their ability to carry out development projects, they should not foster dependency or perpetuate their influence. (New York Times) 2001 A Situation Analysis of NGO Governance and Leadership in Eastern, Southern, Central and Western Africa (November 2001)This report presents research conducted after the 1st Conference on NGO Partnerships for Reproductive Health. The paper concentrates on the quickly growing group of reproductive health NGOs in sub-Saharan Africa and the importance of good governance in providing effective services. (Center for African Family Studies) 2000 Civil Society as Global Actor: Promise and Pitfalls (May 2000)This essay by Walden Bello, Director of Focus on the Global South, examines different roles civil society organizations can play - and should not play on an international level. 1999 Activist Groups Gain Influence in Global Body (December 1, 1999)An article from the Chicago Tribune about the important role of NGO's in the post-Cold War world as a "potent voice in the framing of this new global government." A Force Now in the World, Citizens Flex Social Muscle (July 10, 1999)New York Times article examines NGOs as leading forces of social change at both domestic and global levels. Views civil society as having the "entrepreneurial qualities of business. The profit, in this case, is primarily social progress." 1994 Scaling Up: Thinking Through the Issues (1994)Peter Uvin and David Miller are developing new terminology in this theoretical paper to address the impact of NGO "scaling - up". The term "scaling-up" refers to "the growth in size, number and activities of organized participatory initiatives." (The World Hunger Program)
Letter from the NGO Working Group on UN Access to the Secretary General Ban Ki -moon (January 18, 2011)The NGO Working Group on UN Access, of which Global Policy Forum is a co-convenor, sent a letter to the Secretary General on improving NGO access at the UN. The letter highlighted a number of serious access problems. The Working Group is particularly concerned with ensuring NGO-UN consultation on matters that affect the NGO community – on the basis of the principle “Nothing about us without us!” In this statement, a group of NGOs, including Global Policy Forum, responds to the recommendations of Ambassadors Johan Lovald of Norway and Rezlan Jenie of Indonesia for boosting NGO participation at the General Assembly (GA). The text reflects on past NGO contributions to the work of the UN, reiterates calls for regular status with the GA and also opposes the use of the Cardoso report as a "basis for policy." The NGOs request a formal and open process, instead of just hearings, to foster sustained dialogue between Member States and NGOs. Paper on NGO Participation at the United Nations (March 28, 2006)A group of NGOs, including Global Policy Forum, has submitted a letter to the General Assembly President calling for improved NGO access and participation at the UN. The list of ten recommendations includes access to the new Human Rights Council, Peaceuilding Commission and the General Assembly, as well as better support for NGLS and the appointment of a high-level person on NGO affairs in the Executive Office of the Secretary General. The text emphasizes that while NGO hearings by UN bodies may have a value, they should not be used "as a fig leaf to conceal the lack of more extensive forms of NGO participation." The Future of NGO Participation at the United Nations after the World Summit (January 2006)Jens Martens, Executive Director of Global Policy Forum Europe, regrets that the UN reform process neglects improvements in particpation of NGOs. In 2005, governments largely excluded NGOs both from preparatory negotiations and from the Summit. What does this mean for the future participation of NGOs in the UN? Martens makes a number of practical recommendations, including extending NGO accreditation beyond ECOSOC to the General Assembly. (Friedrich Ebert Foundation and Global Policy Forum) NGOs and the UN Security Council (2004) This article details the growing engagement of NGOs with the UN Security Council in the period after 1990. As the Council grew more active, NGOs began to seek out Council members and argue for better policies. Global Policy Forum took the lead in setting up the NGO Working Group on the Security Council in 1997 with the help of forward-looking ambassadors. Some positive results have followed, but great power interests set firm limits to what NGOs can achieve. NGO Problems Attending UN Meeting (November 21, 2001)Letter from Anne Walker, Executive Director of the International Women's Tribune Centre, describing her problems while attending a meeting at UN headquarters. NGOs and Transnational Finance (February 2001)Global Policy Forum's Jason Garred presents a general introduction to NGOs, and then looks at how NGOs can influence the murky world of transnational finance. An analysis that provides historical background and emphasizes NGO's growing contemporary importance, diversity, impact on policy, etc. "NGOs and the United Nations" by Global Policy Forum (June 17, 1999)A comprehensive and critical report that reviews recent progress and problems of NGOs at the UN. Prepared as input to the second report of the Secretary General. Includes comments on GPF's report. NGO Access at the UN (July 1999)A narrative account of NGO access covering the period from 1996 to 1999 with many links to further information. NGOs and the United Nations (June 1999)A comprehensive and critical 28-page report reviewing recent progress and problems of NGOs at the UN. Prepared as input to the second report of the Secretary General.
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Nongovernmental Organizations Show Their Growing Power
By NORIMITSU ONISHI
Published: March 22, 2002
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ABIDJAN, Ivory Coast, March 20— Since the end of the cold war, private aid organizations have mushroomed across Africa, addressing every conceivable need in seemingly every corner of the world's poorest continent.
To supporters, the groups -- better known in the diplomatic world as N.G.O.'s, or nongovernmental organizations -- are essential to Africa's burgeoning democracy, giving communities the money and power to take part in their own development and circumvent ineffective or corrupt governments.
To critics, they are new colonialists who instill dependency among Africans, and their contributions to Africa's development are hard to measure.
Whatever the reality, the central role played in foreign aid by these organizations is acknowledged by their prominent place this week at the poverty and development conference in Monterrey, Mexico. An estimated 25,000 such organizations operate around the world.
''Five years ago, 50 percent of World Bank projects had N.G.O. involvement,'' said William Reuben, coordinator of the bank's N.G.O. and civil society section. ''Now that figure is 70 percent.''
Since last year, the organizations have assumed an important policy-making role in 32 developing countries that have qualified for debt reduction. Those countries have agreed to consult with private aid groups on how to use money freed up from the debt reduction.
Most of the organizations involved in those efforts are local, not branches of international ones, Mr. Reuben said. Increasingly, he said, Western donors are financing local groups directly, instead of going through international structures.
''It's becoming a trend and that has made the international N.G.O. community think about their role,'' Mr. Reuben said.
The first rethinking about aid to Africa took place with the end of the Cold War. Until then, rich nations gave money directly to African governments and mostly financed the buildup of infrastructure.
But in the early 1990's, as the West tied aid to democratization, the independent organizations began flourishing. Foreign N.G.O.'s were respected for their skills in carrying out development projects that would actually benefit ordinary Africans; the local groups, meanwhile, were the foundation of a civil society necessary for democracy.
''That shift was much more beneficial and had more impact,'' said Chris Conrad, the programs director for southern and western Africa for CARE, one of the biggest independent aid groups.
Mr. Conrad, who has worked in Africa for 25 years and is now based in Johannesburg, pointed to community-sponsored schools in Mali. With the Malian government unable or unwilling to build schools, many communities have started their own, with the help of private aid groups.
Some critics say the organizations have created dependency among Africans and their governments, which rely increasingly on them to provide services that would ordinarily be filled by the state. At one extreme, relief groups are providing so many services in places like Angola and southern Sudan that the authorities there can use their resources for long-running wars.
But even in a peaceful country like Mali, does helping a village build a school absolve the government of its real responsibility?
Bruce Wilkinson, a senior vice president for World Vision in Washington who spent 15 years in West Africa, rejects that criticism.
''Creating dependency is a problem,'' he said. ''But what's the alternative? If vaccination coverage is 5 to 10 percent in a specific area and there is no N.G.O., that vaccination coverage will continue at those levels for the next generation. How many children will die?''
Careful decisions, however, can limit dependency, Mr. Wilkinson said. After a drought in Mali, he said, food was supplied to herders.
''We saved many lives,'' he said. ''But we stayed too long, and they didn't return as quickly as they should have to their herding or other income-generating activities.''
Critics of the groups say they have so much power that the good they do is undermined by the side effects of their presence. The groups are a new way for Western governments to perpetuate their influence in Africa, these critics say, and are in reality not accountable to Africans. The groups that provide relief are a big business that thrives on disasters. Often, they hire away the most-talented Africans, lured by salaries that African governments or businesses cannot match, experts say.
Many organizations that do not focus on development, but are advocates for human rights and other causes, are simply businesses that collect grants from Western donors, critics say. In Nigeria, some of these organizations participated fully in the fight against past military regimes, but others appear to do little except to insert their names occasionally in a newspaper article.
''In Africa, a $10,000 grant buys you an N.G.O., so these groups have multiplied exponentially,'' said Marina Ottaway, a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
''One of their main characteristics is that they have three people: a director, a secretary and a driver. They do not have members. Their usefulness in promoting democracy is very limited.''
By Michael Hill Baltimore Sun
January 9, 2005When a disaster like the Asian tsunami strikes, an enormous industry surfaces to provide relief. In the United States, the companies that make up this industry might be called aid groups or charities or nonprofits. Most of the rest of the world refers to them as NGOs - nongovernmental organizations. The image - in some cases carefully constructed, usually reinforced by the media - is of straightforward charity, feeding the hungry, housing the homeless, treating the sick, in a hands-on, handout fashion resembling so many Mother Teresas dispensing aid and kindness. The reality is that disaster relief is only the tip of the NGO iceberg. In fact, the organizations are as richly diverse in their goals and methods as private corporations. Many have specialties, ranging from trade policy to environmental concerns, democracy building to disaster relief. Others are multifaceted organizations that try to coordinate a variety of activities to sustain long-term solutions to problems that are both chronic (poverty, disease, corruption) and acute (natural disasters). "In addition to saving lives, NGOs promote democracy and civic participation," says I.M. "Mac" Destler, director of the Program on International Security and Economic Policy at the University of Maryland, College Park. "They have really had a significant role in a number of situations. The Ukrainian election is the most recent." An event like the tsunami puts the NGOs in an intense spotlight where they must perform for an audience that will sustain them financially. But few in the audience will have a long-enough attention span to learn which NGOs perform well. The best of the NGOs know that the kind of relief effort going on in Asia is an unglamorous calling - hard work that continues long after the spotlight has moved elsewhere. The worst of them look at disasters as little more than fund-raising opportunities and relentlessly follow the spotlight to keep the donations coming in. "During disasters, there is such a public relations frenzy," says John Hammock, an associate professor of humanitarian aid at the Fletcher School of Tufts University. "Everybody is trying to get on TV with their T-shirts on. And for good reason: That translates into dollars [….] For me, the key is to give money to organizations that are committed to stay there over the long term. Some organizations come in and leave when the money dries up," he says. Such long-term commitment is seen as the way to turn relief into sustainable development that can make communities devastated by these disasters flourish again. "NGOs need to move beyond charity to address broader issues like of governance and accountability," says James V. Riker, associate director of the Democracy Collaborative at the University of Maryland, College Park."I think many groups that started in Asia, in Bangladesh after its floods, in India and Sri Lanka, addressing dramatically the needs of hunger and health care, realized as time went on that they needed to go farther than addressing the symptoms, that they needed to get into community building and rehabilitation projects that would have a longer-term impact," Riker says. A group handing out food to tsunami victims today, for example, might put pressure on international trade organizations next month in an effort to aid economic development in the devastated countries. Many of today's NGOs got their start in the aftermath of World War II, aiding refugees in war-ravaged Europe. The CARE package is a symbol of what might be termed the romantic image of these NGOs. For a generation of Americans, CARE - which originally stood for Cooperative for American Remittances to Europe - will always be connected with the package that carried its name, originally a box of military surplus foodstuffs that was delivered to the war refugees amid the devastation of Europe. A later version that included tools and seeds was promised to poor countries around the world in fund-raising appeals that aired during the early years of television. Some 100 million CARE packages were distributed over two decades. The growth of NGOs in the post-World War II decades paralleled the growth of international awareness. The United Nations was created and helped focus attention on problems across the globe. It contracted with many NGOs to deal with those problems, a symbiotic relationship that still exists. Television brought pictures of disease and destruction, famine and flood, into the comfortable living rooms of industrialized societies. Improved transportation allowed meaningful responses to the problems. Charity was not as it once was, giving money to a local group for the poor of your community - it was now responding to an outstretched hand halfway