In 1652 the Cape Colony "Capemen" indigenous people of !Urill'ael'ona Goringhaicona, Goringhaiqua and Gorachouqua was one tribe under HRH Gogosoa of the Goringhaiqua when the Dutch under commander Jan Anthony Van Riebeeck landed at Table Bay. The early Cape Hottentots, a story of Autshumao a !Urill'ael'ona Goringhaicona is in microcosm an illustration of everything that Walter Rodney , the revolutionary African-in-Diaspora political-economy analyst from Guyana who was cut down in his prime by an assassin in 1980, conveyed in his book 'How Europe underdeveloped Africa' published in 1972. The struggle on the Table Bay shoreline at the Liesbeeck River was fundamentally about the Europeans empowering themselves at the expense of African advancement. The under-development or usurping of the natural advancement of a strategic African port run by indigenous Africans was a key building block in Europe's amassing power to itself in the race for global domination. The ruthless conquest of the !Urill'ael'ona Goringhaicona traders by appropriating their strategic resources, curtailing their access to clients, controlling the value they put on their products and services, stereotyping them as too primitive to participate in the new economy while destroying their ability to maintain control of their livestock-rearing agrarian economy, and Europeans engaging in physical annihilation of indigenes as the ultimate control, are all facets of Autshumao's story. It's the story of how Africa, actually by force, developed Europe, to invert Rodney's phrase.
The sudden resurrection of a 5 year old cold-case against Autshumao in 1658 and the manner in which it was presented and evaluated in a summary kangaroo-court, resulted in a devastating life sentence on Robben Island that took Autshumao from hero status to zero. Accompanying this act was the confiscation of all of his wealth and the subjugation of all Khoi on the Cape Peninsular to the will of the Dutch VOC. It illustrates the centrality to Autshumao's story of what the British cockney slang calls a 'stitch-up'. The 'stitch-up' deprived Autshumao of the kind of life he should have enjoyed after the entrepreneurship, fastidiousness and hard work he had exemplified. Like any successful entrepreneur he knew what it was like to start over and over again until successful and as such he provides an amazing African role-model for our youth in the 21stcentury. The cold-case kangaroo-court brought an end to the co-dependent relationship that Jan van Riebeeck and Autshumao shared with each other. While most stories about Autshumao project Autshumao as a nuisance factor for Jan van Riebeeck, for most of Jan van Riebeeck's time at the Cape he frequently required Autshumao's assistance as much as he feared Autshumao's pluck and influence on others. Autshumao too was a figure in history who was an African poised between West and East, poised between a pastoral economy and trading-service economy, and, by all accounts he handled this pressured pioneering role with valour and skill. The subjugation of Autshumao as an individual was also the first step in the conquest of South Africa by Europeans.
Autshumao was regarded for some time by all European shipping stopping at the Cape to be at the service of the English as the postmaster and Governor of Robben Island according to a traveller who recorded meeting him. From around 1638 Autshumao assisted by his English clients moved back to the mainland Table Bay from Robben Island with his followers and went on to become the founder of the proto-port at Table Bay that over three centuries would grow into the city of Cape Town. In 1652 all of Autshumao's efforts were usurped when the Dutch United East India Company (VOC), authorised with powers of state by the Dutch States General, established a permanent settlement, took over the administration of port services, and the natural resources of the port. In the process of this take-over Autshumao was divested of his accomplishments, marginalised, humiliated and finally imprisoned just at the time that he had begun to recover his local stature. At the centre of this final assault on him by Jan van Riebeeck was the manipulation of a cold-case in 1653 involving the murder of a Dutch shepherd and theft of the VOC herd of cattle. A combination of the cold-case and a hostage-taking drama initiated by Jan van Riebeeck assisted by the interpreter Doman, was used to extract a peace treaty with the Goringhaiqua and Gorachoqua that effectively surrendered to Jan van Riebeeck everything that he had sought since 1652 but was prevented from achieving by Autshumao. The initial establishment of a fort-come-refreshment-station for ships by VOC Commander Jan van Riebeeck soon became a Dutch colony for a century and a half and then it was conquered by the British. In the passage of time the Colony grew into the country known to the world as the Republic of South Africa.
Just after 11:00 am, our English tour group gathered around our great, rather humourous tour guide at the entrance to the Inner Archway.
He started asking random people where we were from. (I would hazard a guess that there were around 40-45 of us on the English tour, including a few tourists.) I was one of the people chosen as I was standing close by.
He began our tour with a condensed, easy-to-understand historical account of the Castle and some of its important figures. My account might not be as amusing and enjoyable. Still, I hope it paints a fair picture of the Castle’s colourful past.
Reflecting on the Castle of Good Hope’s Rich Cape Town History
As it was built in 1666 and 1679 by the Dutch East India Company (in Dutch, it is the: Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie or VOC), the Castle of Good Hope “is the oldest surviving colonial building in South Africa”. Up until 100 years ago, it was also the tallest building in Cape Town.
Upon Leendert Janzen’s advice, it was agreed that Jan van Riebeek be sent to establish a “formal refreshment station at the Cape”. So, when van Riebeek landed in Table Bay on 6 April 1652, one of his first tasks was to build a fort. This was intended to aid the Dutch East India Company on their trade voyages to and from the East.
Two days after his arrival, van Riebeek began working on the Fort de Goede Hoop. This was situated near the shoreline, where the present-day Grand Parade lies. (Yes, the ocean has receded that far back.)
Damaged by the Cape Elements
Although the fort faced no attack from local or foreign enemies for several years – the Cape’s harsh winter climate eventually started to erode it. This was because the original fort’s outer walls, like so many other old Cape buildings, were built from clay, sods (or turf) and brushwood. (The interior was constructed from timber and brick.)
However, it was only when war broke out in 1664 between England and the Netherlands that Zacharias Wagenaer – van Riebeek’s Cape successor – was sent to build “a bigger and more comprehensive defence structure.”
Cape Town: Tavern of the Seas
The Company’s Gardens, another of my favourite spots in the CBD, was also planted around this time. It was designed to provide the necessary victuals (or fresh produce) for sailors travelling to and from this point. (In fact, back then, sailors referred to Cape Town as the ‘Tavern of the Seas’.)
Especially as they would spend months abroad sailing vessels so they ran the risk of contracting diseases like scurvy.
More on The Castle of Good Hope’s Design
The Castle’s original design seems to be attributed to renowned French fortress engineer, Sebastian Vauban. While Dutch artillerist and military engineer, Menno, Baron van Coehoorn is “associated with the final design”.
The Castle was designed in the shape of a pentagon with a bastion, which, at each corner, contained its own gunpowder magazine.
Each of the five bastions* were named after one of the Prince of Orange’s official titles. These are as follows: Leerdam, Oranje, Buuren, Catzellenbogen and Nassau.
*(Fun fact: The average distance from one bastion to the next was 180 metres. The average height of the curtain wall was 10 metres.)
New Location for a New Castle
Today, the Castle stands roughly 230 metres south-east of the original fort. This new location ensured that it was “close to fresh water and anchorage and within firing range of the town”.
Interestingly enough, the Castle is proud to boast that: “Over the centuries, six different flags have flown over the Castle. Yet, in all that time, not a single shot has ever been fired in anger at it or from it”. This fact further endeared the Castle to me.
Built Using Local Cape Materials
I also like the fact that apparently many of the Castle’s materials were sourced locally.
These building materials include the following:
wood brought in from Hout Bay (‘hout’ means wood in Afrikaans);
stone “cut out of Signal Hill in large blocks, which was then broken up and transported by cart to the Castle”;
the blue slate (used for the walls) and shells obtained from Robben Island. (These were used for the mortar, which was one part shell lime, one part clay.)
It Takes a City to Build a Castle
As there was such a pressing need to see the Castle completed, the set workforce that started out as off-duty soldiers and some slaves and Khoi-na, soon grew to include free ‘burghers‘ (essentially, citizens).
Eventually, a proclamation was made that anyone – man or woman, irrespective of rank – who passed by the Castle, was required to assist with carting bucketfuls of soil to excavate the moat.
It is estimated that, at any given time, 200 to 300 people would have been working on it.
Foundation Stone is Laid
On January 2nd, 1666, Commander Wagenaer laid the foundation stone in Leerdam Bastion: the first bastion to be completed.
In 1678, the Waterpoort entrance (now home to the Military Museum, which I visited after my tour) was constructed on the Castle’s sea-facing side. However, winter swells would effectively flood the Courtyard, thus crippling the main entrance. So, between 1682-1684, the stunning Gateway – and accompanying ravelin* – that we find today became its permanent replacement.
*(The ravelin was constructed “as an outer entrance in front of the new gate. The design of this ravelin forces the road into the Castle at a right angle. The approach to the main gate meant that an attacking force could not shoot directly at the gate.)
Social Centres and Sundials
After a somewhat more concise, light-hearted historical account, our guide also explained to us about the Outer Court (the right side of Block F used to be the Castle’s social centre) and showed us the sundials.
The sundial above the Inner Archway entrance was for telling afternoon time. Whereas the vertical one across at Block B was used for morning time.
They are no longer the same as Cape Town’s current time. (I might be wrong but, if I remember correctly, they are only roughly an hour or so behind real time.)
This is because they run on the origin, separate Cape Town time. (And yes, the Mother City was cool enough to even have her own time. )
Moving to the Inner Archway
After that, we moved into the Inner Archway itself. Apparently, the partially wooden (teak) floors still visible today were meant to soften the sound of the horses’ hooves. This is because they would pass close to the still-slumbering Governor’s quarters and the Governor didn’t want to be woken by the noise in the early morning(s). It seems almost ridiculously excessive but this sense of entitlement doesn’t surprise me much.
On a graver note, the inner Delville Cross (encased in protective glass), and nearby navy-blue plaque, serve as a WWI memorial/tribute. They honour all the South African men who fought and died in the so-called ‘Great War’.
Every year, their relatives come to lay wreaths beneath this tragically lovely Cross.
Green and Red Shutters
As we waited for the Afrikaans group to finish viewing the Dolphin Pool, our guide pointed out that the shutters and doors behind us were red while the ones in front of and to either side of the Inner Court were green. (I had noticed this earlier but didn’t know if it signified anything.)
As is so often the case in life, red signifies danger, as this is where the explosives were stored. The green ones were generally used for the soldiers’ sleeping quarters or for storage.