around the world. As the NGOs grew, their roles became more complex and sophisticated. Now the term "CARE package" has slipped into the vernacular as a box of goodies delivered to anyone in need - such as a college student facing exams - not as an instrument of disaster relief. Atlanta-based CARE no longer delivers them. Contracting out relief CARE - which now stands for Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere - is a $500-million-per-year operation with a wide variety of projects in the developing world. Most of its money does not come from the individuals who once bought CARE packages for specific recipients, but from governments and U.N. groups. It contracts out the business of relief. This is not true of all NGOs, as some large operators, such as Oxfam and Baltimore-headquartered Lutheran World Relief, continue to rely primarily on private funding, in part to insure their independence. But, like CARE, many of the most admired NGOs, such as Baltimore-based Catholic Relief Services, get a great deal of their money from government and U.N. contracts. Certainly they cherish small donations - the outpouring of generosity after the tsunami has had a huge impact on NGO budgets - but they no longer depend on them. "There is still a very significant private fund-raising effort in international relief," says Lester M. Salamon, who studies the nonprofit sector at the Institute for Policy Studies at the Johns Hopkins University. "But it is the case that governments provide major parts of the money. It's cost-effective to do it that way. It is really hard to keep a major organization going through private donations." With all these groups, personnel who once might have been handing out those old CARE packages are now engaged in very unromantic work. That often means trying to run huge freight transportation companies under difficult conditions - finding trucks and drivers and passable roads in order to get the basics of life from the places where they are plentiful to the places where they are needed. "They are still romantic in their objectives," Salamon says of the NGOs. "But they are very concrete in their content." The story of the nuts-and-bolts work at the core of NGO operations is coming out in the tsunami disaster probably more than ever before, in large part because of the intense media concentration on the disaster. Still, newspapers and television are filled with the kinds of stories that perpetuate the traditional image of NGOs - stories that tell of an individual from the developed world enduring hardships and risking his or her health for a small paycheck to help pitiful victims of floods and famines, earthquakes and, now, tsunamis. Often these stories resonate with memories of bygone colonial eras, with all their racist underpinnings. "Look at most of the images of famines in Africa," says Hammock, former head of Oxfam America. "It's always a white nurse feeding a black African. There's always the native victims and the white person comes in to save the day. It's like a morality play." The media play their parts in this image-making dance, usually arriving at the scene in tandem with their peers from the NGO community, often sharing quarters with the aid workers. These First World visitors certainly live in a rough environment, but it is almost always one that offers protection from whatever disaster is at hand - disease or hunger or homelessness. It is not surprising that these Western reporters seek out stories of their peers dispensing aid, nor that the NGOs encourage this approach, knowing it is grist for the fund-raising mill. Hammock and others say the long-term success of these operations depends on getting away as soon as possible from that handout relationship - though it plays well in the heartstring-tugging news stories and donor appeals - and instead taking advantage of the tremendous capabilities that disaster victims possess. "Any organization that defines its mission as just giving stuff has got it wrong," says Hammock. "You might save a person's life by sending stuff, but what you have to save is their livelihood. "It is true in Asia right now, that most people are going to survive on their wits, not on foreign aid," he says. "Most of these people are not victims, they are people like you and me. They do not want aid. They might need it for a bit of time, but then they want to make it on their own." That means not setting up large camps stocked with donated food that might provide good photo-ops but also foster a culture of dependency. Instead, it means getting people back in their homes - exactly where they want to be - as soon as possible, and figuring out what help they need to stay there and flourish. Bangladesh example Bangladesh is considered a case of how to do it right. The country was born in 1971 in a man-made disaster - a horrific war as Pakistan tried to retain control of its eastern province on the other side of India. That drew the attention of Beatle George Harrison, whose Concert for Bangladesh focused a spotlight on the nascent country, about to face a famine, and raised $9 million in relief funds. The first of such concerts - now de rigueur after any disaster - it helped bring the international NGO community to a new level of awareness and importance on the world stage. "It was the classic case of a country doomed not to survive," Tariq Karim, former ambassador from Bangladesh to the United States, says of his native land. "One phrase from the early '70s got it all - Bangladesh was a 'bottomless basket case.'" But what happened is that the international NGOs that descended on Bangladesh just primed the pump. Bangladeshis began forming their own organizations that focused on education, industry and other fundamental development work. One, called BRAC, is now considered the largest NGO in the world. "These NGOs went into empty spaces that the government could not cover," says Karim, who is a senior adviser at the IRIS Center (Institutional Reform and the Informal Sector) at the University of Maryland. The result, he says, is a growing economy, a declining birth rate, a fairly stable democracy and tremendous progress on the problems of famine and flooding that used to draw the world's attention on a regular basis. Karim contrasts what happened in Bangladesh, a Muslim country, with its former ruler, Pakistan, where the government kept the international NGOs out and saw the growth of madrasses, fundamentalist Islamic schools that are seen as incubators of the fanaticism that leads to terrorism. "This confirms my theory that no space remains vacant, that it will be occupied by some agent or another, benevolent or malevolent," Karim says. Salamon says that the Bangladesh experience has been repeated in many other countries where people frustrated by corrupt governments and inefficient economies formed NGOs as the best way to have a positive effect on their societies. "I think there has been a global association revolution, a massive upsurge around the world of private nonprofit activists," Salamon says. "It is striking in its dimension and its breadth. And it is not limited to individual countries as networks have formed among organizations on international levels, among environmental groups, human rights groups, major development organizations. "To call it an industry comes with unfortunate pejorative implications, but it is certainly now a major economic and major political force," he says. "These are vehicles in which people take the initiatives and change the lives of their countries. It is an absolutely massive worldwide phenomenon." More Information on NGOs More Information on Growing Importance of NGOs in the International Arena More Introduction to NGOs
By Nuri AlbalaLe Monde diplomatique
September 2005The United Nations system is founded on the principle of sovereignty, designed to maintain peace in the world by protecting states from foreign intervention. So how did such a peculiar and questionable idea as the right of humanitarian intervention emerge within that system? It happened step by step. In the 1960s human rights advocates argued that the rules defining foreign intervention as an illegal violation of sovereignty did not apply to them, because they related only to relations between states. Later, instead of denying that their actions violated sovereignty, humanitarian organisations began to justify their interventions in foreign countries on the basis of their motives, grounded in the principles of human rights. It was not long before some began to claim that this motive-based rationale could also be applied to states. On 8 December 1988 the UN General Assembly passed a resolution that it regarded as a limited, prudent measure to reduce pressure in this controversial matter. Resolution 43/131, "Humanitarian assistance to victims of natural disasters and similar emergency situations", authorised NGOs and intergovernmental organisations to intervene in a humanitarian capacity. Single states were not granted this right of intervention but, in practice, powerful countries - those with the resources to mount a large-scale intervention - have used it amply. In the former Yugoslavia and in Iraq (in 1990-91), they were able to charge in with UN backing (1). After the Dayton accords in the former Yugoslavia (2), the UN Security Council put Nato in charge of peacekeeping, the purpose for which the UN had been created. The Peace Implementation Forces were placed under Nato command, in blatant violation of article 53 of the UN charter. In this way, the supposed right of intervention, in practice available only to the most powerful states, ended as just an acceptable modern disguise for the old-style imperialism it reintroduced. Yet the people of the South, especially in Africa and Latin America, continue to regard the upholding of national sovereignty as a priority in the struggle against social injustice and the imperial designs of powerful neighbours and patrons. The African Social Forum is campaigning for popular control of national resources and strengthening the state as a protective public power (3). The state remains, at least potentially, the prime instance of democratic decision-making and popular sovereignty. It can also be an important check on the influence of transnational businesses. Where a state is strong and resolved to defend its citizens' rights, it actively resists the corporate invasion, as demonstrated by recent measures taken by Latin American governments against oil and water multinationals. Where a state is badly organised and ineffective (as across much of Africa), corporations are put off by the unstable and unpredictable political situation; this is why the free market and the organisations and political leaders that serve it push for institutional stabilisation in "weak" states, while encouraging "strong" states to hand more responsibilities over to non-state bodies. One state, the US, still seems to exercise all the features of full sovereignty. There is a crucial distinction to be made about sovereignty: does it belong to the state, or to the people? Where this is not specified, the principle carries little weight. In 1789 the French national assembly made its choice clear: "The principle of all sovereignty resides essentially in the nation" (4). The following two centuries saw a drift towards the affirmation of a different principle, state sovereignty. This change can mostly be ascribed to colonial conquests of the 19th and 20th centuries: the colonisers claimed to bring the benefits of state structures to peoples unable to develop them for themselves. Despite its famous preamble - "We the peoples of the United Nations" - the UN charter effectively endorses the view that sovereignty resides in the state. Articles 3 and 4 suggest that the body is a community of states, not of peoples. The UN's founding texts move between the words "peoples", "nations" and "states" almost indiscriminately (5). Their authors cannot have been unaware of the debate about the definition of these terms but they chose not to worry about it. The ambiguity had its advantages: it avoided having to rule on the question of colonised peoples and indigenous minorities. Precisely because the UN's members are states its charter contains the provisions of article 2, paragraph 7: "Nothing contained in the present charter shall authorise the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state." Article 53 declares that "no enforcement action shall be taken under regional arrangements or by regional agencies". The ban on all infringement of sovereignty is clearly understood as referring to state sovereignty, and applies even to the UN (except in the case of chapter 7: action with respect to threats to the peace, breaches of the peace, and acts of aggression). The gap between state sovereignty and popular sovereignty is underlined wherever sovereignty is relinquished. States are now more willing to give up certain prerogatives, but these are not passed to democratic bodies. Governments are generally less hesitant about handing powers over to the World Trade Organisation than to the UN or to international human rights courts. Many European Union directives make it harder for states to support their public services. These result from governmental concessions to non-democratic institutions and to market principles. States are not giving up their own sovereignty but that of their populations, who are left with less control over the world taking shape around them. At the heart of the European project is a challenge to the right of peoples to determine their own fates. This does not mean that the world is condemned to a future of face-offs between states that have steadily drained themselves of genuine sovereignty. New players have appeared on the world stage: associations, social movements and NGOs. Their role is growing within the UN (where around 2,000 NGOs now have official accreditation via a three-tier system operated by the Economic and Social Council) (6). They are especially present at the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva. As Franí§ois Crépeau wrote in 1997: "The state, in its traditional, Enlightenment conception can no longer claim to be the only legitimate site of political debate and collective action" (7). But though NGOs, unions and associations can make an important contribution to resisting neoliberal globalisation, civil society is by definition heterogeneous and unequal. Since it does not represent a cross-section of the population, it should not be taken to represent the population. Yet it would be wrong to see an opposition between civil society and the state, with the latter the true representative of the nation. The two need to work together. In 2003 the vast popular demonstrations against the Anglo-US invasion of Iraq provided crucial support for those governments that did not wish the international community to go to war. They may not have prevented the war from happening, but they did prevent it from happening with full UN approval. As this episode showed, the UN's legitimacy does ultimately depend on the peoples of the world. Notes: (1) See UN Resolution 1511. The first Gulf war (1990-91) was not justified on humanitarian grounds, but as a response to Iraq's violation of Kuwaiti sovereignty.
(2) On 21 November 1995 at the US base at Dayton, Ohio, the presidents of Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia signed an agreement that maintained Bosnia-Herzegovina's recognised borders while dividing it into two entities, a Serbian republic and a Muslim-Croat federation.
(3) www.africansocialforum.org
(4) Declaration of the Rights of Man, 1789, Article 3.
(5) Likewise the Inter-Allied Declaration signed in London on 12 June 1941.
(6) See NGO status at the UN.
(7) See Crépeau, introduction to Mondialisation des échanges et fonctions de l'Etat, Bruylant, Brussels, 1997. More Information on Nations and States
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By Risto Karajkov Worldpress
July 16, 2006There is a consensus that NGOs were the big thing for the 1990's. There is no consensus on how this came about. There is no one single factor to credit, but a multiplicity of interdependent and intertwined trends. According to Mary Kaldor, some of the factors involved include the end of the cold war, the reduction of the welfare state, the legacy of the Reagan-Thatcher ideology of anti-statism in international relations, the increased role of multilateral institutions (notably the United Nations) in global governance, big ideas like Robert Putnam's on social capital, which in turn led to the resurrection of Tocqueville's associational life, and the success of social movements such as Solidarnost in Eastern Europe. The result was a tremendous growth in the resources available to NGOs. In addition to becoming the preferred deliverers of aid, these organizations were expected to promote democracy (and at the same time were considered an indicator of the health of democracy), to step in during emergency situations, to help wrought regime change, to foster social integration of marginalized peoples and communities, and a lot more. Some of the numbers are indicative. For example, over 90 percent of the European Union's humanitarian funding in the 1970's was channeled through governments, and none of it was channeled through NGOs. Thirty years later, governments account for but 6 percent of the recipients, while NGOs account for 37 percent. According to data from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (O.E.C.D.), 13 percent of all development assistance, which amounted to $8.3 billion in 1992, was channeled through NGOs. The figure was a mere 0.2 percent in 1970. Before long, indications started appearing also of agglomeration vs. fragmentation on the opposite end of the pendulum. Andrew Natsios, still the chief administrator of USAID, the American development agency, has been arguing, with particular reference to emergency and relief work, that 10 U.S. and 10 European NGOs spend 75 percent of all the public funds that go to complex emergencies. Scholars speak of the "big 8," meaning the eight largest humanitarian NGOs, which account for the lion's share of the market, or of oligopoly. As NGOs grew in numbers, they grew in power. Their capacity to influence international relations soon became obvious. Former U.N. Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali once said that NGOs were "an indispensable part of the legitimacy" of the United Nations. Kofi Annan has called NGOs "the conscience of humanity." A series of "colored" revolutions over the last several years, in which NGOs played prominent roles in mass civic protests, put the democracy work of these civil society organizations in the spotlight. Several governments responded with restrictive legislative measures to curb the possibility of civil society organizations involving themselves in political affairs. Every action faces a reaction. The unprecedented popularity and leverage of global civil society organizations started to be challenged by claims that they lack legitimacy, accountability, and transparency. Far too often, they were compared to businesses or an industry, and an unregulated industry at that. Governments started saying that NGOs do not have a democratic mandate, that they are not elected. Many critics of civil society organizations argue that they are not accountable to anyone but their donors. At present, NGOs are under intense scrutiny. The debate looms large and it is difficult to imagine it not having an impact on their scope and influence. At the very least, it will undercut their funding. In the same way that NGOs grew from a handful of groups to a strong global phenomenon, they can easily start to recede, perhaps over a longer period of time. The withdrawal of one type of funding can lead to a reduction in another, and eventually a trend will emerge. Today, NGOs are mobilizing, defending their work, thinking of self-regulation, creating standards of proper conduct, and essentially reforming. Some of the donors are perhaps thinking about the alternatives. Is it better to go back to channeling the aid directly through governments? Or should they just give it to the big multilaterals? Still, with all the criticism going around — and some of it is definitely warranted — NGOs are well positioned to do things that nobody else can do effectively. Here are a few examples: Recently, an NGO fighting for the rights of people with disabilities embarked on a national campaign in Macedonia and collected almost 20,000 signatures. Its aim is to put through parliament a new, modern law protecting the rights of the disabled. Who else could have done such a thing? The government? If the government cared, it would have passed the law in the first place. Can one imagine a donor subcontracting such a deal to a company? In another example, from the same European neighborhood, a couple of years ago several environmental groups fought the government of Montenegro in court over its plan to build a power plant in the canyon of the river Tara, a wonderful nature area. And they won. Perhaps it can happen elsewhere, but in the Balkans, it is difficult to see small groups telling governments what to do. In Albania, the youth movement Mjaft has played a remarkable role in fighting government corruption over the past years. They contributed tremendously to building a responsible citizenship. Who else could have done this? And the same goes for the thousands of unknown groups that deliver services every day in impoverished communities, ghettoes, slums, and other places too small for bulky governmental systems to address. They make sure Roma children do their homework and stay in school, drive up to remote villages and fight female illiteracy, fight discouragement in young people who are unable to find employment by enhancing their skills and employability. These are all tasks that should fall under the mandate of governments. That much is clear. Who else can succeed where governments have failed? More Information on NGOs More Information on NGOs and States More Information on Funding for NGOs More Information on the Credibility and Legitimacy of NGOs
By Ben Ofosu-Appiah * African Path
March 28, 2008Registered Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs), variously known as 'Private Voluntary Organizations', 'Citizens Associations', 'Civil Society Organizations', but also increasingly called "NPOs", an acronym that stands for "Non Profit Organizations" are on the rise world wide. This is re-shaping politics and economics both at domestic and global levels, a phenomenon almost equal to the rise of the nation-state at the end of the nineteenth century. Today, NGOs address every conceivable issue and they operate in virtually every part of the globe. NGOs create public goods needed by citizens that are not ordinarily found in the profit oriented market place. It is commonly accepted fact that NGOs form a distinct third sector separate from business and governments. This sector provides essential social services and the profit in this case is primarily social progress. One of the biggest successes of the last decade was the campaign to outlaw landmines where hundreds of NGOs in concert with the Canadian government pushed through a ban in a year. NGO activities are not confined to governments agenda alone. For example, NIKE has been targeted for poor labour conditions in its overseas factories. In short, NGOs are increasingly playing a vital role as lobbyists and activists at the corporate, national and international levels and their criticisms sometimes lead to reassessment of policies. NGOs play roles that go far beyond political activism. Many are important deliverers of services especially in the developing countries. Some of the biggest NGO's such as CARE or Medecins San Frontieres are primarily humanitarian aid providers. As the initial optimism at the end of the cold war and the prospect of a "peace dividend" faded with the flaring up of ethno nationalist conflicts across Europe, Asia, and Africa, unleashing humanitarian catastrophe in an unequal proportions, the role and importance of humanitarian aid and relief providing NGOs became even more critical. In 1995, it was estimated that around 14 million people were refugees and some 23 million people were internally displaced. This provided fertile grounds for the rise of NGO activities in this area. In most cases, NGOs responded more effectively to these crises as the international organizations and states grapple with the issue of humanitarian intervention. Their operations have helped changed lives during and after conflicts. It has been argued that to make NGOs even more effective, they should think beyond relief and conceptualize their interventions along a relief-development continuum so that relief activities contribute to development programs as peace returns. The second strategic option involves providing a mix of relief and development activities that provide for immediate basic needs while creating the physical, human or social capital that will raise the likelihood of economic and social development in the future. NGOs are partners in development or should be, especially those operating in developing countries. Many are engaged in development projects, providing technical assistance to help improve the lives of the rural poor. Through the increasing participation of NGOs in the design, consultation, operation and evaluation of projects, they are acting as agents to empower people at lower levels of society to improve their own lives thus reducing poverty. NGOs tend to be more sensitive to the needs and aspirations of the poor communities, minorities, and women thus commanding more legitimacy in their eyes than most governments. It is expected that NGOs with proper coordination to avoid dysfunctional competition will assume many of the conventional mandates that are usually undertaken by governments and specialized UN agencies. A case in point is the fact that in an era of decreasing foreign aid, the amount of aid being channeled through NGOs operating in developing countries is going up. According to the World Bank, today NGOs in Africa manage nearly $3.5 billion in external aid compared to under $1 billion in 1990. It is against this background that I see recent reports of corruption within some NGO's in Ghana as very troubling development. It is highly unfortunate that some people see NGO's as a business albeit making illegal money for themselves through fraudulent means. Some people use non existing NGO names to solicit money abroad and then divert them for their selfish gains. There has been a number of reports of such nature in the newspapers and on the internet lately that raise serious questions on the credibility of some of these NGO's operating in Ghana today. This is tarnishing the image of the country both at home and abroad and needless to say, NGO's must be made to keep proper accounting of all monies received and disbursed and have such accounts audited periodically and made public. In spite of the few bad nuts in the NGO's in Ghana, some are doing a real good job. Every single day, they are helping to put tools in people's hands, hope in their hearts, and bringing back the smiles on their faces. Some of the greatest strengths of NGOs over governments lie in advocacy and participatory models of development that focus on human development. They are very effective in demonstrating that poverty, no matter how endemic can be tackled by involving project beneficiaries in planning, implementation and sustainability of the projects. According to a 1997 United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) working paper, the strength of NGOs lies in their "proximity to their members or clients, the flexibility and the high degree of people's involvement and participation in their activities, which leads to strong commitments, appropriateness of solutions and high acceptance of decisions implemented. For example in Africa, many donors view NGOs as an important part of Africa's democratization process, acting as watchdogs and advocates for human rights and good governance. NGOs often tackle issues that governments are unable or unwilling to take up. They provide efficient, innovative and cost effective approaches to difficult social and economic problems. In some cases, they provide leadership and inputs in producing and advocating public policy, and operate in spheres where government officials are constrained by bureaucratic or political considerations. It is one of the greatest paradoxes of our time that globalization has been associated with increased intra-state tensions, and has exacerbated a host of worries; over the environment, labour rights, human rights, consumer rights, and so on. NGOs have and do play an important role in highlighting and addressing these concerns. Through the power of the internet, NGOs provide network services, by building coalitions through a network of contacts domestically and internationally providing information on important issues to concerned interest groups and individuals. Through these networks and coalition building they can organize to demonstrate against or even derail the gathering of any organization whose operations they feel detrimental to the environment, labour rights, poverty reduction etc. as happened in Seattle during the 1999 WTO meeting. NGOs are confronting globalization not only by demonstrations at the international level but also at the grassroots level, where NGO's are already developing a number of strategies to help poor people address the realities of their position in global markets and play a creative role in re-shaping economic forces. First, by improving the endowments of the poor so that they can compete more effectively and achieve a basic level of security, voice and equality of rights, without which economic alternatives are hard to come. This continues the traditional role of NGOs in developing skills, building capacities and institutions, and increasing access to credit facilities and economic opportunities but also underpinned by a more systematic attempt to link different levels and sectors of the economy. Secondly, NGOs can turn market forces to the advantage of the poorer groups by reducing the benefits normally siphoned off by intermediaries. An example is an attempt by NGOs in South Africa to work with community associations to help them negotiate better contracts with commercial hunting and tourism concerns thus eliminating middlemen who would take huge consulting fees from the process of contract negotiations. All over the world, NGOs are acting as agents of change and empowering many of the disadvantaged to improve their lives. In the field of international relations, scholars now speak of NGOs as non state actors (a category that can also include transnational corporations). This term suggests NGOs emerging influence in the international policy arena where previously only states played a significant role. The former United Nations Secretary General Mr. Kofi Annan, has called them "the conscience of humanity" and technical NGOs have been consulted on relevant issues by the World Bank and other UN agencies before policies are implemented and treaties drafted. It is certain that their role will grow as global governance becomes more pluralistic and less confined to state based systems.They will continue to be a beacon illuminating the way forward as the World rises to confront new challenges. About the Author: Ben Ofosu-Appiah is a senior political and social analyst based in Tokyo, Japan. He is also a public policy expert and policy strategist who has written extensively on Third World issues. More Information on NGOs
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This page contains a selection of links and resources on each of the topics in the NGO portfolio.
Basic Information on NGOs at the UN| NGOs and the Official UN Documentation
| Successful NGO Campaigns| Academic/Research Centers |
NGO/UN Links | Other Links | Bibliography
Basic Information on NGOs at the UN
NGO Status at the UNInformation about the UN resolution on arrangements for consultation and the different categories of formal NGO status at the UN. List of Accredited NGOsIn September 2010 there were 3382 NGOs in consultative status with the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) in three different categories: General, Special and Roster. Calendars for NGOs at the UNLinks to different calendars of UN events open to NGOs.
NGOs and the UN Official Document SystemNGO Access to the United Nations "Official Document System" (May 2003)Global Policy Forum gives a detailed description of past and present developments of NGO efforts to obtain a free and open access to the UN Official Document System (ODS). Memo to Secretary-General Kofi Annan (April 25, 1997)Twelve NGOs urge a review of UN policy of access to the optical disk system in a major statement. United Nations Opens Official Document System to General Public (December 23, 2004)After seven years of petitioning and lobbying, NGOs have succeeded in gaining public access to the United Nations Official Document System (ODS) as of December 31, 2004. The ODS currently contains most UN documents, including UN resolutions and selective UN commission documents, mainly from 1993 to the present.(UN Press Release) NGOs Win ODS Access (January 26, 2004) In late December 2003, the UN finally approved funding for open public access to the organization's Official Documents System. Global Policy Forum has been leading a campaign for this important information tool for seven years. Lobbying by many NGOs worldwide helped carry the day. Interim Statement by President Cardoso on Access to the ODS (November 14, 2003) The Chair of the Panel of Eminent Persons on UN-Civil Society Relations has encouraged the Secretary General to ensure ODS financing in the 2004 budget plans. The Secretary General intends to urge the General Assembly to approve the ODS budget. Letter on the ODS to Mr. Nitin Desai by the World Federalist Movement (September 18, 2003) This letter to Mr. Desai, Special Adviser to the Secretary General for the World Summit on the Information Society, asks for support within the framework of the WSIS to secure NGO access to the UN Official Document System. CONGO Resolution on the ODS (June 26, 2003)The board of the Conference of NGOs (CONGO) adopted a resolution, recognizing information provided by the United Nations Official Document System as "essential to the work of the NGO community." Statement on Access to the ODS (June 4 – 6, 2003)This statement, signed by thirty five NGO leaders, underlines the importance of free access to the ODS for the NGO community.(Global Policy Forum) Letter Sent by the World Federalist Movement to Secretary General Kofi Annan (May 19, 2003)This letter requests the Secretary General's support in providing universal access to the Official Document System (ODS), a database containing all UN documents in the six official UN languages. This initiative would help NGOs located far from the UN while offering the public an invaluable resource. (World Federalist Movement) The ODS Episode: A Danger Signal from the Secretariat (July, 1999)A short description of the battles for access to the ODS in 1996 – 1997. During this period the Secretariat imposed a change for the ODS, favoring a fee - for - service approach to this informative resource. (Global Policy Forum) Letter from the Summer Institute of Linguistics to the Secretary General (April 16, 1999)Dr. Clinton Robinson of SIL writes to the Secretary General to request that fees for access to the UN's optical disk system be lowered or abolished. Discussion on the Access to the Optical Disk System at the UN (April - May 1998)Several comments are assembled here on the issue of the access to the Optical Disk System at the UN. Access to the Optical Disk System (February 25, 1998) Report of the Secretary-General Access to the Optical Disk System (August 21, 1997)Report of the Secretary-General. Letter by Samir Sanbar, Assistant Secretary-General for Public Information (June 19, 1997)A letter written to all signers of the 25 April 1997 memorandum, promising that a policy review is under way. Memo to Secretary-General Kofi Annan (April 25, 1997) Twelve NGOs urge a review of UN policy of access to the optical disk system in a major statement. Secretary General Responds to a Question on the ODS at a Briefing (March 18, 1997)The SG gives a vague reply to a journalist's question on ODS, but suggests that a policy of openness will eventually prevail. Letter to Amb. Ahmad Kamal (February 28, 1997)Protests high charge that the UN has imposed on NGO use of the ODS and argues for free NGO access. Letter to Amb. Ahmad Kamal (February 7, 1997)Discusses the UN's new optical disk system and the problem of NGO access to it. Successful NGO Campaigns NGOs and the International Criminal CourtThe NGO Coalition for the International Criminal Court successfully campaigned for the establishment of the International Criminal Court in 2002. The Coalition continues to campaign for further ratification of the Rome Statue and to work against US efforts to undermine the Court. NGOs and the International Campaign to Ban LandminesThe International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL) laid the groundwork for the International Mine Ban Treaty in 1997, which has been signed by 150 countries and ratified by 141 in 2003. The ICBL continues to work on ratification of the treaty by the remaining signatories and to promote the treatys implementation. NGO Working Group on the Security Council The NGO Working Group on the Security Council founded in 1997 brings together thirty major NGOs for a series of weekly meetings with Council ambassadors. The exchange of information contributes to the transparency and accountability of the Council. NGOs and UN ConferencesLink to reference document on the participation of civil society in United Nations conferences and special sessions of the General Assembly during the 1990s (Version 1 August 2001) UN/Civil SocietyLink to UN Website : "Partners in Civil Society" initiative. DPI/NGO The NGO Section of the Department of Public Information (DPI) at UN Headquarters serves as the liaison between the UN and NGO associated with DPI. DESA/NGOUN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA) section on NGOs offers information on how to obtain status and how to get a pass to the UN. There is also a link to the ECOSOC Committee on NGOs, responsible for accreditation and suspension of NGOs. United Nations Non-Governmental Liasion Service (NGLS)The United Nations Non-Governmental Liaison Service (NGLS) is a small inter-agency programme established in 1975 to strengthen UN-NGO dialogue and cooperation, particularly in the fields of development education, information and policy advocacy on global sustainable development.Conference of Nongovernmental OrganizationsThe Conference of Nongovernmental Organizations in Consultative Relationship with the United Nations Economic and Social Council. This is an independent, international and not-for-profit membership association of nongovernmental organizations that facilitates the participation of NGOs in United Nations debates and decisions. The NGOs NetworkA website with information and recent developments regarding the NGO access debate to the UN.
OneWorldCIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen ParticipationNGO Coalition for the International Criminal CourtNGOs at the Commission for Sustainable DevelopmentNGO Committee on Disarmament Our World Is Not for SaleFocus on the Global SouthNGO Café Work by Peter Willetts on NGOsBibliography
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NGOs do not have a single type of relationship with business. Some NGOs have very close ties to business or have been specially created by companies or business associations – such as the powerful International Chamber of Commerce or the influential Business Council on Sustainable Development. Other NGOs have mixed attitudes, partly critical, partly not. While still other NGOs tend to systematically differ from business firms in their views of the world and their sense of international priorities. Big companies increasingly seek to have "dialogue" with critical NGOs and to coopt them through grants, "partnerships," "multi-stakeholder dialogues and other means. While leading public relations firms pioneer ever-new forms of "proactive" business policies towards NGOs, global justice movement NGOs pioneer ever-new forms of criticism and public accountability for private firms.GPF PerspectivesNGOs and Transnational Finance (February 2001)GPF's Jason Garred presents a general introduction to NGOs, and then looks at how NGOs can influence the murky world of transnational finance. Articles 2013 | 2012 | 2011 | 2010 | 2009 | 2008 | 2007 | 2006 | 2005 | 2004 | 2003 | Archived Articles2013 David vs. Goliath: Keystone XL Multinational Bullies Pipeline Protestors into Settlement (January 29, 2013)NGOs have been at the forefront of the fight against the Keystone XL tar sands project. In response, TransCanada has issued a series of lawsuits against these groups. Filing what are called “Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation” (SLAPP), multinational companies can take action against non-violent protests by targeting financially-weak NGOs and individual protestors. One attorney representing the activists condemns the lawsuits as an unethical violation of freedom of speech. Ironically, what activists have labeled “corporate bullying” has not deterred the coalition movement against the project. (Common Dreams) 2012 More NGOs Finding Fruitful Collaborations with the Private Sector (August 7, 2012)Oxfam has partnered with Unilever to improve the livelihoods of smallholder farmers in Tanzania and Azerbaijan. NGO and private sector partnerships can be mutually beneficial— businesses benefit from sustainable development by strengthening their supply chain and their public image, while NGOs benefit from technical and financial assistance. However, Oxfam is cautious not to turn the partnership into a plantation building scheme. Oxfam independently monitors corporate social responsibility and only partners with companies with their core business working to make a difference. (Guardian)
Philanthropic Foundations Bring New Challenges to Aid Debate (November 9, 2011)Private foundations are becoming increasingly involved in providing aid and investing in foreign development projects. In 2009, global private philanthropy was $53 bn, and official government development assistance was $120bn. While private foundations often have an efficient method of raising money and delivering aid, they lack transparency and accountability. (Guardian)
When Dealing with the Devil Pays (September 13, 2011)This IRIN article examines the relationship between development and private companies. Some development NGOs encourage private partnerships, arguing that corporations’ assistance ensures that they will have both funding and the support to achieve their development goals. However, these private development partnerships are fundamentally flawed since private organizations have no stated obligation to protect human rights and more, often than not, only fund and support projects that fulfill their business interests. (IPS Terraviva) How Professional Do We Want Development Work to Be? (June 29, 2011)There is a growing trend among NGOs to adopt a business model in the hopes of improving the delivery of humanitarian assistance. Business-like practices include streamlining costs, improving efficiency and attracting highly skilled workers. This Guardian article discusses this new trend and points out that while it is important for NGOs to improve the mechanism by which they deliver aid, the pursuit for efficiency must not compromise the overall mission of NGOs. (Guardian) Private Sector Given Greater Role in UK International Aid (June 3, 2011)The UK will now use aid money to directly fund 300,000 companies in poorer countries in order to open up trading opportunities in the developing world. With other countries, like the US, increasingly using the private sector to deliver aid, it is important to acknowledge that businesses are often “engine(s) of exploitation” and do not guarantee assistance or profit for the developing countries. It is necessary to hold businesses accountable for their actions and systematically evaluate whether or not these projects are actually delivering humanitarian assistance or merely furthering the interests of the donor countries. (Guardian) A Review of Private Sector Influence on Water Policies and Programs at the United Nations (May 18, 2011)This report released by the Council of Canadians condemns increased corporate influence on UN water policy. The timing of the report is important as water was only recognized as a human right last year, and the UN is still determining the limits of corporate involvement. While the report does not oppose corporate involvement in ensuring sustainable water protection policies, it warns that the UN should be aware of the “imbalance in power, influence, and money” that comes from allowing corporate lobbying. (The Council of Canadians)
Money can Taint NGO's Clean Image (Febraury 10, 2011)The Seub Nakhasatien Foundation, a prominent Thai environmental NGO, has accepted 25.89 million baht - approx 851,000 USD - from the energy company Petroleum Authority of Thailand (PTT). In the 1990s, the Foundation campaigned against a gas pipeline built by PTT through the Huay Kayeng forest reserve. By accepting sponsorship from PTT, the Foundation exposes itself to the firm's influence. Regardless of whether PTT exercises actual influence over the Foundation's environmental agenda, the appearance that it does is enough to damage the NGO's credibility. (Bangkok Post) Businesses Look for Profit in US Development Aid (Febraury 10, 2011)The Obama administration is looking to private firms to assist in the fight against world hunger. US development agencies are proposing efforts that would incentivize aid to attract private sector actors. Traditionally, aid is given to governments or civil society organizations. The administration believes that the "profit motive" can be leveraged to make projects more sustainable. Yet this argument fails to consider places where projects are desperately needed but aren't profitable. Moreover, US transnational firms like Cargill stand to benefit the most from these arrangements. (Voice of America) 2010Can Warren Buffett and Bill Gates Save the World? (November 20, 2010)This Christian Monitor article analyzes the potential impact of Giving Pledge, an initiative by Bill Gates and Warren Buffett to donate billions of dollars to charity and getting other billionaires to follow suit. While the money raised can potentially alleviate many of the world’s basic problems, especially while governments are cutting back funds, it is still important to critically examine how the billionaires got their money, and the increasing collusion between corporations and NGOs/philanthropy. Do We need a New Qualification for NGO Managers? (April 27, 2010) The recently launched PMD Pro is a new qualification which offers web-based project management training to managers of development NGOs. This certification - based on “tools proven effective in the business world” – claims to improve management. While it has so far received favorable responses from organizations such as Oxfam, the author of this article remains unconvinced. Are additional credentials necessary for NGO professionals? Should scarce NGO resources – time, funding and personnel – be spent on this? This seems to reflect a worrying trend towards the “businessification” of NGOs. (Guardian) According to Ann Wright, US Army veteran and former US diplomat, it is our responsibility as consumers to convince companies that peace is more profitable than war. The Israeli cosmetics company Ahava is making money off war by exploiting occupied natural resources from the Dead Sea. Whereas the Japanese company Leila donates one yen to the Women's Peace Fund for every cosmetic product sold. Consumers must therefore be conscious when choosing which products to buy. (CommonDreams) Wireless Technology for Social Change: Trends in Mobile Use by NGOs (2008)This UN Foundation – Vodaphone Group Foundation Partnership paper publicizes a public-private initiative to sell mobile technology to poorer nations, and argues that "telecommunications can be a powerful tool for positive change in the world." Yet empirical evidence in the report fails to show that mobile initiatives achieve development goals. NGOs in healthcare studies gathered data with mobile phones, but could rarely use the information in the field because they lacked technology for data storage and analysis. The case studies also focused on small mobile networks, which the authors acknowledged rarely reach the poorest areas. The report peppers the research with success stories of mobile initiatives in rich countries, like text message sex education in the UK. (UN Foundation – Vodaphone Group Foundation Partnership) United Nations Global Compact: Impact and Its Critics (September 13, 2007)Supporters of the UN Global Compact argue the UN should cooperate with the private sector in order to promote corporate social responsibility. However, the UN Global Compact lacks a monitoring process and no binding measures have been taken since the start in 2000. By 2006, less than 60 percent of the corporations reported to have taken action to comply with the ten guiding principles on human rights, labor, anticorruption and environment. Critics argue that companies use the UN Global Compact as a tool to improve their image by being associated with the UN, without being required to take action. (Covalence Analyst Papers) The Contrarian: Are NGOs Playing Both Sides of the Human Rights Abuse Debate? (July 18, 2006)The author of this Ethical Corporation piece argues that NGOs should not blame multinational firms for human rights violations but instead seek accountability from states. However, such an argument overlooks how big companies sometimes push governments for "favorable deals" that further corporate interests. NGOs demand that UN Special Representative on Business and Human Rights John Ruggie call for "universally recognized standards and effective accountability mechanisms" in his final report. (Ethical Corporation) How Web of Activists Gives Coke Problems in India (June 7, 2005)Coca-Cola's expansion in India meets fierce resistance by activists inside and outside the country, who accuse the corporatio,n of damaging both the population's health and the environment with pesticides, pollution, waste disposal and excessive water use. While big companies such as Coca-Cola seek dialogue with NGOs to aid public relations campaigns, activists reproach them for not looking beyond their profit-motive which keeps them from making concrete efforts in the safeguarding of human welfare and the environment. (Wall Street Journal) From the Streets to the Inner Sanctum (February 20, 2005)Though big businesses shunned activists in the 1990s as little more than a nuisance, NGOs have been highly successful in improving their own trustworthy image while pressuring large organizations to open meetings, release documents and monitor social and environmental affects of their actions. The Los Angeles Times points to the Internet, better fundraising, alternative ideas and activists' participation in World Trade Organization discussions and the Davos World Economic Forum as reasons for the rising status of NGOs. (Los Angeles Times) CBI Chief Claims Davos Hijacked by NGOs (January 31, 2005)As poverty reduction and climate change gained more attention at this year's World Economic Forum, Sir Digby Jones, the head of Britain's leading employers' organization, accuses NGOs of "hijacking" the venue. Instead of holding businesses accountable, he would prefer the forum to celebrate "risk takers and wealth creators." (Guardian) Business/NGO Partnerships -- What's the Payback? (April 2004)Partnerships between NGOs and business are both attractive and bear dangers for the parties involved. Citing successful examples, the article argues that a deeper relationship can bring credibility to the businesses and give NGOs the chance to challenge and change business practices. (Ethical Corporation) NGOs: More than Flower Power (July 11, 2003)The Christian Science Monitor says that the Global Exchange, an international human rights organization, and Starbucks "work together to make 'fair trade' a reality." However, increased engagement with business could turn internationally credible NGOs watchdogs into "lapdogs." The 21 Century NGOs: In the Market for Change - Executive Summary (June 2003)This report, supported by a wide consortium of NGOs, focuses on the role of NGOs in civilizing capitalism through market-oriented activities. (SustainAbility) The 21 Century NGOs: Roles, Rules and Risks (2003)The radical change in markets required to address sustainable development blends NGOs with businesses, mixing civil society values with private sector tactics. (SustainAbility) Dot-com Exiles Turn Up at New Charities (June 23, 2003) Business professionals help under-funded non-profits by taking pay cuts and devoting their skills to philanthropy. (Christian Science Monitor) Has the American Enterprise Institute Lost Contact with Reality? (June 13, 2003) Ralph Nader argues AEI's criticism of NGOs as a threat to the constitutional democracy is unfounded. In fact, advocacy work and monitoring governments' and businesses' performance are fundamental to the democratic process. (CommonDreams) Bringing the War Home: Right Wing Think Tank Turns Wrath on NGOs (June 13, 2003)The American Enterprise Institute denounced NGOs for their "liberal internationalist" vision and attempts to "constrain the US." One professor even described NGOs as a "Stalinist concept." (Foreign Policy in Focus) US Conservatives Take Aim at NGOs (June 12, 2003)American Enterprise Institute declares NGOs a threat to US sovereignty and free-market capitalism. "NGOs have created their own rules and regulations and demanded that governments and corporations abide by those rules." (OneWorld)
The NGO Working Group on UN-NGO Relations regularly communicates with UN officials, including the Secretary General, on key NGO access issues. The UN Capital Master Plan, a major five year renovation of the UN Headquarters, has been a particular focus of the working group. There has been limited consultation of NGOs in the planning, and the working group has advocated greater inclusion to ensure that the renovations do not result in reduced physical access for NGOs. In addition to campaigns to address issues of physical access at the UN, the working group has also communicated with UN officials on the political environment for NGOs at the UN. Most importantly, the working group wants to ensure that statements by the Secretary General attesting to the importance of a partnership between the UN and NGOs are more than mere rhetoric. The working group campaigns for closer participation of NGOs in deliberation on issues of global concern. NGO participation must be meaningful, and not simply an afterthought in the decision-making process. NGOs and the UN Capital Master Plan (October 4, 2011) The NGO Working Group on UN Access sent a letter to the Michael Adlerstein, the Assistant Secretary General of the United Nations and Executive Director of the UN Capital Master Plan. The letter highlights the significant role that NGOs play at the UN and the many ways NGOs utilize space at the UN campus. The Working Group calls upon the Capital Master Plan to provide adequate space for NGO activities, minimize physical barriers to NGO access, and continue to provide an NGO Resource Center. Letter to the Secretary General Ban Ki -moon from the NGO Working Group on UN Access(January 18, 2011)The NGO Working Group on UN Access, of which Global Policy Forum is a co-convenor, sent a letter to the Secretary General on improving NGO access at the UN. The letter highlighted a number of serious access problems. The Working Group is particularly concerned with ensuring NGO-UN consultation on matters that affect the NGO community – on the basis of the principle “Nothing about us without us!” Global Policy Forum and partners have recently received a letter from Secretary General Ban Ki-moon on the topic of NGO access to the UN. The SG was responding to a letter from the NGO Working Group on UN Access - of which Global Policy Forum Director Jim Paul is co-convener - highlighting the erosion of NGO access and proposing solutions. Ban's letter was brief and very low in content. It did nothing to dispel the NGO community's worries about being cold shouldered, at a time when the Capital Master Plan for UN renovation is reducing space for NGO activity and providing a handy excuse for exclusion. Letter to Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon (February 22, 2010)
The NGO Working Group on UN Access wrote a letter highlighting the ereosion of NGO Access at the UN , and proposes several solutions.