The Dolphin Pool
After that, we crossed over to the Dolphin Pool. The original 1690 pool was built by Simon van der Stel. It was purely for the use of his family. In 1705, it was enlarged by his son, Willem Adriaan. (He also built the nearby Bakhuys, thus making this section secluded.)
However, during the British Occupation, the pool was entirely filled in. It was only properly restored in 1987 and even when I visited, it was still undergoing extensive restoration.
However, one can still find the original steps that lead down into the pool. These were built solely for the ladies’ convenience, as they used to bathe in ankle-length dresses.
(Fun fact: The balcony facing the pool is where Lady Anne Barnard used to sit and sketch.)
Entering the Torture Chamber as Eskom Strikes
After that, we filed into the Torture Chamber and, as luck would have it, Eskom struck just as we entered the Castle’s darkest rooms.
As I didn’t want to even lean back against the walls, I pressed close to the young couple next to me. I was not the only one getting the creeps. Because the lady looked at us and said, “Actually, I think I am going back out.” When asked why, she simply said, “I just can’t deal with this,” before hurriedly exiting, as the last few people entered.
It was a tight squeeze (our guide was virtually standing on the senior clerk’s desk) but we all managed to fit eventually.
Recounting Past Horrors
Our guide very respectfully and tactfully began by asking the parents, with young children, whether he could give detail about the various torture methods. No one seemed to have any complaints.
Although he assured us he wouldn’t be too graphic, if you are someone like me with a very vivid imagination, hearing this is enough to make your insides churn. Especially if you are standing in the very room where it happened.
Before I begin, I want to make it clear that these methods were employed by both the Dutch and the British. So, back then, one was certainly no better than the other.
I took notes on my smartphone during the tour. If you prefer not to read the Torture section – feel free to skip on. But I feel it is important to note the barbaric past, as much as the good.
The most common reasons for confession by torture run as follows:
slaves who refused to work;
those who practised a faith/religion other than Christianity;
those who committed (mainly petty) crimes;
anyone who conspired against or tried to sabotage the governor.
Irrespective of the so-called crime, a confession was required before any ‘proper’ punishment could be dished out. So, think of this as the warm-up to that.
(Even petty crimes meant having something like a thumbscrew used on you. Until you either confessed to your crime or were released.)
Torture in the Chamber
The levels of torture varied but escape – or attempted escape – meant direct execution, while petty crimes meant ‘soft torture’.
Cat-o’-Nine Tails
Refusal to work; practising a different religion; piracy; and sabotage meant the slaves would have their hands bound before they would be stripped and whipped anywhere between 40-200 times with a cat-o’-nine-tails*. This device had metal hooks that would rend the flesh off the body.
*(Let that sink in for a moment. If you don’t know what a cat-o’-nine is, read up on it.)
Using the Castle Horses for Brutality
Another method of torture required the Castle horses to pull from the outside while the slave was fixed in place. Needless to say, this would result in dismemberment.
Others were left hanging with their arms bent backwards behind them for an hour. Even an hour and a half sometimes.
(Note: this method is known as ‘strappado’.) An iron ring in the ceiling, through which a rope was fed, was used to haul the slave up. It would then be released and the poor soul would drop head-first to the hard floor below.
Left Alone in the Endless Dark
Other times, the torturers took a different route and tried to break the so-called wrongdoer’s spirit or mind. They would lock them in the ‘Donker Gat’ (loosely translated into English as the ‘darker room’) for up to 13 months sometimes. To say that it is pitch black is an understatement.
Once we had all been suitably horrified by these gory details of the Castle’s dark history, we proceeded to the even more constricted Granary and Arsenal rooms.
Heading to the Arsenal
The Arsenal room was used as a gun powder magazine storeroom. (I felt for the poor soldiers who once used to enter the room with flaming torches.)
Today, it has a glass panel in the centre of the floor. The rather hilarious tale behind the glass panel is that, because water used to penetrate from the Strand Street side, they dug a hole into the floor.
Foolishly, they thought that this would cause the water to drain. When instead, it naturally only encouraged it to rise up even more. As a result, the room was later converted into a wine cellar.
Our guide went back up to switch the dim lights off and the dark room was so intensely black that I could not even see my hands in front of me. Those places are seriously dark!
My Thoughts on the Guided Castle Tour
I really enjoyed the tour (I had expected it to be boring but it was anything but). It really helped me to learn the Castle’s history in a short, yet pleasantly spent hour and to experience the Castle with other visitors.
Our guide was excellent and the tour material was informative and historically accurate.Overall, it was a good tour. As such, I give my guided Castle tour an easy 8/10 rating.
Time for the Noon Key Ceremony
After that, our guide quickly ushered everyone back to the Outer Court just in time for the 12:00 pm Key Ceremony. This is when the bell – the oldest in SA apparently – is rung 12 times and the cannon is fired.
Because I had already watched this ceremony twice at ground level, I followed our guide’s directions and quickly mounted Block B’s stairs. These lead up onto the Leerdam Bastion.
Knowing that I had a few minutes to explore the Leerdam Bastion before the cannon firing, I forced myself to mount a few of the ladder steps before quickly abandoning that idea.
Leerdam Bastion provides a seriously stunning, almost bird’s eye-view of virtually every part of the city.
You can see everything from the CBD and the mountains to the skyscrapers and even the harbour in the distance! I especially enjoyed peering past the cannons down at Grand Parade and Castle grounds below.
From there, I crossed over to Block B’s main rooftop, where a couple of people were sitting watching the cannon crowd below. (There were at least 50-60 people gathered around the cannon.)
Waiting for the Cannon to be Fired
After I had taken some photos, I sat down on the walled edge, waiting to film the firing from above this time. (I really liked the little ‘house’ up there. This was formerly the Captain’s Tower.)
The boom of the cannon – and the smoke cloud that always follows – seems even worse from up there. I am convinced it gets louder every time!
Exploring the Military Museum
After that, I went back down and entered the Military Museum. (Again, the usual rules of no smoking, eating/drinking and photos inside apply.)
Aside from the lovely, little curio shop, which offers unique Castle curios – the Military Museum offers a wealth of displays.
These include impressive medals, badges, military books, Cape uniforms, small arms and sword collections. This display is hailed as one of “the most impressive in the country”.
Detailing Cape Military History
It also gives a great, detailed account of the Cape’s military history. (Though somewhat unrelated perhaps, there’s also a section that offers insight into South Africa’s ties to World War II and a section on Cape nature, if I recall correctly.)
There’s almost too much to take in during one visit, no matter how long you spend in there.
My personal highlights were the old weapons that have been so well-preserved; the amazing ship- and building-models; and finally, the excellent account of the 1806 Battle of Blaauwberg.
Meeting the Castle’s Guest Horses
After that, when I went back to the Outer Court, there were some lovely horses grazing the lawn.
One was a pony, while another was half-Boerperd, half-Percheron. The biggest guy of all was a beautiful grey Percheron gelding. I am used to big horses but he would put most to shame.
Most of the people were too nervous to go up to the grey gelding at first – so I decided to walk over to him and pat him on the neck and head to show that he was perfectly safe. After that, people eagerly flocked around him.
Visiting the Castle Restaurant
By this time, I was itching to visit the charming nearby De Goewerneur Restaurant (now Re5 Restaurant). So, to escape the midday sun and savour my last few moments at the Castle, I went there for a coffee break.
When I visited, they had a nice selection of food and drinks. However, I decided to just order the tasty ‘cake of the day’ and a great cup of coffee.
Just as I was sitting indoors, quietly and peacefully finishing off my meal, the cannon went off for the fourth and final time during my visit, sometime around or after 13:00.
After that, I went back to the gateway where my Freedom Day visit to the Castle had begun some five hours previously.
I carefully explored the herb garden/lemon grove, grassy surrounds and properly saw the ravelin and outer entrance (with the lion posts).
How My Castle Visit Rated
My first visit to the Castle was absolutely amazing. I thoroughly enjoyed it and came away with a better appreciation for and deeper understanding of my city’s vibrant colonial history, on a rather significant day in our country’s history.
I strongly recommend everyone visit the Castle. It is ideal for group of friends, tourists, school groups, couples and families and even solo travellers like myself.
Based on my experience, I give the Castle of Good Hope a firm 9/10 rating. (The only reason I can’t give it a 10/10 is because I haven’t yet seen all it has to offer due to the renovations. )
General Information and Contact Details
Opening Times:
According to their website, the Castle of Good Hope is open Monday to Sunday, 9:00 am to 16:00 pm. (Last ticket sale is at 15:45 pm).
However, it is closed annually on Christmas and New Year’s.
Technical writer by day and blogger by night, Tamlyn Ryan passionately runs her travel blog, called Tamlyn Amber Wanderlust – Travel Writing and Photography, from her home base of Cape Town, South Africa.
Tamlyn is a hopeless wanderer, equipped with an endless passion for road trips, carefully planned, holiday itineraries and, above all else, an innate love for the great outdoors.
"Coloniser Reproduced History Missinformation ALERT"
A conversation between Dr Spires and Khoebaha PC Aran about "THE INDIAN MUTINY OF 1857 AND THE CAPE COLONY Donovan Williams University of Calgary II: The Emergence of Black Consciousnesisn Caffraria" that Seeks to give a Distorted Historical Account of the Subject.
Dr Spires: ...
Khoebaha PC Aran: ...
A major effect of the Indian Mutiny on the Cape Colony was an urgent demand for troops and horses.1But there is evidence that more than thesematerial aspectswas involved. It is clear that the Mutiny made a strong impression on the Blacks, and may be considered as a formative influence on Black cohesiveness in Caffraria, and, indeed, even on the emer- gence of Black consciousness itself. By Black cohesiveness is meant the emergence of some sort of common feeling among Blacks, of whatever tribe (people),that they were the Black people of Mrica, drawn together by the universal threat of White territorial encroachment on their land and their way of life.
By Black consciousnessis meant the arti- culation by 1865 of this pervasive sense of ethnicity into a written statement by the Rever- rend Tiyo Saga (1829-1871) which reflected pride of belonging to an ideal Mrica-wide Black people, who were strong physically, tenacious culturally, and proud of their heritage andcolour. It must be stressed that "Blackness" was an essential ingredient in this increasing sensitivity.