Given the diverse nature and large number of NGOs, relations between NGOs and the UN have at times been stormy. NGOs face a constant battle to be heard at the UN, and often must compete with businesses and other private sector organizations toward which the UN is increasingly friendly. While some NGOs enjoy excellent access to meetings and good relations with UN officials and delegations, governments sometimes react negatively to NGO advocacy and seek to restrict NGO opportunities. Access has long been at the forefront of NGOs' struggle at the UN, especially in attempts to gain consultative status in UN bodies or the right to view UN documents through the Official Document System.
2013 | 2011 |2010| 2009| 2006| 2005| 2004| 2001 | 1999 2013In a report commissioned by UN DESA/DSD Major Groups Programme in response to the Rio+20 outcome document, Barbara Adams and Lou Pingeot (Policy Advisors at GPF but acting in their personal capacities) take stock of the reviews of the history of Major Groups' engagement with the Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD) and highlight examples of best practices that were deemed successful and efficient and those that did not work. Furthermore, they identify lessons learned from the experience and concerns raised by participants interviewed in the preparation of the report. Although the study finds support for the Major Groups framework, it also denotes serious issues and concerns - not all specific to the Major Groups framework - that should be addressed in a future interface with the high level political forum that will be replacing the CSD from September 2013 onwards. Finally, the study highlights best practices emerging from the CSD experience and other UN processes that should be replicated. Options and recommendations for consideration by Member States, the UN, Major Groups and other stakeholders are identified throughout and highlighted in the conclusion. (UN DESA/DSD Major Groups Programme) 2011Remarks to Non-Governmental Organizations (October 26, 2011)On October 26, 2011, Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon addressed a group of UN based NGOs on his vision and priorities for his second term. Several NGOs felt the event was not well advertised, and that the Secretary General did not offer any concrete responses to ongoing NGO issues of access to the UN. (UN News Centre) NGOs Political Outcasts at High-Level UN Meetings (September 12, 2011)Thousands of NGOs are being denied access to high-level meetings during the UN General Assembly from September 20 to October 3, 2011, despite having UN issued passes. Though NGOs have consistently played an important role at the UN and were once described by a former UN Secretary-General as the world’s “third superpower,” the UN has barred NGOs from the GA for “security purposes.” The UN has long depended on the “advocacy skills, creative resources, and grassroots reach” of various NGOs. By blocking their access to these meetings—many on topics that NGOs specialize on— the UN is hindering its ability to effectively address global issues. (IPS Terraviva)
Record Number of NGOs seeking participation in the UN (January 31, 2011)During the 2011 regular session of the Committee on NGOs, a committee of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA) announced that a record number of NGOs are applying for ECOSOC consultative status. Though the number of applications has increased, the UN has continues to refuse to formally address the significance of NGO participation at the UN and has neglected to consult NGOs on issues of NGO access, participation, and accreditation. ( DESA)
Letter from the NGO Working Group on UN Access to the Secretary General Ban Ki -moon (January 18, 2011)The NGO Working Group on UN Access, of which Global Policy Forum is a co-convenor, sent a letter to the Secretary General on improving NGO access at the UN. The letter highlighted a number of serious access problems. The Working Group is particularly concerned with ensuring NGO-UN consultation on matters that affect the NGO community – on the basis of the principle “Nothing about us without us!”
Global Policy Forum and partners have recently received a letter from Secretary General Ban Ki-moon on the topic of NGO access to the UN. The SG was responding to a letter from the NGO Working Group on UN Access - of which Global Policy Forum Director Jim Paul is co-convener - highlighting the erosion of NGO access and proposing solutions. Ban's letter was brief and very low in content. It did nothing to dispel the NGO community's worries about being cold shouldered, at a time when the Capital Master Plan for UN renovation is reducing space for NGO activity and providing a handy excuse for exclusion. (To read letter to the Secretary General, click here .) 2009UN Shuts Out NGO after China Objects (July 28, 2009)The Dynamic Christian World Mission Foundation has been unsuccessful in its application for ECOSOC consultative status. Due to its refusal to disclose membership information, the organization faces strong opposition from the Chinese government. NGOs have criticized the Committee's decision by arguing that it obstructs freedom of religion, education, and human rights. US delegate John Sammis also describes the decision as "embarrassing." (CNSNews) 2006
Response to Advisors' Report to the President of the 60th General Assembly on the Relationship between Member States and NGOs (September 1, 2006)In this statement, a group of NGOs, including Global Policy Forum, responds to the recommendations of Ambassadors Johan Lovald of Norway and Rezlan Jenie of Indonesia for boosting NGO participation at the General Assembly (GA). The text reflects on past NGO contributions to the work of the UN, reiterates calls for regular status with the GA and also opposes the use of the Cardoso report as a "basis for policy." The NGOs request a formal and open process, instead of just hearings, to foster sustained dialogue between Member States and NGOs. Report to the President of the 60th General Assembly on the Relationship between Member States and NGOs (July 5, 2006)In a report to General Assembly President Jan Eliasson, Ambassadors Johan Lovald of Norway and Rezlan Jenie of Indonesia advise on how to enhance NGO relations with the General Assembly. After consultation with Member States and NGOs, the report recommends some possible avenues, but comes short of specific plans and skirts important issues such as means for regular consultations between NGOs and Member States. Letter from President of General Assembly to Member States on UN-NGO Relations (May 18, 2006)In this letter distributed to Member States, President of the 60th General Assembly Jan Eliasson announces his intention to explore ways to enhance NGO participation at the UN, and the General Assembly in particular. Eliasson has appointed Ambassadors Johan Lovald of Norway and Rezlan Jenie of Indonesia as his personal advisers. Paper on NGO Participation at the United Nations (March 28, 2006)A group of NGOs, including Global Policy Forum, has submitted a letter to the General Assembly President calling for improved NGO access and participation at the UN. The list of ten recommendations includes access to the new Human Rights Council, Peacebuilding Commission and the General Assembly, as well as better support for NGLS and the appointment of a high-level person on NGO affairs in the Executive Office of the Secretary General. The text emphasizes that while NGO hearings by UN bodies may have a value, they should not be used "as a fig leaf to conceal the lack of more extensive forms of NGO participation." NGOs remain unclear about the role they will play in the new Human Rights Council. Only one NGO representative has been permitted to speak at the Human Rights Commission's closing ceremonies, but the speaker will affirm NGOs commitment to the Council and speak out against exclusion of civil society from the new Council. (Inter Press Service) Geneva NGOs Brace for New UN Rights Body (March 23, 2006)Swiss Info writes that NGOs face an increased challenge in playing an active role in the new Human Rights Council. NGOs with smaller budgets, particularly those from developing countries will encounter problems with ensuring a presence in Geneva at the more frequent Council sittings. The article argues NGOs also face "certain regimes hostile to human rights" that aim to suppress NGO activities in the Council. Charting New Ways of Participation: Is it Time for a Parliamentary Assembly at the UN (February 22, 2006)CIVICUS recommends the creation of a UN Parliamentary Assembly to make the UN more democratic and increase the participation of civil society. In the initial stages the body could hold consultative status with the UN in co-operative agreement with the General Assembly, progressing to an assembly elected by "the peoples of the world." Although an ambitious proposal, the article believes such a body would provide a "vital link" between the UN, system, parliaments and civil society in a way that has not so far been possible.
2005UN: NGOs Seek Louder Voice in New Rights Body (July 29, 2005)Because UN Secretary General Kofi Annan has left most details on the forthcoming Human Rights Council for member states to decide after the High-Level September summit, many NGOs are worried that they will be excluded from the deliberations leading to the Council's formation. (Inter Press Service) Civil Society in Chile Sceptical about Reforms (July 26, 2005)NGOs in Chile are dissatisfied with the slow progress made towards implementing the Millennium Development Goals, and disapprove of the apparent shift in focus of the September 2005 UN Summit from development to UN reform and terrorism. Exponents of civil society also express resentment about the limited role the UN concedes to NGOs, explaining that "it is not possible to have an orderly world" without civil society's cooperation. (Inter Press Service) NGOs Hope First Date Wasn't Just a One-Night Stand (June 24, 2005)Following unprecedented UN General Assembly civil society hearings, NGOs express the need for more regular interaction with the United Nations. Many organizations are disappointed about their current degree of participation in UN decision-making, and stress that they would play an essential role in addressing the "lack of connectivity between documents and action on the ground." (Inter Press Service) UN Hosts Historic Session with Civil Society (June 22, 2005)The UN General Assembly hosts landmark hearings with civil society organizations to discuss the themes in Secretary General Kofi Annan's report "In Larger Freedom." While the sessions are a great achievement for NGOs, many doubt the impact they will have on the September summit outcome document, and some organizations question the UN's selection criteria of participants. (Inter Press Service)
Brazilian Draft Resolution on UN-Civil Society Relations (February 16, 2005)In this draft resolution on UN-civil society relations following up on the Cardoso report, the Brazilian delegation invites NGOs to participate in General Assembly (GA) main committee meetings and offers informal, interactive hearings before major events, but stops short of calling for NGO participation in the GA's annual plenary meeting. The resolution also welcomes the trust fund for NGOs particularly of developing countries, and decides to establish a working group to analyze a single NGO accreditation system at the UN.
2004UN Should Forge Stronger Ties with Civil Society, Deputy Secretary-General Says (October 4, 2004)In a General Assembly debate on the Cardoso Panel report, Deputy Secretary General Louise Fréchette reiterated the Secretary General's call for the GA to incorporate NGOs into its regular business. She also supported increased NGO access to documents and information. Better NGO-UN relations, said Fréchette, could "help improve the services we provide to the world's people." (UN News) NGOs are Side-Lined from Top UN Human Rights Meeting (March 16, 2004)The United Nations has marginalized NGO interaction with delegates during the Commission on Human Rights under the pretext of security concerns. NGOs which were blocked from accessing the plenary floor, charge that the restriction risks destroying the credibility of the Commission and prevents NGO advocacy possibilities. ( Franciscans International) 2001 NGOs and Global Conferences (May 18, 2001)Beginning with the Rio Earth Summit in 1992, this report provides detailed information on formal rules for NGO involvement in UN conferences, focusing on the issues of NGO accreditation, modalities of participation, and relations with Member States. ( Office of the President of the General Assembly of the UN) 1999 A narrative account of NGO access covering the period from 1996 to 1999 with many links to further information.
NGOs and ECOSOCAccording to the UN Charter, the participation of NGOs in the UN is limited to ECOSOC, which is the governing body that also establishes procedures of accreditation and suspension for NGOs. Notes On The Discussion Held April 28 With Members of The ECOSOC Committee On NGOs (April 28, 2000)Several points from the Committee's previous January 26th meeting were rehashed and new concerns were voiced. These included the issue of the UN's managing of funds for Southern NGOs and NGO access concerns. Additionally, the question of "what can NGOs contribute to the work of ECOSOC?" was addressed. ECOSOC Concludes NGO Review (November 1996)The NGLS Roundup covers the ECOSOC review of arrangments for consultation with NGOs from 1993 to June 1996. An article by the UN's Non-Governmental Liaison Service (NGLS) summarizing the ECOSOC decision on new rules for consultative status for NGOs. NGO Arrangements for Consultation with ECOSOCPosts press release issued upon completion of the negotiations for new consultation arrangements on 25 July 1996, as well as the two new documents that emerged, a list of organizations in consultation, and more. ECOSOC Review (E\1993\80)Review of the Arrangements for Consultation with Non-Governmental Organizations ECOSOC Resolution (E\1996\31) This Resolution reviews arrangements for a consultative relationship between the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations and non-governmental organizations. ECOSOC Decision on Non-Governmental Organizations (E\1996\297) This Resolution calls on the General Assembly to examine, at its fifty-first session, the question of the participation of NGOs in all areas of the work of the United Nations.
NGOs have worked with the UN General Assembly (GA) since the earliest days of the United Nations. They have attended meetings of GA committees and other subsidiary bodies, as well as meetings of the GA itself. Some NGO leaders have even addressed the GA (meeting as a committee of the whole). In 1996, after the conclusion of negotiations for broader NGO rights within ECOSOC, NGOs hoped that they would at last gain some kind of consultative status with the General Assembly. But though there have been many discussions and negotiations, progress has been very slow. This page provides links to various documents on the subject. Key Documents | NGOs & the GA | The GA Resolution | Support Letters | Background | US Proposals at ECOSOC | The Kamal Sub-Group | Statement and Reports of Meetings | Reform Initiatives
Response to Advisors' Report to the President of the 60th General Assembly on the Relationship between Member States and NGOs (September 1, 2006)In this statement, a group of NGOs, including Global Policy Forum, responds to the recommendations of Ambassadors Johan Lovald of Norway and Rezlan Jenie of Indonesia for boosting NGO participation at the General Assembly (GA). The text reflects on past NGO contributions to the work of the UN, reiterates calls for regular status with the GA and also conveys reservations about the use of the Cardoso report as a "basis for policy." The NGOs request a formal and open process, instead of just hearings, to foster sustained dialogue between Member States and NGOs. Report to the President of the 60th General Assembly on the Relationship between Member States and NGOs (July 5, 2006)In a report to General Assembly President Jan Eliasson, Ambassadors Johan Lovald of Norway and Rezlan Jenie of Indonesia advise on how to enhance NGO participation with the General Assembly. After consultation with Member States and NGOs, the report recommends some possible avenues, but comes short of specific implementation plans and skirts important issues such as the establishment of a mechanism for regular consultations between NGOs and Member States. Letter from President of General Assembly to Member States on UN-NGO relations (May 18, 2006)In this letter distributed to Member States, President of the 60th General Assembly Jan Eliasson announces his intention to explore ways to enhance NGO participation at the UN, and the General Assembly in particular. Eliasson has appointed Ambassadors Johan Lovald of Norway and Rezlan Jenie of Indonesia as his personal advisers. Paper on NGO Participation at the United Nations (March 28, 2006)A group of NGOs, including Global Policy Forum, has submitted a letter to the General Assembly President calling for improved NGO access and participation at the UN. The General Assembly should formalize consultative arrangements with NGOs, which at present are primarily informal and ad hoc. "A formal role for NGOs should be arranged on a more permanent basis, in particular for the standing committees." Brazilian Draft Resolution on UN-Civil Society Relations (February 16, 2005)In this draft resolution on UN-civil society relations following up on the Cardoso report, the Brazilian delegation invites NGOs to participate in General Assembly (GA) main committee meetings and offers informal, interactive hearings before major events, but stops short of calling for NGO participation in the GA's annual plenary meeting. The resolution also welcomes the trust fund for NGOs particularly of developing countries, and decides to establish a working group to analyze a single NGO accreditation system at the UN. Letter to the Secretary General on Civil Society Participation in the GA Summit (November 12, 2004)The UN's Millennium Declaration called for "strong partnerships" with "civil society organizations," and an additional statement on the 2005 General Assembly plenary meeting stated that preparations for the meeting would be "open, inclusive and transparent." This letter's signatories, who include Global Policy Forum Europe Director Jens Martens, say other measures in the report actually restrict NGO participation. The letter argues that NGO engagement would promote action on the Millennium Development Goals and includes several already-tested suggestions for involvement in the summit. Proposed General Assembly NGO Resolution on NGO participation in the UN General Assembly (May, 2000)NGOs and the General Assembly NGOs Hope First Date Wasn't Just a One-Night Stand (June 24, 2005)Following unprecedented UN General Assembly civil society hearings, NGOs express the need for more regular interaction with the United Nations. Many organizations are disappointed about their current degree of participation in UN decision-making, and stress that they would play an essential role in addressing the "lack of connectivity between documents and action on the ground." (Inter Press Service) UN Hosts Historic Session with Civil Society (June 22, 2005)The UN General Assembly hosts landmark hearings with civil society organizations to discuss the themes in Secretary General Kofi Annan's report "In Larger Freedom." While the sessions are a great achievement for NGOs, many doubt the impact they will have on the September summit outcome document, and some organizations question the UN's selection criteria of participants. (Inter Press Service) UN Should Forge Stronger Ties with Civil Society, Deputy Secretary-General Says (October 4, 2004)In a General Assembly debate on the Cardoso Panel report, Deputy Secretary General Louise Fréchette reiterated the Secretary General's call for incorporation of NGO contributions into the General Assembly's regular business. She also supported increased NGO access to documents and information. Better NGO-UN relations, said Fréchette, could "help improve the services we provide to the world's people." (UN News) Working Group on UN Conference Follow-Up Fails to Include NGOs (December 17, 2002)The General Assembly adopted a draft resolution that established a working group to follow-up on UN conferences in the economic and social fields. The final resolution does not include any provisions for NGOs, but NGOs still hope that the President and Chairs will allow them monitoring rights. (International NGO Task Group on Legal and Institutional Matters) UN Civil Society Outreach Symposium (June 1, 2001)This paper emphasizes the need to allow greater NGO participation in UN policy development. It addresses issues such as extending NGO consultative status to the General Assembly and increasing the ability of Southern NGOs operating at a grass-roots level to be heard at the UN. (Stanley Foundation) The GA Resolution CONGO's Version of a GA NGO ResolutionSupport the NGO GA Resolution!The World Federalist Movement is chair of the International NGO Task Group on Legal and Institutional Matters (INTGLIM) leading the campaign for NGO consultative status in the GA. Click here for more information supporting the GA NGO Resolution. Partial List of NGO Supporters of the GA NGO ResolutionSupport Letters From NGOs Open letters to Member States of the UN supporting the proposed General Assembly NGO Resolution to advance the crucial relationship between the UN and civil society Letter From Amnesty International (March 23, 2001) Letter From the Basel Action Network (February 1, 2001)Letter from the Institute for Agriculture and Trace Policy (November 21, 2000)Letter from Greenpeace (August 31, 2000)Background UN Legislative History of the GA Resolution on NGOsGA President Calls For New Relationship Between UN and Civil Society (November 6, 2000)The GA President declared that one of his priorities is to enhance the participation of Civil Society in the UN. Will this declaration actually lead to concrete improvements? (UN Press Release) William R. Pace, Chair of INTGLIM, on NGO participation in the General Assembly (May 3, 1999)Canada-Netherlands Initiative at the General Assembly Final Text of General Assembly Decision (A/53/L.68) General Assembly Adopts Canadian Resolution on the Role of NGOs (December 17, 1998) General Assembly Adopts Decision for SG Study on NGO Access (December 19, 1997) Canada Draft Decision (December 17, 1997) Informal Consultations on NGOs Conclude (December 17, 1997) Report on 15 December Meeting of Governments on NGO Access (December 15, 1997) Report on 11 December Informal Government Consultations on NGO Access (December 11, 1997)Report on 9 December Meeting of Governments on NGO Access (December 9, 1997)Report on 8 December Meeting of Governments on NGO Access (December 8, 1997)Update on NGO Access (October 27, 1997)Draft Canadian Text on the Secretary General's Report on NGOs (December 3, 1998)US Proposals at ECOSOC INTGLIM Memo Analyzing the US Resolution (July 15, 1997)Draft US Resolution at ECOSOC on NGO Accreditation (July 1997)The Kamal Sub-Group Speaking Notes of Amb. Kamal for Sub-Group Meeting (May 5, 1997)NGO Statement to the Sub-Group (February 4, 1997)Speaking Notes of Amb. Kamal for Sub-Group Meeting with NGOs (February 4, 1997)"Essy Group" Sets up Sub-Group on NGO Consultation,(January 23, 1997)Statements and Reports of Meetings Statement of President of the GA (December 17, 1996)Report on Soundings Meeting (December 11, 1996)Speaking Notes of Amb. Kamal for "Soundings" with Governments (December 11, 1996)Report on Soundings Meeting (December 9, 1996)Statement on NGOs and the General Assembly by the World Federalist Movement Delivered at the Kamal NGO "Sounding" (December 9, 1996)Speaking Notes of Amb. Kamal for "Soundings" with NGOs (December 9, 1996)Speaking Notes of Amb. Kamal for "Soundings" with Governments (December 2, 1996)Reform Initiatives "NGOs and the UN: an evolving partnership" by the World Federalists of Canada (November 1996)"NGOs and the Democratization of the UN" by the World Federalist Movement (October 1996)Enlarging the Contribution of NGOs to the UN's Disarmament Work (October 1996)NGOs Call for Greater Transparency in Reform Process (January 18, 1996)After participating in its creation, NGOs remain unclear about the role they will play in the Human Rights Council. They hope to retain at least the same level of active participation they enjoyed with its predecessor, the Human Rights Commission, and ensure NGO involvement at the various steps of the newly-created Universal Periodic Review process. As the Council now holds no less than three sessions a year, NGOs with smaller budgets, particularly those from developing countries, will encounter problems with maintaining a presence in Geneva. An NGO Assessment of the New Mechanisms of the UN Human Rights Council (March, 2009)The UN member states transferred the Human Rights Commission into the UN Human Rights Council in 2006. This report looks at how NGOs have contributed to the decisions made in the new Universal Periodic Review (UPR) and the Advisory Committee, both inaugurated in 2008. In the UPR, NGOs experienced difficulties because of states' reluctance to consider their comments. On the contrary, the Advisory Committee expressed an openness to and appreciation of the NGOs' expert advice. (Human Rights Law Review) Score One for the NGOs (July 5, 2008)In early 2008, Egypt ran unopposed for the African turn in the rotating presidency of the UN Human Rights Council. NGOs opposed the candidacy because of Egypt's poor human rights record and its autocratic government. Forty-two African NGOs wrote letters of objection to all the African heads of state demanding Africa be represented by "a recognized human rights leader." On June 19, 2008, the Human Rights Council elected Nigeria to the presidency, satisfying the NGOs who believe Nigeria will be more open to NGO cooperation than Egypt. (Washington Post) States Must Cooperate with Human Rights Council (September 29, 2006)At the second session of the UN Human Rights Council, experts presented their findings on human rights violations to NGO and state representatives, noting the difficulties they encountered with some governments. Human Rights Watch urges Council members to "lead by example" and invite the independent UN monitors to assess their performance on issues such as torture and violence against women. Though the inspectors focus mainly on "notorious" human rights violators, blatant rights abuses prevail in countries like the US, which often hypocritically condemns other governments. Human Rights Council: Time to Make the UN Matter to Human Rights Victims (June 19, 2006)Human rights groups struggle to increase their involvement with the Geneva-based UN Human Rights Council (HRC) and ensure that HRC decisions translate into action in their respective home countries. In this report, a coalition of Asian NGOs makes recommendations for strengthening international human rights so that victims can receive compensation despite "faulty" domestic processes. Focusing mainly on Asia, the group calls on the HRC to appoint an expert to each UN field office in the region who will work closely with NGOs to monitor their governments' performance on human rights. (FORUM-ASIA) Civil Society Wonders What Role it Will Play in New UN Council (March 24, 2006)NGOs remain unclear about the role they will play in the new Human Rights Council. Only one NGO representative has been permitted to speak at the Human Rights Commission's closing ceremonies, but the speaker will affirm NGOs commitment to the Council and speak out against exclusion of civil society from the new Council. (Inter Press Service) Geneva NGOs Brace for New UN Rights Body (March 23, 2006)Swiss Info writes that NGOs face an increased challenge in playing an active role in the new Human Rights Council. NGOs with smaller budgets, particularly those from developing countries will encounter problems with ensuring a presence in Geneva at the more frequent Council sittings. The article argues NGOs also face "certain regimes hostile to human rights" that aim to suppress NGO activities in the Council. The Human Rights Council: A Chance or a Threat for NGO Participation? (March 16, 2006)NGOs welcomed the creation of the Human Rights Council but now fear that a failure by the new body to recognize the long fought-for "rights and privileges [they] acquired at the Commission" could potentially weaken NGO participation. In this article, the Conference of NGOs (CONGO) expresses hope that the newly created Council will retain active NGO involvement in its work. 160 NGOs Identify Essential Elements of a UN Human Rights Council (January 19, 2006)In an open letter to foreign ministers and UN permanent representatives, 160 NGO's urge UN Member States to build the new Human Rights Council upon the Human Rights Commission's successes and go beyond, in ensuring that states engaged in gross, systematic human rights violations cannot be elected and that the council meet regularly throughout the year. Of central importance as well, NGOs call for a continuing established participation of NGOs. (Human Rights Watch) Joint Letter on the UN Human Rights Council (November 1, 2005)Over 40 major NGO leaders sent a joint letter to General Assembly (GA) President Jan Eliasson. The letter describes the NGOs' recommendations for the new Human Rights Council, which the GA is working to establish following the September 2005 Millennium+5 Summit. The NGOs voice strong support for a permanent Human Rights Council, and urge the GA to protect NGO access to the new body. The Proposed Human Rights Council: Prospects and Obstacles (September 22, 2005)In a panel event at the 58th annual DPI/NGO Conference, experts from many sides of the Human Rights Council reform debate presented their views on the best future for the body. The transcript of this discussion juxtaposes these views, and illustrates the overlaps and discords between NGOs, the US, other member states, the High Commissioner on Human Rights, and academia. (Center for UN Reform Education) UN Reform and Rights Council (August 21, 2005)NGOs have pushed for years for reform of the Commission on Human Rights. Now that this reform is almost a reality, NGOs must remain vigilant during the establishment of the new Human Rights Council (HRC). This eKantipur editorial proposes several ways to make the HRC successful, and alerts NGOs about the potential warning signs of regressive reform, which would make the HRC less accountable to civil society than its predecessor. UN: NGOs Seek Louder Voice in New Rights Body (July 29, 2005)Because UN Secretary General Kofi Annan has left most details on the forthcoming Human Rights Council for member states to decide after the High-Level September summit, many NGOs are worried that they will be excluded from the deliberations leading to the Council's formation. (Inter Press Service) NGO Joint Statement on the Secretary General's proposed Human Rights Council (April 18, 2005)This NGO joint statement at the 2005 session of the Commission on Human Rights expresses concern over the Secretary General's proposed Human Rights Council. Specifically, the organizations believe the declining credibility of the UN and its human rights mechanisms results from an "absence of will of the parties concerned" rather than any inherent flaws in the institutions' structures, and that reform efforts should address this problem first. The statement also stresses the importance of representation and NGO participation. Amnesty International's Views on the Proposals for Human Rights Machinery Reform (April 11, 2005)Amnesty International (AI) commends UN Secretary General Kofi Annan for his bold proposal to replace the UN Human Rights Commission with a Human Rights Council. However, AI stresses the need for transparency and objectivity under the new Council and says it must "discourage bloc solidarity and political factionalism." Moreover, the organization warns against abandoning the system of Special Procedures established by the current Human Rights Commission and insists that NGOs retain their consultative status at the proposed Council. United Nations Human Rights Council – Explanatory Note (April 2005)In his report "In Larger Freedom," Secretary General Kofi Annan devoted just three paragraphs to his proposal on replacing the Human Rights Commission. This explanatory note develops the concept of a Human Rights Council further, and addresses some of the concerns of NGOs by assuring that the new Council will include civil society participation and retain the Commission's special procedures. (United Nations) NGOs are Side-Lined from Top UN Human Rights Meeting (March 16, 2004)The United Nations has marginalized NGO interaction with delegates during the Commission on Human Rights under the pretext of security concerns. NGOs which were blocked from accessing the plenary floor, charge that the restriction risks destroying the credibility of the Commission and prevents NGO advocacy possibilities. (Franciscans International) NGOs do not have formal consultative status with the Security Council, as governments consider peace and security issues a matter for states only. However, NGOs have won unprecedented informal access to the Security Council and its ambassadors notably through the NGO Working Group on the Security Council, of which GPF is the principle organizer. Security Council members now have close contact with leading Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). The NGO Working Group on the Security Council holds meetings nearly every week with Council ambassadors. Council delegates meet with NGOs in a variety of settings to discuss policy questions, including ad hoc consultations and Arria Formula briefings.