Some years ago I did some preliminary work on the emergence of Black nationalism in South Africa during the 19th Century. This identified the Eastern Frontier and the "triangle of resistance" (East London, Port Elizabeth and Alice) as a crucial, formative area.The connection has beenacknowledged subsequently. But the subjectneedsamplification, especially for the 1850's and early 1860's where detailed analysis is lacking, and where all the indications point to a period of considerable gestation of Black consciousness and cohesiveness between the Crimean War (1853-1856) and Tiyo Saga's significant statement in 1865 on the future of the "Kafir race." In the 'fifties there was a free-floating belief in the resurrection of the leaders of the Blacks in Caffraria who were fighting the Whites; by the 'sixties there was an articulated, sensitive exposition of Black consciousness, in the tradition of James Africanus Horton, Edward Wilmot Blyden and Bishop James Johnson in 19th Century West Mrica.
I suggest that Tiyo Saga's statement was not only a reaction to immediate difficulties on the part of the Blacks, especially the proposed removal of the Ngqika east of the Kei, but also a response which had been nurtured by a decade of restless thoughts among the Blacks on how to resist the continuous and increasing material and spiritual pressures being exerted upon them by the Whites. The Indian Mutiny played an important role in formulating and sustaining such attitudes.
These feelings were already evident as early as 1828 when Kelly (Tyali), son of Ngqika, paramount chief of the amaXhosa, met with Colonel Somersetwho admonished him for descending on Tyhumie (Chumie) mission station and killing one of its inhabitants who was a member of his tribe. Tyali replied that "The chiefs in this land had a right to do to their people, and act according to their own laws, as they pleased,as their fathers had done, so would they do ..." As I have pointed out, this was "a specifically Xhosa tribal statement of cohesion." (Less than forty years later, as we shall see below, Tiyo Saga's journal reflected an African as opposed to a tribal consciousness.!
In 1850 the "tribal" strain was still evident in Sandile's call to Pato:
Arise, clans of the Kaffir (Xhosa' nation! The white man has wearied us; let us fight for our country: they are depriving us of our rights which we inherit from our forefathers: we are 'deprived of our chieftainship, and the white man is the chief to whom we are obliged to sub- mit: Sandile will die fighting for the rights of his forefathers.
Johannes Meintjies has commented on Sandile as follows: "It was in the period 1847to1850 that Sandile began to emerge as a mature man and a great patriot. As a' freedomfighter' he had much in common with men elsewhere in the world who laboured and fought for the unification of their people, for a national awareness and for independence from an oppressor." But "nationalism" is an elusive concept, and Meintjies' use of the word for this early period of Caffrarian history seems premature and open to criticism on the part of the purists. Nevertheless, he has identified in one section of the Caffrarian Blacks a deepening feeling and a gathering momentum in sentiment which are the precursors of nationalism, or "incipient nationalism". As I have indicated elsewhere, incipient nationalism in Caffraria is characterized by a strain of unification among the various tribes, "some consciousness of belonging to a common race, with a common heritage that included long years of defensive measures against white encroachment, both material and spiritual".
Perceptive and suspicious by nature, Doman was the first of the Khoikhoi to recognise the danger the arrival of Van Riebeeck and his group, writes Dougie Oakes.
In the 17th century, Dutch colonialists prided themselves on their ability to learn the languages of inhabitants of their conquered territories.
But there was one language they couldn’t master: that of the Khoikhoi of the Cape of Good Hope. Years after their arrival in 1652, they had made little progress in learning the local language.
The Khoikhoi, on the other hand, had no such difficulty in mastering conversational Dutch.
Three of their number in particular – Autshumao, Krotoa and Doman – would later be regarded by the Dutch as “great interpreters”.
Each of the three built a different type of relationship with the Dutch: Autshumao, a mixture of smooth talk and confidence trickery, lulled his part-time employers into a false sense of security while he built up his herds of sheep and cattle, many of which he stole from them.
Krotoa’s fascination with all things Dutch earned her employment in the Van Riebeeck household. There, she learnt to speak Dutch while enjoying the best of two worlds, flitting seamlessly in and out of her society and theirs.
And then there was Doman. Perceptive, suspicious by nature and a talented linguist, he was the first of the Khoikhoi to recognise the danger the arrival of Van Riebeeck and his group posed to the independence of the indigenous people.
And he was the first to do something about it…
Doman carved his name into the history books of southern Africa by becoming the first indigenous leader to wage a war of resistance against colonial invaders.
Centuries later, historiographers described the first contact between the Dutch, who had come to the southern tip of Africa to set up a refreshment station between the Netherlands and the lucrative trading stations of the East, and the Khoikhoi, as “the fatal contact”.
But it didn’t start that way…
When Van Riebeeck arrived at the Cape with 82 men and eight women, and started building a fort the first meetings with the Khoikhoi were peaceful, if cagey.
In addition to the need to grow vegetables to supply to Dutch ships sailing to and from the East, fresh meat was also a priority, and the Khoikhoi had sufficient numbers of cattle and fat-tailed sheep to satisfy this requirement.
As traders though they were more than a match for the Dutch.
They quickly realised that what the new arrivals really wanted was to breed their own herds.
And so, for a long time, the cattle and sheep they were prepared to exchange in return for copper were the old, thin and diseased dregs of their livestock.
The Khoikhoi, in turn, fashioned bangles and other accessories from the copper they traded with other Khoikhoi groups in the interior for young and healthy livestock.
It galled the Dutch that their copper was contributing to the Khoikhoi growing large herds, while their own attempts at livestock farming were proving to be frustratingly unsuccessful.
The Peninsula Khoikhoi had in fact set up the first monopoly at the Cape. With Doman a key figure they sealed off routes to other groups of Khoikhoi.
If the Dutch wanted to trade it had to be with them.
It couldn’t be more lucrative: the Khoikhoi got their copper cheap, while they were able to exact a high price (in non-monetary terms) for their livestock…
While commercial relationships between the Khoikhoi and Dutch ebbed and flowed relatively peacefully, Doman made impressive strides as an interpreter.
So highly did the Dutch value him that in 1657 they sent him to Batavia (present-day Jakarta in Indonesia) for further training.
But what he saw and learnt there horrified him. He discovered that the Dutch had sacked Jakarta in 1619, rebuilt it they way they wanted it, renamed it Batavia, and expelled allthe indigenous people from the area.
It was obvious to him that the Dutch posed a great danger to the Khoikhoi of his homeland.
He had to get back to the Cape. With great cunning, he approached Commissioner Joan Cunaeus, telling him he wanted to become a Christian, and that he had become so devoted to the Dutch way of life that he doubted whether he could live with his fellow Khoikhoi again. It worked.
Once he had arrived back at the Cape, he emerged as the staunchest Khoikhoi critic of Van Riebeeck, especially after some employees had been given permission to become “free burgers” (in other words, to farm for their own account).
Thus, when Van Riebeeck seized several Khoikhoi leaders as hostages in 1658, Doman was the only one who protested.
Unfortunately for him, his earlier attempts to monopolise Khoikhoi trade with the Dutch had won him few friends.
Gogosoa, one of the local chiefs, refused to have anything to do with an attack on the Dutch. But Doman was able to persuade some of the younger leaders to join him in his war of liberation.
He planned his attacks carefully. He chose a cold, wet day in May 1659 to start a series of raids on the herds of the free burgers.
He was well aware that the matchlock muskets of the Dutch (unreliable at the best of times) could not be fired in the rain with damp powder.
Doman’s band of raiders had no intention of killing any of the Dutch. His war was meant to be one of persuasion, burning their crops, stealing their cattle, and hoping this would persuade them to leave the Cape and return to Holland.
The Dutch, on the other hand, were quite prepared to kill. They were ordered to shoot to kill – on sight.
The war ended in stalemate. The Khoikhoi were unwilling to attack the fort and Dutch forays against the Khoikhoi were unsuccessful due to the wildness of the terrain and the lack of guides.
When Doman died in in 1663, the company diarist wrote: “For (his) death none of us will have cause to grieve, as he has been, in many respects, a mischievous and malicious man towards the company.”
Zulu King Cetshwayo had been pushed into a war that he never wanted with England. Yet, the first battle of that conflict had the unlikeliest of outcomes, writes Dougie Oakes.
Cape Town – The mood of the congregation was sombre as Bishop John William Colenso stepped up to the pulpit of the Anglican Church in Bishopstowe in the colony of Natal – and started speaking…
Those who expected a sermon full of fire and brimstone were wrong. There were no calls for retribution against the Zulu king, Cetshwayo. There was no finger-pointing (at the Zulu people). And there were no predictions of doom and gloom.
There were deep expressions of sorrow, of course – but what Colenso said was peppered with nuggets of good sense: “We ourselves have lost very many precious lives, and widows and orphans, parents, brothers, sisters, friends are mourning bitterly their sad bereavements,” he said. “But are there no griefs – no relatives that mourn their dead – in Zululand? And shall we kill 10 000 more to avenge the losses of that dreadful day?”
It was March 1879 – and a mixture of anguish and anger was sweeping through the white communities of Natal.
Just a few weeks earlier, Cetshwayo had been pushed into a war that he never wanted with England. Yet, the first battle of that conflict, on January 22, 1879, on a hillside near a towering rock known to local people as Isandlwana, had the unlikeliest of outcomes…
Isandlwana was aptly described as a fight in which “a proletariat army from the world’s foremost capitalist nation was defeated by a part-time force of peasant farmers in a short, bloody and eventually inconclusive battle that rocked the British Empire to its core”.
“The Zulus attacked the red-coated British because they feared for their land and their independence. The British soldiers, drawn from the very poorest level of the working classes, fought back because they had been lured, like Private Moss from Wales, to take the Queen’s shilling’.”
It was a contest between spear and the most modern weaponry of the day, but thanks to a mixture of British arrogance, stupidity and bad planning, it was those who fought with spears who were victorious.
More than 1 500 redcoats, and an even greater number of Zulu fighters, died in the battle.
Cetshwayo was no one’s fool. It had taken a bruising battle – which had later escalated into a civil war – against his brother, Mbuyazi, for him to become the main contender to succeed his father, Mpande, as monarch of the Zulu kingdom.
When he became king in 1872, following the death of Mpande, he was keen to build a good relationship with the British administration in Natal. But he refused to be told how to run his kingdom. He needed to tread a fine line, and in this he succeeded admirably.