NGOs and the Security CouncilThis page is updated in the Security Council Portfolio.
NGOs and the Security Council (2004)This article details the growing engagement of NGOs with the UN Security Council in the period after 1990. As the Council grew more active, NGOs began to seek out Council members and argue for better policies. GPF took the lead in setting up the NGO Working Group on the Security Council in 1997 with the help of forward-looking ambassadors. Some positive results have followed, but great power interests set firm limits to what NGOs can achieve. Arria Formula and Other Special Meetings between NGOs and Security Council MembersIn addition to the NGO Working Group series, Council members meet with NGOs in other setting to discuss policy questions. Also, the International Peace Academy organizes briefings for Council members on a regular basis. Briefings and FormulasThe Council meets with outside parties to get information and advice, including meetings with NGOs. An important forum for such meetings is the Arria Formula, named after Venezuelan ambassador Diego Arria who invented this important meeting method. Archived Documents
This section includes reports by the Secretary General on NGOs and speeches made by past and present Secretary Generals. Reports | Speeches Reports 1999 Report of the Secretary General on NGOs (September 8, 1999)Kofi Annan's Report to the 54th session of the General Assembly on NGO interaction and participation in the UN system. Includes views of Member States, members of the specialized agencies, observers, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations from all regions. UN Requests NGO Input on the Secretary General's 1998 Report (May 7, 1999)At the request of the General Assembly, the Secretary General asks for comments on his July 1998 report so that a further report to the GA, at its fifty-fourth session, will take into account the views of NGOs. 1998 Report of the Secretary General on NGOs (July 10, 1998)"Arrangements and practices for the interaction of non-governmental organizations in all activities of the United Nations system." A 17-page report considered by the General Assembly in the 53rd session. Speeches Goal Must Be to Make Globalization an Equitable, Inclusive Process, Says Secretary-General (January 27, 2003)In this statement to the World Social Forum, Kofi Annan emphasizes the vital role NGOs play in global policy development. NGOs must hold governments accountable while at the same time working with them to ensure that a more equitable world becomes a reality. (UN Press) Secretary General Calls on NGOs to Create Worldwide Anti-Racism Movement (August 30, 2001)In a speech at the NGO Forum parallel to the Racism Conference in Durban, Kofi Annan emphasizes the role civil society played in the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa, taking it as a model for the global fight against racism. Secretary-General Urges NGOs to Campaign For Genuinely Open Markets (May 15, 2001)Secretary-General Kofi Annan left the Third United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries to deliver a speech at the Non-Governmental Forum in Brussels. He said that everyone in this conference should be listening to NGOs – so why isn't it so? (M2 Presswire) Annan Says NGOs Essential to Work of UN (August 29, 2000)Although our 'beloved' SG welcomed the NGO conference praising NGOs as "our best defence against complacency, our bravest campaigners for honesty and our boldest crusaders for change," that there is still no concrete commitment to NGO access by the UN and its member states. Hopefully this will be addressed at the upcoming Millennium Summit and Assembly. (Agence France Presse) Kofi Annan: "Global People-Power" Best Thing for UN (December 8, 1999)Text from the Secretary General's speech at the World Civil Society Conference in Montréal Canada. Message from Kofi Annan at the 52nd Annual DPI/NGO Conference (September 15, 1999)At the 1999 Conference: "Challenges of a Globalized World: Finding New Directions", the Secretary General discusses the difficult challenges posed by globalization and the need draw on many different fields of expertise to address the great problems of the coming century. UN Press Release on Kofi Annan's Address to the DPI/NGO ConferenceThe Secretary-General's address to the Conference, entitled "The Meaning of International Community", given on September 15, 1999. Quaker UN Office (June 6, 1999)Letter by Jack T. Patterson, Quaker Representative to the UN, addressed to Hanifa Mezoui, Chief of the NGO Section, Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA). CONGO (June 3, 1999)Statement by the Congress of NGOs (CONGO). Union of International Associations (May 21, 1999)Kofi Annan: Greater Role for NGOs at the UN Welcomed (May 7, 1999)Hague Appeal for Peace Press Release about Secretary General's speech in Berlin. International NGO Task Group on Legal and Institutional Matters (May 3, 1999)Kofi Annan: Speech at NGO Forum in Berlin (April 29, 1999)Secretary General Calls Partnership of NGOs, Private Sector, International Organizations and Governments Powerful Partnership for Future. International Information Service (November 11, 1998)Statement by Rosalind W. Harris of the International Information Service, emphasizing NGO access to the General Assembly. International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (Novermber 11, 1998)Statement by Beatrice von Roemer of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions. Kofi Annan: Growing Role for Civil Society (July 14, 1998)Speech by the Secretary General in Sao Paulo, Brazil on the achievements of citizens' groups in a wide range of international activities. Kofi Annan: Editorial on NGOsGuest editorial in "Go Between" magazine (December 1997-January 1998) affirms the growing importance and influence of NGOs at the UN. Razali Ismail: NGOs and the Future of the UN (September 15, 1997)Extract from the address by General Assembly President to the session's closing meeting. Boutros Boutros-Ghali to the DPI/NGO Conference (September 10, 1996)Speech delivered by the Secretary General at the DPI/NGO Conference giving his view of NGOs and promising a better location for the NGO Resource Center.
NGOs are very diverse and by no means are all equally laudable. Some NGOs act irresponsibly and undermine the credibility of the larger NGO movement. This is particularly problematic when conservative governments attempt to use these problematic NGOs as justification for severing important future NGO partnerships/initiatives. This section examines the problem of unconditionally viewing NGOs as the “conscience of society,” and the need to hold NGOs as accountable as the governments and institutions they critique.Articles 2012 | 2011| 2009 | 2008 | 2007 | 2006 | Archived Articles2012 Is the Faultline Among NGOs Over the Future of Development Deepening? (Aug 17, 2012)A study by University of Manchester has questioned the legitimacy of large development NGOs, saying that they are heavily influenced by government and corporate donors. This has sparked a debate about “development” programs that are too skewed towards aid rather than the structural causes of poverty. Grassroots organizations have criticized big international aid agencies for being bureaucratic and lacking the political commitment to force change. In the recent UK hunger summit organized by the government, big agencies praised the target commitments made in official policies. Those demanding more radical approaches charge that the government’s approach to simply earmark aid programs will not generate the systemic changes that are necessary. (Guardian) Cashing in While the Earth Burns (Aug 7, 2012)Foundations that claim to be “environmental” are supporting controversial programs such as the Marine Life Protection Act (MLPA) Initiative in California. The initiative created “marine protected areas” while allowing the state to export California Delta water, which killed millions of Sacramento splittails. The president of the Western States Petroleum Association chairs the MLPA Blue Ribbon Task Force—so the conflict of interest is apparent. While grassroots organizations are struggling to cover office expenses, the CEOs and top staff of large foundations and conservative environmental NGOs are receiving hefty salaries, up to $1,196,037 a year. “It is no surprise that the perspectives, interests and “environmental” programs of these NGO CEOs are aligned with the Wall Street 1 percent.” (Counter Punch) Hired Gun Fight (July 18, 2012)Rajiv Shah, the administrator of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), is fighting to channel US foreign aid through local institutions rather than American for-profit contractors, in order to increase accountability and aid effectiveness. The Coalition of International Development Companies, an advocacy coalition of 50 government contractors, have objected to the procurement reform stressing the threat of waste and corruption by foreign governments and other institutions. Shah’s aggressive push for paradigm shift is stirring the development world to rethink accountability. (Foreign Affairs) New Russian Bill Aims to Brand NGOs as "Foreign Agents" (July 2, 2012)The ruling United Russia party has submitted a bill which aims to brand foreign funded nongovernmental organizations in Russia as “foreign agents.” The authors of the bill intend to stop the NGOs from “conspiring” and force them to admit that they are the agents of foreign governments. Rights activists accuse the Kremlin of seeking to discredit civil rights groups that oppose to the regime. (Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty)
"NGO": The Guise of Innocence (March 2012)In December, Egyptian police raided the offices of several foreign “NGOs” leading to much Western press criticism. But the Western media has not investigated the history of the organizations and the nature of the charges. In fact, many of the groups are government sponsored organizations, receiving majority of their funding from the US National Endowment for Democracy which was formed to legally channel US government funds to opposition groups. By using the term NGO, the groups hide behind the illusion of innocent philanthropists, but if China or Cuba were funding opposition groups with a stated goal of regime change in the US, those involved would be facing much harsher consequences. (Irish Foreign Affairs) 2011 Silence of the Lambs (June 20, 2011)Though NGOs are often held as the “conscience of society,” NGOs should be scrutinized as harshly as governments and international institutions. This Slate article examines an alarming trend of NGO workers in Cambodia who are taking advantage of their “do-gooder” status by profiting from aid operations. While a number of Cambodian NGOs have done tremendously important humanitarian work, particularly in the area of landmine reduction and HIV education, these select NGOs undermine the credibility of the larger NGO movement. (Slate) Kenya: Outrage Over "Cash for Contraception" Offer to HIV-Positive Women (May 12, 2011)NGOs are often cast in a virtuous light, yet not all are deserving of this characterization. Project Prevention, a US NGO, pays drug addicts to undergo long term contraception or sterilization. This organization is now also operating in Kenya, paying HIV+ women US$40 to undergo long term contraception, which may last up to a decade. This program is discriminatory, illegal under Kenya’s domestic laws and a clear violation of the reproductive rights of HIV+ women. NGOs are not necessarily the conscience of civil society, and their actions, as with those of the private and public sectors, must be examined with a critical eye. ( IRIN) NGOs Must Form Creative Alliances to Tackle Global Poverty and Injustice (March 14, 2011)NGOs must purse new, and perhaps unexpected, alliances to successfully affect change; this is the message from Oxfam International's Deputy Advocacy and Campaigns Director, Stephen Hale. Hale argues that creative alliances achieve a number of purposes; including broadening and deepening public support and NGO capacity building. NGO alliances with business are on the rise, not necessarily because business is growing a conscience, but rather "businesses see partnerships as a way of restoring people's trust and confidence in them." While alliances can be effective, NGOs must be cautious that they are not pursued at the expense of affecting change. ( Guardian) Money can Taint NGO's Clean Image (Febraury 10, 2011)The Seub Nakhasatien Foundation, a prominent Thai environmental NGO, has accepted 25.89 million baht - approx 851,000 USD - from the energy company Petroleum Authority of Thailand (PTT). In the 1990s, the Foundation campaigned against a gas pipeline built by PTT through the Huay Kayeng forest reserve. By accepting sponsorship from PTT, the Foundation exposes itself to the firm's influence. Regardless of whether PTT exercises actual influence over the Foundation's environmental agenda, the appearance that it does is enough to damage the NGO's credibility. (Bangkok Post) Aid and Corruption: Cleaning Up (February 17, 2011) In January 2011, an Associated Press story detailed misappropriation of Global Fund to Fight AIDS monies. The story was based in part on an internal investigation by the Fund, the results of which were made public. In the weeks following the AP story there has been significant backlash against the Fund. Donors, including Germany, Spain, Sweden and the EU plan to freeze their contributions, and others may follow suit. The Fund is, by no means, the only international aid organization that must deal with corruption however. Punishing the Fund for its transparency is not an effective response. (Economist)
2009 Civil Society Self-Regulation (June 2009) As civil society has grown in number and influence, initiatives in self-regulation have increased. NGOs use self-regulation for building public trust, protecting their political space and sharing good practice. Self-regulation is much more developed in Western countries, whereas it is largely absent in developing countries due to governments’ heavy control. (One World Trust) 2008 The Myth of NGO Superiority (October 15, 2008)This article argues against the idea that NGOs are less driven by political interest and more perceptive of poor people's needs than government-led aid agencies. The author gives examples from Sweden and Switzerland and claims that NGOs do not provide more efficient or "better targeted" aid, but that they tend to "mirror" their government's interest. (D+C Development and Cooperation) Who Monitors the Monitors? (September 25, 2008)Unlike governments and businesses, NGOs are responsible to multiple parties with different interests, such as members, donors, governments, the general public and those who receive their help. In his speech, Peter Phiri from CIVICUS argues NGOs should not give priority to already influential donors, but instead work to increase public trust by further including underrepresented groups like women, ethnic minorities and the poor in their activities. (CIVICUS) Can Aid Be Effective Without Civil Society? – The Paris Declaration, the Accra Agenda for Action and Beyond (August 2008)This paper by the International Council on Social Welfare discusses the role of NGOs in development aid and analyzes the events leading up to, and following, the Paris Declaration. The authors also look at how international NGOs can work for better aid effectiveness by improving cooperation between themselves and local organizations in developing countries. Preventing Corruption in Humanitarian Assistance (July 2008)This report is based on a research project involving seven major international humanitarian NGOs. It explores perceptions and consequences of corruption within the NGO community. It also highlights increased awareness on corruption risks, and heightened efforts to mitigate such risks. Nevertheless, many still have a narrow view of what constitutes corruption, viewing it primarily as a "financial issue," rather than abuse of power. (Feinstein International Centre) China, NGOs and Accountability (April 8, 2008)Private donations account for almost 90 percent of NGO funding in China and the government has had more of a "monitoring" role than a "facilitating" one. This article describes how NGOs can strengthen their independence and credibility through examining each other's work and involving the people they serve. (OpenDemocracy) Why We Need to Look Hard at the NGOs' Flaws (Spring 2008)Evaluations of NGO effectiveness "have been patchy at best," says Robert Glasser, Secretary General of CARE International. Glasser argues that measuring the impact of NGO's operations is crucial in improving their response to crisis situations. He points to the confusion in Aceh, Indonesia, following the Indian Ocean tsunami, where 400 NGOs and UN organizations were competing for resources, staff and funding. CARE and six other NGOs have created an Emergency Capacity Building Project to strengthen NGO cooperation in assessing their own performance. (Europe's World) Swindling by Fake NGOs (March 15, 2008)Legitimate NGOs in Bangladesh struggle to preserve a pristine image whilst corrupt law enforcement agencies register fake NGOs as fronts for illegal operations. This Daily Star article identifies thirty illicit NGOs who swindle the poor in remote Bangladeshi villages and misappropriate foreign funds. Transparency International Bangladesh recommends that the government swiftly establishes an independent NGO commission. Forming a Donor Monitor NGO (January 16, 2008)This article argues that international development aid serves the interest of donor countries by setting short-term goals, creating dependency and promoting trade rather than stability in poor countries. The author argues it is not a problem of funding, but a lack of public oversight and bad management of aid by NGOs. He therefore suggests that a strong and independent "Donor Monitor NGO" could assess the global and local impact of NGOs' work, evaluate their "overall professional quality" and set up ratings to inform the public. (Policy Innovations) 2007 Silences in NGO Discourse: The Role and Future of NGOs in Africa (2007)This collection of essays argues that NGOs are Africa's new missionaries. They dispense services in a spirit of "charity and pity" as puppets of "neo-colonial" powers. NGOs rely on their funding partners in a paternalistic relationship where foreign "true friends" – as one US ambassador termed donors – treat the poor as recipients of aid and exclude citizens from policy-making. The author recommends that NGOs in Africa stop pretending neutrality and engage in political activism. (Fahamu) Western Humanitarianism or Neo-Slavery? (November 7, 2007)In October 2007, Chadian authorities arrested European NGO workers for kidnapping more than 100 children they falsely claimed were Sudanese orphans. In light of this scandal, UNESCO Chair in Human Rights, Professor Amii Omara-Otunnu critically assesses "Western humanitarianism" and the role of NGOs in Africa. Omara-Otunnu argues that "little has changed since the mid nineteenth century," when Christian missionaries viewed African people as lesser human beings who needed to be saved through European colonization. (Black Star News) An Atrocity That Needs No Exaggeration (August 12, 2007)The New York Times reveals that the "Save Darfur" campaign greatly inflated the number of deaths in order to heighten the sense of crisis in Darfur and press for intervention. Experts have contested the widely advertised death toll of 400,000 and the most reliable estimate suggests that there were 131,000 excess deaths in Darfur as of June 2005, after which date, United Nations and relief groups register a sharp drop. According to the Center for Research on the Epidemiology of Disaster, most deaths were due to malnutrition and disease, not violence. "Ultimately, the inflated claims fuel a death race in which aid and action are based not on facts but on which advocacy group yells the loudest," concludes the article. Facts were manipulated in order to promote a policy of humanitarian intervention. Civil Society Wants Transparency - For Itself as Well (May 14, 2007)Most NGOs strive to make the allocations of their funds transparent to the public, especially to skeptical benefactors. However, keeping track of finances and making the records accessible to outside parties can have high costs. Some NGOs that cannot afford a formal audit, hold regular meetings, require multiple directors' signatures for expenditures, or write down expenses on a blackboard in order to keep track of their accounting. An Argentine organization, Help Argentina, which aims to increase NGO credibility has created a "self-evaluation" booklet for its member organizations to use to analyze their transparency. (IPS Terraviva) Do Aid Agencies Pull Too Many Strings? (April 20, 2007)This AlertNet opinion piece discusses some problems that could arise when wealthy, foreign NGOs appear to wield more influence than domestic groups on social, political and economic issues. According to the article, the dilemma of "cash-rich" international organizations pushing agendas that do not seem to correspond with the needs of the local populace "can easily be seen and felt as neocolonial." The author calls on foreign NGOs to use their resources to not only carry out their mandates, but to also help strengthen the local NGO sector without overshadowing it. (AltertNet) Impact Measurement and Accountability in Emergencies: The "Good Enough" Guide (February 9, 2007)Drawing from the experiences of a number of international aid agencies, this guide outlines how NGOs can assess the effectiveness of their responses to humanitarian crises. This report emphasizes the need for an assessment system to enable the people affected by emergencies – as well as donors and host governments – to hold relief workers to account for their activities. Further, with evaluations that more accurately reflect the impact of their work, NGOs can improve existing field operations and better prepare for future unforeseen disasters. (Oxfam UK) 2006 Foreign NGOs Have Their Own Agenda (October 5, 2006)This Yemen Times piece recognizes the important contribution that foreign NGOs can make to the development of their local counterparts, particularly those in fledgling democracies. But the author cautions against relying too heavily on foreign groups whose agendas may not necessarily align with domestic needs. The author calls, instead, for greater popular support for local NGOs which, once better equipped, can play a more formative role in engaging their fellow citizens in domestic political, economic and cultural affairs. Strengthening Democratic Governance: The Role of Civil Society (September 21, 2006)This Wilton Park report delves into the challenges that grassroots organizations face in their efforts to promote government accountability and citizen participation. In their intertwined activities of advocacy, monitoring and providing services, NGOs often encounter government interference, unreasonable donor demands and questions about their own legitimacy. The report encourages NGOs to focus on attaining sustainable results and to "not be diverted" in their operations by such obstacles. (Wilton Park)
This Jakarta Post article draws attention to the increasing incidence of corruption and embezzlement among local and international NGOs in Indonesia. A UN official has charged that some NGO representatives use hard-earned funds for personal gratification, destroying potentially successful reconstruction projects. In an attempt to stem this corruption, a network of independent groups will rally against the issuance of work permits to "notorious" NGOs. (Jakarta Post) How Genuine Are NGOs? (August 7, 2006)According to this New Times opinion piece, western donors, particularly the US, have historically used NGOs to exploit economic opportunities in poor countries or to counter hostile political ideologies. Citing US-led wars and the ensuing relief efforts in Vietnam, Afghanistan and Iraq, the author strongly criticizes what he calls the "mockery of humanitarian aid." This occurs when donor nations use NGOs to provide humanitarian assistance in countries occupied by their troops. The article concludes that government-dependent NGOs work more to attract funds than to strengthen democracy. (New Times) The NED, NGOs and the Imperial Uses of Philanthropy (May 14, 2006)Agencies such as the US National Endowment for Democracy (NED) have, for many years, funded foreign NGOs who support chaotic "democratization" and "development" processes such as overthrowing elected governments and stemming any reformist movements. Oxfam UK, which receives significant donations from the US, has pulled its workers out of Iraq, showing that the source of funding largely influences NGO activities. In addition, the same sources funding NGO activities often also provide the information necessary for assessing local support for these NGOs. (Counter Punch) Marketing Humanitarian Crises (March 31, 2006)YaleGlobal Online reports that many of the worlds' worst crises "remain off the international agenda." NGOs carefully choose which international issues to devote time too, due to limited resources and "internal needs" such as pleasing funders. As a result victims must "sell themselves" to NGOs, in order to gain attention and major support. (YaleGlobal Online) Overview of Accountability Initiatives (January 2006)This One World Trust working paper provides information on initiatives promoting accountability of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), transnational corporations (TNCs) and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). In addition to a brief description about accountability within each sector, it provides an extensive database on organizations focusing on accountability. (One World Trust) The Power Shift and the NGO Credibility Crisis (January 2006)Over the past half century, NGOs have increased four-fold and become astute at mobilizing support. In the midst of transnational threats, like global warming, and a wave of democratization, international and domestic institutions rely critically on NGO input. Yet there is a dearth of mechanisms to scrutinize NGOs themselves. This paper argues for a set of "industry-wide standards" to enhance NGO credibility. (International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law)
Rev. Moon and the United Nations: A Challenge for the NGO Community (November 2001)According to WEED, three Moon front groups operate as accredited NGOs at the UN and more have applied for NGO status. This paper raises questions about who should qualify for NGO status and what protections should be developed against well-financed charlatans. Click here for the PDF document. ( WEED)
Archived Articles
GPF Perspectives
NGOs, Civil Society and Global Policy Making (June 1996)By James Paul, Executive Director of Global Policy Forum.
Articles
2009 | 2008 | 2007 | 2006 | 2002 | 2001 | 1996 | Archived Articles
2009Second Thoughts about NGOs as Representing Civil SocietyMany think that NGO participation in the international system is vital, as it promotes accountability of the global governance process. However, some consider NGOs as "unelected," representing "unaccountable special-interests," and disrupting global governance. This article discusses the role of NGOs and their representation in international institutions. It also explores the question - do NGOs represent and strengthen civil society? (Journal of Asian and African Studies)
2008Global Civil Society 2007/20082007Somewhere in Between: Conceptualizing Civil Society (December 2007)This paper describes how scholars from Aristotle to Marx have struggled to define civil society, and concludes that it is a vague concept. The author broadly describes civil society as a social form that harbors diverse interests distinct from, but shaped by, "state" and "market" influence. While some NGOs and citizen groups oppose government and business involvement in their activities, others cooperate closely with such actors. Regardless of their attitude to state and business, the article concludes that civil society creates an area for free public debate. (International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law) Civil Society in an Uncivil World (October 18, 2007)This Pambazuka article addresses the problems associated with the term "civil society." The author argues that the popular term sounds progressive, but might hide more than it reveals. Some proponents use the term to include regular citizens, NGOs and even large businesses. Depending on the situation, they can alter the meaning of the concept to fit different situations. The author suggests that this might disguise inequalities and marginalization between the different groups within the so-called civil society.
2006
Civil Society and Political Power: Power Is Finding New Paths (June 20, 2006)According to this article, the NGO movement has stepped up efforts to dispel the perception many have of NGOs as "dubious do-gooders" with no significant influence. The director general of Inter Press Service argues that NGOs have more courage than politicians to strengthen democracy. While a few governments have embraced NGO initiatives to increase citizen participation in policymaking, others still try to undermine NGOs. (IPS Terraviva)
2002All This "Civil Society" Talk Takes us Nowhere (January 5, 2002)Political and economic interests around the world have adopted the vague term "civil society" for their own ends. NGOs must formulate a more precise definition, to ensure that "the institutions and processes we oppose" do not manipulate campaigns and strategies. (GATT Watch) What is a Non-Governmental Organization? (January 4, 2002)Professor Peter Willetts of the City University, London asserts in an article for the UNESCO Encyclopedia that the term NGO "carries different connotations in different circumstances." The problems of definition do not overshadow the fact that "collectively, NGOs generate the dynamics of political change."
2001Background Paper on GONGOs and QUANGOs and Wild NGOs (December 2001)
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