But then diamonds were discovered – and matters changed inexorably.
British colonial secretary Lord Carnarvon decided the best way to administer a southern Africa with far greater economic possibilities, but with a growing need for cheap labour, was via “confederation”.
By this he meant a region in which Briton, Boer and every African chiefdom would operate with some independence, under the control of England.
Although it was obvious that Cetshwayo would never agree to such an arrangement, Lord Carnarvon decided that there were many ways to skin a cat.
He left it to his most enthusiastic supporter, his Natal wheeler-dealer, Theophilus Shepstone, to decide how – and when – to bring this about.
Shepstone opted for the tried-and-tested: pick a fight with Cetshwayo and defeat him, using superior weaponry.
The British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Bartle Frere, set the ball rolling by pretending a number of minor border incidents were major threats to the security of Natal. The tipping point came when the sons of a Zulu chief seized two of their father’s adulterous wives in Natal, dragged them into Zululand, and killed them.
Cetshwayo was given an ultimatum: hand over the sons, pay 500 cattle in compensation, and disband his army and his age-group system of military organisation – within 20 days.
There was no way he could comply. All he could do was insist that “the king has, however, declared, and still declares that he will not commence war, but will wait till he is actually attacked before he enters on a defensive campaign”.
In January 1879, British forces entered Zululand – and on January 22 came the shock of Isandlwana.
As Cetshwayo feared, Zulu losses at Isandlwana and, on the same day, at nearby Rorke’s Drift were horrific. And as the weeks passed, casualties mounted at an alarming rate, with serious losses at Kambula and Gingindlovu especially.
Then, on July 4, the redcoats attacked the royal headquarters at Ulundi, razing it and forcing Cetshwayo to flee.
On August 28, he was captured in the Ngome Forest and sent to Cape Town, where he was held at The Castle, while the Zulu kingdom was”dismembered” into 13 parts, each of which was put under the control of pliant chiefs.
A striking figure, Cetshwayo handled himself with great dignity, refusing to be regarded as a curiosity and insisting that he be given European clothes to wear while in Cape Town. Many people who saw him commented that he was not the overgrown ogre painted by colonial officials.
Although he couldn’t read and write, he displayed a remarkable grasp of local, national and international politics. In this he was assisted by Bishop Colenso and his social activist daughter, Harriette.
Cetshwayo fought with dogged persistence to win back his freedom – and the kingdom of Zululand. In this regard, his key weapon was a letter-writing campaign that drew in prominent officials and even the monarch of England, Queen Victoria.
In March 1881, in a letter written from The Castle to Sir Hercules Robinson, the governor of the Cape Colony, he wrote: “I have done you no wrong, therefore you must have some other object in view to invading my land.
“How is it,” he asked, alluding to the fact that Shepstone had backed his ascension to the Zulu throne, “that they crown me in the morning and dethrone me in the afternoon.”
Cetshwayo’s persistence earned him a trip to England to state his case.
There, he impressed as many parliamentarians and ordinary people as he did in Cape Town.
He was freed in July 1883, but his return to Natal sparked a war with his main rival, Zibhebhu. Forced to flee his territory, he sought refuge with the British Resident Commissioner in Eshowe, where he died in 1884.
Anger After Hlubi King Insulted At Castle Statue Ceremony
10th December 2018.
Cape Town – South Africans needed to embrace their “collective history and heritage … the good, the bad and the ugly” as a step towards consolidating an inclusive sense of South Africanhood.
So said Minister of Defence and Military Veterans Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula at the Castle in Cape Town on Friday when she unveiled the statues of former kings Cetshwayo, Langalibalele and Sekhukhune and 17th century resistance leader, Doman.
The three kings had once languished in the castle’s gloomy cells, and Doman had known first-hand the penalty of contesting the power that resided within it.
The statues, Mapisa-Nqakula said, were the “tangible recognition of these, and thousands of other unsung heroes and heroines in colonials wars of resistance”.
The commemorative project, which forms part of the Castle’s 350 anniversary celebration this year, was, she said, “the beginning of an ongoing commitment to honour all those who gallantly fought against colonial conquest and in turn inspired future generations of freedom fighters”.
Mapisa-Nqakula delivered the formal address at the event on behalf of President Jacob Zuma, who was scheduled to unveil the statues, but was detained in Pretoria because of a programme change in the visit of Zambian President Edgar Lungu.
Delegations from the amaZulu, amaHlubi and BaPedi royal houses and from the Khoisan leadership in the Western Cape joined in officiating at the unveiling ceremony.
Mapisa-Nqakula noted the Castle “offers us a unique opportunity to revisit, reinterpret and re-write our complex, brutal colonial and apartheid history in a manner that is fully inclusive, restorative, respectful and educational”.
This would be advanced through the launch of a Centre for Memory, Healing and Learning at the Castle. The centre, sponsored by the Department of Military Veterans, was intended to break “the curse of oppression, persecution and ignorance”.
Cape Town – South Africans needed to embrace their “collective history and heritage … the good, the bad and the ugly” as a step towards consolidating an inclusive sense of South Africanhood.
So said Minister of Defence and Military Veterans Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula at the Castle in Cape Town on Friday when she unveiled the statues of former kings Cetshwayo, Langalibalele and Sekhukhune and 17th century resistance leader, Doman.
The three kings had once languished in the castle’s gloomy cells, and Doman had known first-hand the penalty of contesting the power that resided within it.
The statues, Mapisa-Nqakula said, were the “tangible recognition of these, and thousands of other unsung heroes and heroines in colonials wars of resistance”.
The commemorative project, which forms part of the Castle’s 350 anniversary celebration this year, was, she said, “the beginning of an ongoing commitment to honour all those who gallantly fought against colonial conquest and in turn inspired future generations of freedom fighters”.
Mapisa-Nqakula delivered the formal address at the event on behalf of President Jacob Zuma, who was scheduled to unveil the statues, but was detained in Pretoria because of a programme change in the visit of Zambian President Edgar Lungu.
Delegations from the amaZulu, amaHlubi and BaPedi royal houses and from the Khoisan leadership in the Western Cape joined in officiating at the unveiling ceremony.
Mapisa-Nqakula noted the Castle “offers us a unique opportunity to revisit, reinterpret and re-write our complex, brutal colonial and apartheid history in a manner that is fully inclusive, restorative, respectful and educational”.
This would be advanced through the launch of a Centre for Memory, Healing and Learning at the Castle. The centre, sponsored by the Department of Military Veterans, was intended to break “the curse of oppression, persecution and ignorance”.
Castle Of Good Hope: Turning History Into Our Story
12th April 2018.
Constructed in the mid-17th century out of rock hewn from Signal Hill and slate gathered from Robben Island, the Castle of Good Hope is the oldest surviving colonial building in South Africa and one of the best-preserved examples of Dutch East India architecture. Originally perched on the coastline of Table Bay after land reclamation, the erstwhile fort is now a sprawling landmark on the corner of Darling and Castle Streets on the way to Cape Town’s bustling Foreshore.
We discovered the Cape Doctor certainly lives up to its name as we cross the moat and enter the Castle’s precincts to meet Doreen Hendricks, the Castle’s powerhouse Tourism & Marketing Manager. The interview becomes a fascinating journey about the possibilities of transformation and how the colonial past can be transformed into a reimagining of our future.
“The Castle was exclusive for many years, whether to a particular racial group or individuals on a particular career path. It was specifically designed and built to keep people out, but as a tourism heritage site we want to invite people in. We can’t change the structure of the building, but we can change the perceptions of people.
“Everything in the Cape started here at the Castle. Our slogan is, ‘The beginning of everything’. We also position ourselves as the centre for shared heritage in South Africa. Here you have the culmination of so many things and so many people. We are all connected in some way, and the Castle played a major role in that.
“We aim to bring people together and not only recognise differences, but also commonalities and move forward from there. That’s what we started doing in 2016 during our 350-year commemoration and what we are continuing to do going forward.
“How do we do that? A lot of people talk about deconolising history, but in the words of our good friend Professor Denis Goldberg, we do deconolisation of history. We give people a platform to have a voice, to tell their stories and to be recognised. We want them to remember, heal and learn through this process; whether it be via an exhibition, a debate, a community forum or a traditional ceremony.
“The Castle of Good Hope is a self-sufficient public entity. We generate income via our commercial tourism and event activities, which in turn help us fund community heritage initiatives. We rely heavily on partnerships to do development work and appeal to corporate South Africa to support us in order for us to grow our heritage, culture and education department. The fact that our Department of Defence is looking after the maintenance of the Castle, is a huge bonus.
Recently we launch a 350-legacy project, focusing on the passing of the history onto the youth of today. Even though the 350-commemoration was concluded in 2016, the story has actually just begun.We have created a timeline of the inclusive history of the Castle – from when it was first built up until 2016. The timeline, as seen above, includes untold stories of the past as well as the recognition of unsung heroes and warriors. These timelines have been rolled out in 72 schools nationwide with the aim of getting them rolled out into 400 more throughout the country. We want our kids to feel included and become excited about their heritage. hot hot
“We also know that the youth nowadays learn through technology, so we have developed an interactive website, virtual tour and video which would speak to them in a language that they understand. We are in the process of developing an app that they would be able to download onto their phones and tablets, which makes history available to them immediately and in a fun way.
“We are positioning ourselves as an exciting, forward-thinking heritage site. People – whether they are locals or tourists – want an experience. They don’t want to stand at a glass window looking in; they’re looking for interaction – touching, feeling, talking, engaging. We are therefore working hard to ensure our product is interactive.
“Over and above all the exhibitions, we also host a variety of events…. from flower shows to lifestyle markets, from music festivals to conferences and weddings.
“We want to open our doors to not only tourists, but to locals, to Capetonians. People whose lives have links here – and who may not even know it.”
Cape Town – The Castle of Good Hope turns 350 this year – and to mark the occasion, the Independent Media group will take readers on an intriguing journey of discovery, with South Africa’s oldest existing building as its focal point.
Over the years, the Castle has been many things to different people, a place of pleasure and pain. To the first white settlers it was a refreshment station for ships from their home country. To the indigenous people it eventually became a symbol of dispossession – of land, livestock and, ultimately, dignity.
But back to the Castle…
Perhaps appropriately, it had its origins in something that was commonplace along the southernmost tip of Africa: a violent storm… followed by a shipwreck.
On March 25, 1647, a Dutch Indiaman, De Nieuwe Haerlem, on its way to Holland from the East Indies, ran aground in the vicinity of present-day Milnerton – and although there were no casualties, its sinking was destined to change the course of history.
A junior merchant named Leendert Janszen was instructed to stay behind with about 60 crew to look after the cargo while fellow crew members boarded other ships in the fleet and continued their journey to Holland.
While waiting to be picked up, Janszen and other members of the party grew vegetables, caught fish and bartered fresh meat from indigenous inhabitants.
It proved to be a trial run for something more permanent.
On his return to his homeland, Janszen and a fellow officer, Nicolaas Proot, were asked by their employers, the Dutch East India Company, to compile a report on the suitability of the Cape to serve as a refreshment station.
Their report, known as the “Remonstrantie”, highly recommended the idea. They were supported by Jan van Riebeeck, a member of the fleet that picked them up.
In 1651, Van Riebeeck, accompanied by 79 men and eight women, set sail for the Cape – to set up a refreshment station.
The first commander of the Cape built the first “permanent” structure – a fort – on the site of the present-day Grand Parade.
It was built out of clay and timber, and it was not very secure, making the word “fort” seem like a misnomer. Van Riebeeck was well aware of the need to have something more secure, and he called on his principals to give the go-ahead for the construction of something more secure.
The Dutch East India Company eventually did say “Yes”, but four years after Van Riebeeck’s tour of duty had ended.
The Castle had other faces too.
Over the course of time it was the administrative centre of the Cape, a garrison, a prison (its dungeons served as temporary holding cells for troublesome chiefs of indigenous groups from the Cape and much further afield).
Some of its purposes, though, were even more sinister…
For example, it – or rather a section of it – served as a torture chamber (Die Donkergat) and a place where people were executed. And it also housed a gallows.
In this regard, one of the more fascinating stories associated with the Castle involved the ghost of an 18th century governor, Pieter van Noodt, who had been cursed on the gallows by one of seven men he had condemned to death for desertion.
The curse did not take long to kick in. Van Noodt died on the same day he was cursed. Legend has it he died with a look of surprise on his face.
One of the earliest “hangmen” was married to a slave “owned” by one of the Cape’s best-known 18th century socialites, Lady Ann Barnard.
Barnard was most impressed at the way the hangman performed his duties, but she felt nothing but contempt for his wife.
As part of the Castle’s 350th anniversary celebrations, the Department of Defence has commissioned statues of four African leaders who fought to maintain the independence of their people during various eras of dispossession.
The earliest of these featured leaders will be a Goringhaiqua Khoikhoi chief named Doman, whose relationship with the Dutch shifted from watchful collaboration (he was regarded by the Dutch as a highly skilled interpreter) to open hostility when he realised that the stay of the colonialists was likely to be permanent.
On a cold, wet day in May 1659, Doman launched the first “war of independence” by indigenous people in southern Africa against colonial invaders.
Zulu King Cetshwayo also spent time as a prisoner at the Castle. This was after he had been captured in the Ngome Forest (near Nkandla) after his forces had suffered horrific losses against the British at Khambula and Gingindlovu.
Despite angry protests from whites in the colony of Natal, he was granted permission to travel to England to plead his case to British politicians.
Dubbed “The Ladies Man” because of his striking good looks, even more so in tailored European clothing, he inspired what was described as “some very bad verse”:
“White young dandies get away-o,
Clear the way for Cetewayo….”
Another “guest” of the Castle was Sekhukhune, the king of the Pedi, who like so many other African leaders throughout southern Africa was forced into war by land-hungry white invaders.
In his case, it was strife with the Boers in the 1870s that proved to be the beginning of his downfall.
Although he was able to hold his own against the Boers, the British proved to be a different proposition.
Theophilus Shepstone, the administrator of the Transvaal (after the first Anglo-Boer war), was scathingly critical of the Boers for not being able to defeat the Pedi.
This, he said, had seriously undermined the authority of the white man in Africa.
The notoriously cynical Shepstone pushed Sekhukune into war by instituting a series of taxes and fines that the Pedi were unable to comply with – until the only option open to them was war.
Also to be featured will be Langalibalele, chief of the Hlubi, who was also forced into a war he didn’t want by the white authorities.
The Hlubi people were driven into conflict because they proved to be much more successful at farming from their base in the foothills of Natal than their white counterparts.
Spirit Of Krotoa Returned To The Castle Of Good Hope
22nd August 2018.
Cape Town- Traditional and religious leaders gathered in Cape Town on Friday to celebrate the life of Krotoa, a Khoi woman who was an instrumental interpreter and negotiator alongside Jan van Riebeeck.
Gathered around a tree at the Groote Kerk, they burned an incense plant and beckoned for her soul to rise from the unmarked grave where her bones had been held.
Her remains had been removed from the grounds of the Castle of Good Hope, nearly a century after she was buried there.
On Friday, some of her descendants returned with her spirit to the castle.
This coincided with the 350th commemoration of the castle and a Women’s Day military parade.
Defence Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula, custodian of the castle, first laid a wreath at the church and then at the castle.
She unveiled a wooden bench in Krotoa’s honour and addressed the crowd on the Khoi woman’s struggle.
Krotoa, still a child, worked as a servant in Van Riebeeck’s household.
Fluent in Dutch, English and Portuguese, she was said to be instrumental in working out terms for ending the first Dutch-Khoi war in the Cape.
She was baptised, given the name Eva and married off to Danish surgeon Pieter van Meerhof.
He was killed in a slave hunt in Madagascar and when Krotoa returned to the Dutch Colony to reclaim her status, she was declined.
She was later banished to Robben Island and her children sent to Mauritius.
“Her life depicts pretty much the example of millions of women in our country, but Krotoa didn’t wallow in self-doubt and rose to distinguish herself as a pioneer,” said Mapisa-Nqakula.
“It is my wish that all of us, and young women in particular, make it a point to learn from this incredible resilient woman whose true account of her life was never told.”
Some protesters dressed in traditional garb stood outside the castle.
They questioned why not all Krotoa’s descendents were allowed inside, why she was being returned to the castle, and why the defence and military forces were there.
Mapisa-Nqakula said there was nothing wrong with the demonstration as it was people asserting their identity and history.
“If anything, it further buttresses that which we are talking about, that we must tell the true South African story.”
What was important for her was that Krotoa’s spirit was repatriated to a place, now a sacred ground, where she suffered pain.
A process was underway to have the castle listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
President Jacob Zuma would commemorate the castle’s anniversary on September 30.
Spirit Of Krotoa Returned To The Castle Of Good Hope
22nd August 2018.
Cape Town- Traditional and religious leaders gathered in Cape Town on Friday to celebrate the life of Krotoa, a Khoi woman who was an instrumental interpreter and negotiator alongside Jan van Riebeeck.
Gathered around a tree at the Groote Kerk, they burned an incense plant and beckoned for her soul to rise from the unmarked grave where her bones had been held.
Her remains had been removed from the grounds of the Castle of Good Hope, nearly a century after she was buried there.
On Friday, some of her descendants returned with her spirit to the castle.
This coincided with the 350th commemoration of the castle and a Women’s Day military parade.
Defence Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula, custodian of the castle, first laid a wreath at the church and then at the castle.
She unveiled a wooden bench in Krotoa’s honour and addressed the crowd on the Khoi woman’s struggle.
Krotoa, still a child, worked as a servant in Van Riebeeck’s household.
Fluent in Dutch, English and Portuguese, she was said to be instrumental in working out terms for ending the first Dutch-Khoi war in the Cape.
She was baptised, given the name Eva and married off to Danish surgeon Pieter van Meerhof.
He was killed in a slave hunt in Madagascar and when Krotoa returned to the Dutch Colony to reclaim her status, she was declined.
She was later banished to Robben Island and her children sent to Mauritius.
“Her life depicts pretty much the example of millions of women in our country, but Krotoa didn’t wallow in self-doubt and rose to distinguish herself as a pioneer,” said Mapisa-Nqakula.
“It is my wish that all of us, and young women in particular, make it a point to learn from this incredible resilient woman whose true account of her life was never told.”
Some protesters dressed in traditional garb stood outside the castle.
They questioned why not all Krotoa’s descendents were allowed inside, why she was being returned to the castle, and why the defence and military forces were there.
Mapisa-Nqakula said there was nothing wrong with the demonstration as it was people asserting their identity and history.
“If anything, it further buttresses that which we are talking about, that we must tell the true South African story.”
What was important for her was that Krotoa’s spirit was repatriated to a place, now a sacred ground, where she suffered pain.
A process was underway to have the castle listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
President Jacob Zuma would commemorate the castle’s anniversary on September 30.
Bastion Of Past Conquests 11th November 2018. Doman, the go-between and resister at thpe during the ine Cacremental Dutch conquest, appears to have been misunderstood right from the start, says Michael Morris. The life of Doman, the go-between and resister at the Cape during the incremental ...
A Warrior Of Grace, Dignity 8th November 2018. On December 6, four statues of kings and warriors will be unveiled to mark 350 years of the Castle of Good Hope. Here Michael Morris writes about Zulu king Cetshwayo. Cape Town – Victory has often come at a grave cost to kings and nations, an...
Discover Castle's Ghostly Past 5th November 2018. Cape Town – The Castle of Good Hope turns 350 this year – and to mark the occasion, the Independent Media group will take readers on an intriguing journey of discovery, with South Africa’s oldest existing building as its focal point. Over the...
Cape's Bastion Of History 4th November 2018. A new project celebrates Cape Town Castle, 350 years old this year, and honours key figures in our past, writes Michael Morris. We can almost hear Zacharias Wagenaer’s voice in the words passed down to us in the record, and a hint of a surely impr...
Spirit Of Krotoa Returned To The Castle Of Good Hope 22nd August 2018. Cape Town- Traditional and religious leaders gathered in Cape Town on Friday to celebrate the life of Krotoa, a Khoi woman who was an instrumental interpreter and negotiator alongside Jan van Riebeeck. Gathered around a t...
History Obviously space will not allow us to delve into the rich, difficult history of this world-famous building. Save to say that the story of his Castle is a story of our young country. It is a story of joy, pain, tears, laughter, disappointment, fear, hope – and all the other hu...
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4th Session of the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent - United Nations Headquarters - Apr 14, 2025, 10:00 AM (America/New_York)
Historian Sir Hilary Beckles pays tribute to the millions of men, women and children who suffered as a result of the Transatlantic Slave Trade, one of most devastating chapters in human history.
Indigenous leaders celebrate as court rejects appeal in landmark Yunupingu compensation case
High court upholds ruling against commonwealth that Gumatj clan’s land was not acquired ‘on just terms’, in case initiated by renowned land rights activist
Australian Associated Press
Wed 12 Mar 2025 03.00 GMT
Traditional owners say justice has been served for their people as the high court dismissed a commonwealth appeal in a landmark compensation case.
The commonwealth lost the high court battle over whether it may be liable for up to $700m in compensation for bauxite mining at Gove in north-east Arnhem Land.
Gumatj leaders Djawa Yunupingu and Balupalu Yunupingu celebrated outside the high court on Wednesday after hearing the judgment against the commonwealth.
“Justice has been served for my people and the people of north-east Arnhem Land,” Djawa Yunupingu said.
Renowned land rights activist the late Gumatj leader Dr Yunupingu originally brought the case in 2019, alongside an application for native title on behalf of his clan.
Fortescue and WA government say traditional owners’ $1.8bn compensation claim is worth $8m
Read more
Djawa Yunupingu emotionally acknowledged his late brother as the “mastermind” behind the effort.
“He was the one who had the vision,” he said.
Gumatj lawyer Sean Bowden told reporters the decision was a “victory for decency, common sense and the rule of law”.
“Today’s decision validates the strength of belief in Aboriginal people, generally, not just in themselves but in their place in Australia,” he said.
In May 2023, the federal court found native title rights and interests are property, and the extinguishment is an acquisition, and therefore be made under “just terms”.
It found the Gumatj clan’s land was not acquired “on just terms” before being leased to the Swiss-Australian mining consortium Nabalco in 1968.
In its decision on Wednesday, the high court upheld this decision.
“Native title recognises that, according to their laws and customs, Indigenous Australians have a connection with country,” the judgment read.
“It is a connection which existed and persisted before and beyond settlement, before and beyond the assertion of sovereignty and before and beyond Federation.
“It is older and deeper than the constitution.”
The federal government had argued if its appeal failed it would be liable to pay native title holders compensation “to an indeterminate number of grants of interests” in the Northern Territory land and that would have “enormous financial ramifications”.
After the high court judgment, the attorney general, Mark Dreyfus, said the government recognised the “significant contribution” the late Dr Yunupingu made in initiating the case.
“The commonwealth appealed to the high court to settle critical constitutional issues in this case,” he said.
“This decision clarifies the constitution’s application to those issues for parties to this and future matters.”
Dr Ed Wensing, Honorary Research Fellow at the Centre for Indigenous Policy Research at the Australian National University, said the decision would have implications for the ACT, not just the NT.
Greens Senator Dorinda Cox said the government must now “step up” and ensure the Gumatj people receive the compensation they are owed.
“For too long, First Nations people have borne the cost of mining and resource extraction on our lands without proper respect and shared benefit,” she said.
“This ruling sends a clear message and precedent: the commonwealth cannot ignore its obligations when it comes to First Nations land rights.”
A native title application, which Dr Yunupingu filed at the same time as the compensation case, will continue to be heard in the federal court.
Help for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people is available on13YARN on 13 92 76
The Castle of Good Hope is known locally as "The Cape Castle" was built in the 17th century and is a well loved historical monument in Cape Town, South Africa. The Castle was originally built on the coastline, after city re-claimed some last from the ocean is now lies a short distance inland. The Castle was uilt as a refreshment stop for ships Traveling between Europe and Asia. Some highlights include Kat Balcony with the "Kings of the Castle", Torture Chamber & Dark Hole and Military Museum.
Cape Town – Deputy Defence and Military Veterans Minister Kebby Maphatsoe says he would like to see the Castle of Good Hope become a place of pilgramage for citizens from all political persuasions and from all parts of the country.
“We want people to say: ‘Let’s go to Cape Town not only for the beaches, but also for the Castle, so that we can see and learn about where our king or chief was jailed.”
Maphatsoe has been in the defence and military veterans portfolio since May 26, 2014. When discussing Cape Town’s most enduring landmark, he sounds like a new broom.
Central to the commemoration of the Castle’s 350th anniversary will be the unveiling, by President Jacob Zuma tomorrow, of statues of four indigenous fighters against Dutch and British colonialism: a Goringhaiqua chief named Doman, the Zulu king, Cetshwayo, the Pedi king Sekhukhune, and Langalibalele, the king of the amaHlubi people.
“We decided on honouring these four great South African leaders because we believe that not enough effort had been made to tell about how they struggled against great odds to protect the independence of their people,” Maphatsoe said.
Each of the leaders who are being commemorated demonstrated incredibly innovative leadership in their struggles against Dutch, Boer and British colonists.
Doman launched his war against the Dutch in rainy weather, having worked out that the matchlock guns of the enemy would not fire in wet weather.
Cetshwayo’s Zulu army, armed mainly with stabbing spears, shocked imperial Britain, by inflicting a stunning defeat over its Redcoats at Isandlwana.
Sekhukhune defeated the Boers and the British in a succession of battles, while Langalibalele also repulsed attacks by colonial forces in the then Natal.
“We want the history of these leaders to be told,” says Maphatsoe.
“We know that the Castle was used as a fort, as a prison for indigenous leaders, and as a place where black people were tortured and killed – from the time of the early colonists, right up to the brutal era of the apartheid regime,” he says.
“It is important for people to know what happened between its walls. We want it to become a centre of learning, healing and memory,” Maphatsoe says.
“I would like to see communities which have always seen it as a place from where their subjugation was plotted and implemented to come to it to seek healing and closure, if that is what they want. At present, only the Khoikhoi have taken up this invitation.”
Maphatsoe understands that the process he wants to champion may take time. But there have been hopeful signs, he says.
“Groups from the Northern Cape, the Eastern Cape, Limpopo and Mpumalanga have visited.
“Moreover, when the king of the Venda people learnt that we were going to honour the kings of the past, he contacted us to say he wanted to become involved so that he could pay his respects to the Pedi king, Sekhukhune.
“These were eye-openers for the new groups of visitors to the Castle. There is so much of South African history that they did not know. The 350th anniversary commemoration of the Castle will widen their knowledge even further,” he said.
“What they are beginning to realise is that the Castle is the genesis of our freedom. It takes us on a long journey – from oppression to freedom.”
Cape Town – With talk of decolonisation echoing through the halls of universities, talk of land reform resounding around the country and nationalisation and redistribution of wealth on the lips of almost every South African, what better place to start than the land’s oldest colonial building?
This weekend, the Castle of Good Hope turns 350, and it is fast-tracking its reimagining by unveiling four statues of men who, up until now, have been little more than footnotes in the country’s history books.
They include king of the amaHlubi, Langalibalele, whom the suburb of Langa is named after and who opposed colonial rule, and Zulu king Cetshwayo, who famously led the resounding defeat of the British army at the Battle of Isandlwana.
Another is Bapedi king Sekhukhune, who through force and political manoeuvring built his kingdom Sekhukhuneland and violently opposed British rule, handing the Boers a number of crushing defeats.
Khoikhoi interpreter Doman, who led the first resistance against the Dutch by setting up monopolies of trade, so as to grow his own people’s wealth at the expense of Jan van Riebeeck and his party.
Walking between the hallowed, majestic bastions of the castle, Leerdam, Oranje, Nassau, Katzenellenbogen and Buuren, through the govenor’s chambers, the castle barracks, old munitions storage facility and the gloomy torture chamber, on guided tours, one is reminded of the cruelty of the past.
The systems of oppression and slavery, the torturous punishment of those who tried to escape slavery, or had the temerity to worship their own gods, refusing to submit to the missionaries, who forced Christianity on the indigenous enslaved tribes.
The Castle of Good Hope, far from shying away from its dreadful past, seeks to remind us, lest we forget.
However, the castle is changing. From its original purpose as the main port of defence, to the housing of the governors of the Cape, to a tourist attraction, the castle has also become a vibrant events venue, recently hosting the inaugural Cape Town Flower Show.
Daily, there are visitors from the US, the UK, Australia, Russia, Belgium and elsewhere around the world, who come to marvel at a structure that ties together iconic parts of Cape Town – timber from the vast forests of Hout Bay in the 1660s, stone from Table Mountain, held together by powerful limestone cement made on Robben Island.
Castle Of Good Hope Commemoration A Chance To Rewrite Colonial History - Zuma
9th December 2018.
Cape Town – The 350th commemoration of the founding of the “bastion of colonialism”, the Castle of Good Hope, is an opportunity to rewrite colonial history, President Jacob Zuma said on Friday.
“(It is) a standing reminder and sanctuary for the defence of a brutal system that robbed the majority of South Africans of their dignity, social identity, land and other benefits of their country’s economic potential,” Defence Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula read from a speech Zuma was meant to have delivered.
He was unable to because of a state visit by Zambia’s president.
The castle’s history could be rewritten in a manner that was inclusive and promoted healing and nation building. Its construction marked the beginning of colonial injustice, and racial oppression.
When the governor of the Cape colony, Zacharia Wagenaar, laid the foundation stone in August 1666, the intention was to build a solid defence against two enemies: The rival European powers and the indigenous population who fought to retain their land and freedom.
READ: Spirit of Krotoa returned to the Castle of Good Hope
“The castle became the political, judicial, legislative, penal and social nerve centre of the fledgling colonial administration,” Mapisa-Nqakula said.
“It is against this background that the commemoration of the 350 year’s existence of the castle offers us a unique opportunity to revisit, reinterpret and re-write our complex, brutal colonial and apartheid history in a manner that is fully inclusive, restorative, respectful and educational.”
On the last day of the 350th commemoration, three kings and “gallant heroes and heroines who took on the might of colonial armies” were honoured with statues.
These included King Cetshwayo kaSenzangakhona of the amaZulu, King Langalibalele kaMthimkulu of the amaHlubi, King Sekhukhune of the BaPedi, and Gorochougua clan freedom fighter and Khoe (khoisan) leader Doman.
This was the beginning of a commitment to honour all those who fought against colonial conquest and inspired future generations of freedom fighters.
‘Breaking the curse’
A Centre for Memory, Healing and Learning was opened at the castle on Friday. The centre was flanked by a torture chamber and jail cells where kings and chiefs were incarcerated.
The intention of the centre, sponsored by the military veterans department, was to break the curse of “oppression, persecution and ignorance”, Mapisa-Nqakula said.
Since the castle served as a haven for colonial rulers and was a strong proponent of slavery, it was perhaps no accident that the largest contradiction and conflict around identity and race was to be found in the Western Cape, and in particular Cape Town.
“We must use this opportunity to change the mind-set of the castle being glorified as a bastion of colonialism.”
The castle had been declared a national heritage site and an application would soon be made to upgrade it to a world heritage site.
The celebrations on Friday included marching bands, praise singers, and a national salute.
Cape Town – South Africans needed to embrace their “collective history and heritage … the good, the bad and the ugly” as a step towards consolidating an inclusive sense of South Africanhood.
So said Minister of Defence and Military Veterans Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula at the Castle in Cape Town on Friday when she unveiled the statues of former kings Cetshwayo, Langalibalele and Sekhukhune and 17th century resistance leader, Doman.
The three kings had once languished in the castle’s gloomy cells, and Doman had known first-hand the penalty of contesting the power that resided within it.
The statues, Mapisa-Nqakula said, were the “tangible recognition of these, and thousands of other unsung heroes and heroines in colonials wars of resistance”.
The commemorative project, which forms part of the Castle’s 350 anniversary celebration this year, was, she said, “the beginning of an ongoing commitment to honour all those who gallantly fought against colonial conquest and in turn inspired future generations of freedom fighters”.
Mapisa-Nqakula delivered the formal address at the event on behalf of President Jacob Zuma, who was scheduled to unveil the statues, but was detained in Pretoria because of a programme change in the visit of Zambian President Edgar Lungu.
Delegations from the amaZulu, amaHlubi and BaPedi royal houses and from the Khoisan leadership in the Western Cape joined in officiating at the unveiling ceremony.
Mapisa-Nqakula noted the Castle “offers us a unique opportunity to revisit, reinterpret and re-write our complex, brutal colonial and apartheid history in a manner that is fully inclusive, restorative, respectful and educational”.
This would be advanced through the launch of a Centre for Memory, Healing and Learning at the Castle. The centre, sponsored by the Department of Military Veterans, was intended to break “the curse of oppression, persecution and ignorance”.
We can’t believe that the festive season is already upon us. As we all prepare to spend some quality time with our loved ones, may we use this opportunity to wish you a joyous, healthy and happy holiday season. The more we think about it, the more we realize that there are very few architectural and cultural heritage sites around that has the variety of unique cultural experiences the Castle of Good Hope offers.
Many cities like Beijing, Paris, London, Rio, Tokyo, Melbourne, Singapore, Brussels offer what we have but theirs’ are often dispersed or pricey. From the best-preserved 17th century Dutch fort in the world, to larger-than-life statues of indigenous royal warriors to the firing of small but ear-splitting signal cannon to a recreated 17th century military drill; it feels like our Castle is a mall of heritage experiences under one roof!
Highlights
A unique torture chamber/interrogation room, recently upgraded to create an even more authentic experience;
The statues of the Khoi freedom-fighter Nommoä (Doman) next to those of warrior kings Langalibalele, Cetshwayo and Sekhukhune;
A museum collection of 17th century art, craft and furniture (William Fehr);
A separate ceramic art museum where the original lions that use to protect the main entrance, are on display;
The Lady Anne Ballroom and the Dolphin Pool where she supposedly bathed in the nude!
A memorial dedicated to the life of Khoi princess Krotoa (Eva);
A restitution garden with indigenous plants (and where I spent some time reading and reflecting); and
A third museum, depicting the Military History of South Africa. This is also where the original, sea-ward facing entrance of the Castle used to be.
The People's Castle
So, with your heritage-conservation contribution of R50 (±3 Euros) we definitely make sure that you get lots of bang for your buck (pardon the pun) – something like seven for the price of one! Our advice is not to rush through this oldest colonial building in the country. If you want real value for money, take a couple of hours to soak up over 350 years of colonial history – good, bad and ugly!
We are deeply honoured to share our space with tourists, ad-hoc visitors, school children, researchers, musicians, movie-makers, party-revelers, Khoi-chiefs, traditional leaders, actors and the like. Yes, do not be surprised if you bump into a certain Ms Julia Roberts or Mr Denzel Washington, some of the many Hollywood stars who recently visited our shores.
We have developed a slogan that goes like this “Bringing the People to the Castle and taking the Castle to the People!” What underpins this slogan, is a sincere commitment to change the traditional image of the Castle (colonial oppression, pain, exclusion) into one that is inclusive, embracing, healing, educational and leading to nation-building and reconciliation. This is an on-going project that needs all of your support and commitment.
Castle Of Events
It amazes us how the Castle has become a sought-after venue for life-style events. In the coming weeks, tourists and event goers will be treated with a host of exciting events. These include local youth music icon Nasty C, a Gaming Expo (Playtopia), the annual Cape Cultural Picnic and the Sizzled Summer Experience – to mention but a few. Our Castle is now really cooking up a storm!
You will notice from our gardening activities (or rather lack of it) that the Cape is still in the midst of a drought. Though the drought has been down-scaled to level 5, we are still not allowed to water our lawns, trees and other plants. As ardent gardeners, it pains us to see what is usually lush-green lawn is now appearing as a yellow-brown carpet. And the absence of summer flowers at the feet of this majestic, colonial building, is another pity. We kindly appeal to you to be understanding and supportive of our endeavours to preserve and protect this precious, life-giving resource – water.
Welcome to the Castle of Good Hope and enjoy your time with us…
On December 6, four statues of kings and warriors will be unveiled to mark 350 years of the Castle of Good Hope. Here Michael Morris writes about Zulu king Cetshwayo.
Cape Town – Victory has often come at a grave cost to kings and nations, and this much is doubtless true of Cetshwayo kaMpande, the last independent king of the Zulu people, in the weeks after their devastating defeat of the British at Isandlwana in early 1879.
Whether it was wise or foolish of him at that point to resist the urging of at least some of his warrior generals to make the most of the routing of Lord Chelmsford’s force by crossing the border in pursuit and taking the war to the farms and settlements of colonial Natal is hard to judge, and perhaps idle to contemplate.
His restraint was, in its way, a distinctly kingly gesture. But it was also a calculation, for Cetshwayo hoped he might negotiate a peace agreement that would sustain his kingdom, and gain orderly or predictable relations with the British. Violating the border, he seemed to reason, would only make things worse.
Even so, Cetshwayo had no illusions the red coats he had beaten at Isandlwana represented only a fraction of the coercive potential of Queen Victoria’s imperial juggernaut. And it was soon obvious the mightiest army in the world meant to avenge the bloody nose it had been given on the steamy veld of central Zululand in January 1879.
Chastened, and forewarned, the British forces adjusted their tactical procedures for a second invasion that year – dropping the typical linear (Thin Red Line) battle formation for a tighter close-order pattern – and went in for the kill in June. The last major encounter was the Battle of Ulundi on July 4, where a still-smarting Chelmsford ordered the royal kraal to be torched. It is said Cetshwayo’s capital burned for days.
The Zulu kingdom had been feeling the heat for a while – with a Boer settler insurgency to the north, and British ambitions on the coast itching for scope beyond the colony of Natal.
The pall that hung over Ulundi in July 1879 was a grim monument to the flawed – and, not long after, abandoned – big vision (modelled on Britain’s Canadian experience) of a confederacy of southern African states to which, however, an independent Zulu kingdom was considered an intolerable contradiction.
The confederacy enthusiasm, keenly supported by British high commissioner Sir Henry Bartle Frere, prompted a cynical baiting of the Zulu king, and eventually an ultimatum, followed by the invasion that temporarily came short at Isandlwana, but was pressed home months later.
It was an increasingly difficult time in a fast-changing southern Africa.
What had, until the 1850s, been perhaps little more than an expensive and truculent agrarian possession, had begun to assume growing significance as a crown asset after the discovery of diamonds.
And the fall of Cetshwayo – he evaded capture at Ulundi, going into hiding, but was caught eventually in August – was part of a pattern of subjugation repeated across the region.
The incremental conquest was a force of history – driven chiefly by European colonial or imperial competition, insensible to basic notions of justice or fairness – whose consequences Cetshwayo seemed to have recognised in advance with acute penetration.
On January 17, 1879, less than a week before Isandlwana, the king is remembered by one of those present as saying in a speech to his warriors: “I have not gone over the seas to look for the white man, yet they have come into my country and I would not be surprised if they took away our wives and cattle and crops and land.
“I have nothing against the white man and I cannot tell why they came to me. What shall I do?”
Well, he chose his path, but, nine months later, found himself incarcerated at the Castle in Cape Town for his trouble. In 1881, his status was changed to that of being under civil custody and he was relocated to the farm Oude Molen.
It was from here that he wrote to governor Sir Hercules Robinson detailing his own and his father’s good relations with the “English”, adding: “I never for a moment thought that the English would invade my country.”
Cetshwayo, who came to the throne at his father, Mpande’s death in 1872 at the age of about 46, eventually got his chance to put his case to Queen Victoria when he travelled to London in August 1882 (the Queen presented him with a large, ornate three-handled beer tankard), where, by all accounts, he was, as one writer has described him, “a much sought-after social figure, always conducting himself with natural grace and dignity”.
If his personal stature was effortlessly maintained, his official one was deliberately diminished; when he returned to Zululand in January 1883, stripped of effective power, his was a subdued kingdom riven with factionalism and rivalry, of which he himself became a victim. Weakened and ill, he died in Eshowe a few months later, on February 8, 1884.
Cetshwayo has been immortalised in photographs, paintings, books and films. In the 1964 film, Zulu, he was played by none other than his great-grandson, Mangosuthu Buthelezi, future leader of the IFP, and, briefly – while serving in Nelson Mandela’s cabinet in the late 1990s – acting president of a democratic South Africa. A character in the 1889 opera, Leo, the Royal Cadet, is named after him, and he makes vivid appearances in several of adventure novelist H Rider Haggard’s African tales.
One of the most tellingly sympathetic portraits to have survived is the Cape Argus account of September 11, 1879 of the Zulu king’s arrival by ship at “Simon’s Bay”.
“Ever since the news came down from Natal that it was intended to bring Cetywayo to the Cape,” the report began, “the local interest in that monarch has been greatly intensified, and general expectation has been evinced concerning his arrival here.”
We learn that local shops, catching the excitement, sported in their windows photographs (taken from a painting) which, the Argus report says, “no less than common report, picture him a rough-featured and scowling being, old in years and ungainly in aspect”, yet the reality was that “the actual man wears an exceedingly benevolent look”.
The correspondent adds testily: “Those who have desired to see the captive out of mere idle curiosity might be somewhat surprised to find the savage king possessed of a natural gentility and dignity of demeanour which would put such a class of visitors at a terrible distance.”
But there was also something unmistakably forlorn about the man.
“While on board the steamer on his way down he was asked one morning why he did not appear so cheerful as usual, and did not smile. Smile?’ asked the king. Did you ever see a dead man smile? I am dead when my country is taken away’.”
* A statue of Cetshwayo – along with statues of early Cape interpreter and resistance leader Doman, and kings Sekhukhune and Langalibalele – will be unveiled at the Castle next month as part of the 350th anniversary of the construction of the stone fort.
A new project celebrates Cape Town Castle, 350 years old this year, and honours key figures in our past, writes Michael Morris.
We can almost hear Zacharias Wagenaer’s voice in the words passed down to us in the record, and a hint of a surely improbable ambition of being remembered by history as a “somebody” in his time.
“Our conquests,” the commander told a small gathering in January 1666 at the laying of the foundation stone of what would become the Cape Town Castle, “are extending further and further and all the black and yellow people are being suppressed. We are building a stone wall out of the earth that thundering cannon cannot destroy.” Holy Christendom would thus be made known and find a place “in wild, heathen lands”.
“We praise the almighty reign of God,” he went on, “and say in unison: Augustus’ empire, victorious Alexander and Caesar’s great kingdom – none of these had the honour of laying a stone at the end of the earth.”
There was nobody around to dispute the audacious sweep of Wagenaer’s oratory. Yet, as he laid that stone, so far from the salons and guilds and the mercantile sophistication of Holland, Wagenaer could perhaps be forgiven his grandiloquence.
If he could not have been expected to foresee the immense scale of historical, cultural and political consequences of establishing with such rock-solid certainty a widening European presence at the southern tip of his “wild” Africa, the commander’s “stone at the end of the earth” would prove lastingly, too often grimly, significant for growing numbers of people across the sub-continental region, for generations.
Wagenaer’s castle, the country’s oldest building, remains a potent symbol today; at the time, it was the token of a seismic episode. Three and a half centuries ago, southern Africa was poised between East and West. The region had, after all, been known for centuries, if not intimately, to Arab, Indian and Chinese cartographers, traders and travellers.
But the determination of the Dutch to settle in so soon after their first harried efforts to maintain merely a victualling station halfway along the lucrative trade route to the East placed the region squarely within the Western Atlantic world.
It is where the country remains, by and large, despite a greater involvement in Africa than at any time in recent centuries.
Wagenaer’s sturdy fort, though, isarguably more symbolically significant for particular, local South African reasons, for it stands at the centre of a long narrative of conquest and, later, repression.
In a sense, the first unintending settlers were accidental conquerors.
Though the first four-cornered wood-and-earth fort, pegged out within days of Jan van Riebeeck’s arrival in April, 1652, may conceivably have been a ramshackle affair, it was the precursor of Wagenaer’s project, and was the start of something big, bigger than anyone at the Cape then could have foreseen.
Impelled by a range of complex economic and socio-political factors, settler expansion grew, and so, naturally, did resistance and contestation. With a big global player behind them, and ample slaves, the small settler community proved for the most part irresistible. It was a complex social organism which, in time, even produced a wholly new indigenous African language.
When the British took over at the beginning of the 19th century, the region embarked on a 100 years of bloody subjugation – along with continuing integration with the West, with all its attendant benefits and shortcomings. The century culminated in the war with the Boers, whose defeat produced the union of colonial territories and republics that defines the shape, and much else, of South Africa today.
Ever since that day of 1666, the Castle has remained, squat and immovable below Table Mountain, as a reminder of South Africa’s record of endeavours, follies, triumphs and tragedies.
Its meaning as a site of remembering and memorialising the complexity of our society will be evoked next month when statues of four significant historical figures are unveiled at the Castle as a reminder of their role in the national story, and the importance of the building itself in a history of tragic errors and, after so many years, an overwhelming redemptive will.
Caribbean poet and essayist Derek Walcott has warned against the temptation to “take revenge in nostalgia”, and it is doubtless important to remember that these long-dead eminences, the early go-between Doman, and the kings Cetshwayo, Sekhukhune and Langalibalele, were every bit as human, and products of their time, as Commander Wagenaer, with his thoughts about the end of the earth.
They all made our history. The challenge lies, perhaps, in acknowledging our belonging in it, and acknowledging who “they” were.
For the Argus, there’s a touching association in the case of Cetshwayo, who was a friend of the paper’s founding owner, Saul Solomon. When, in September 1880, Solomon’s five-year-old daughter Maggie and her governess Martha Burton, drowned in a reservoir on the slopes of Lion’s Head, Cetshwayo, then a prisoner at the Imhoff Battery, penned a note to him.
“I am writing to you my great friend,” he said, “to express my deep sorrow at the very great misfortune that has come down on your house. I feel so very sorry to hear that one of your branches has withered and left you. I really do not know how to express my great sorrow as touching such a great calamity.” The Zulu king, of course, was no stranger to the great sorrow of inexpressible loss; he had lost his kingdom.
Though, after his unwanted sojourn as a prisoner at the Cape, Cetshwayo was given the opportunity to sail to London to petition Queen Victoria, and was able to return to his kingdom, it was a subjugated fiefdom, and his people, along with all the other subject peoples of the region, had more than a century to wait before being acknowledged as common citizens.
Next month’s event at the Castle, in which Independent Media is a partner, is a step on that path.
Obviously space will not allow us to delve into the rich, difficult history of this world-famous building. Save to say that the story of his Castle is a story of our young country. It is a story of joy, pain, tears, laughter, disappointment, fear, hope – and all the other human emotions that characterize us as a nation…
Built between 1666 and 1679, the Castle is known as the oldest surviving building in South Africa and has been the centre of civilian, political and military life at the Cape from approximately 1679.
In its current state, the Castle arguably represents one of the best preserved 17th century DEIC architecture on the entire globe. The 2015 – 2016 renovation of the Castle – the first in 20 years – will further enhance its appeal and position it well to become South Africa’s next UNESCO World Heritage Site.
This historical building now houses, among others, the William Fehr Collection managed by Iziko Museums of South Africa, an permanent ceramic exhibition (FIRED) and the Castle Military Museum.
The Castle was, however, not the first fort to be built at the Cape. A quadrangular (four-pointed) fort was built after the arrival of Jan van Riebeeck in 1652 where the Grand Parade and the main Post Office are situated today. This fort was completed towards the end of 1653 and its inner structures in 1656. However, constant problems were experienced: The walls of the fort, which were constructed mainly of clay, collapsed and required constant repairs. A model of this original fort can be seen in the Castle Military Museum.
Jan van Riebeeck left the Cape in 1662, and was succeeded by Zacharias Wagenaer. In 1664 there were renewed rumours of war between Britain and the Netherlands. Fearing a British attack on the Cape, the Lords Seventeen instructed Wagenaer to build a five-pointed stone Castle similar to other such fortifications in Europe and the East. The Castle was planned around a central point – a water-well under the “Boog” – with five bulwarks known as bastions.
The site of the new Castle was chosen in 1665 by the Commissioner and later first Governor of the Cape, Isbrand Goske. The engineer, Pieter Dombaer, was responsible for the construction of the Castle which was built by slaves, Khoikhoi, burghers, and company workers. (Anna Ras, die Kasteel en Ander Vestingswerke, p56, 57)
The foundations were dug in 1665 and the cornerstones of the first bastion, later known as the Leerdam Bastion, were laid on the 2nd January 1666, after which building started in all earnest. Three hundred sailors, commandeered from passing ships, soldiers, local Khoikhoi, women and slaves were used as workforce, breaking stone and collecting shells which were burned in lime ovens. One often wonder what was the real human cost of building this European fortress on African soil.
Clinker bricks, also known as “Ijsel-stene”, which were brought as ballasts in Dutch ships, were offloaded at the Cape and were used as decorative features in certain parts of the Castle.
In 1667 peace returned to Europe, which caused building on the Castle to be delayed. The first bastion, Leerdam, was completed on the 5 November 1670. Buuren, Catzenellenbogen, Nassau and Oranje followed.
In 1672 the outbreak of war in Europe caused the building of the Castle to be resumed with new vigour. In 1679 the Castle was completed. It was called a Castle because, as in the case of other Castles in Europe, in addition to being a defensive structure, it comprised a small community or town on its own.
Inside the Castle walls there were among others a church, bakery, workshops, living quarters, offices, cells and numerous other facilities.
The slate used as paving in the Castle came from quarries on Robben Island. Wood was brought from Hout Bay. The cement used to build the Castle was obtained by burning shells in lime kilns at Robben Island until they formed lime. This lime was mixed with shells and sand to form extremely strong cement. (Historical Buildings in South Africa, p. 8) This means that the Castle is intrinsically linked to two of South Africa’s icons and UNESCO World Heritage sites – Table Mountain and Robben Island.
The yellow paint on the walls was chosen because it reduces the glare from the sunlight, and reflects less heat. You may recall that former president Nelson Mandela damaged his eyes whilst working in the lime quarries of Robben Island during his long imprisonment there. (Historical society of Cape Town, Newsletter 3, December 1986)
In 1982, a comprehensive restoration process was started to restore the Castle to its former glory. The process was completed early in 1993. Another exciting restoration and renovation is planned to proceed towards the end of 2014.
The Castle is entered through the Main Gateway from the Grand Parade and City Hall side. This entrance was built between 1682 and 1684 to replace the original entrance which was situated between the Buuren and Catzenellenbogen bastions. There are also two smaller entrances to the Castle.
This gateway offers a window on the past. The pediment above the entrance bears the coat-of-arms of the United Netherlands, portraying the crowned lion rampant with the seven arrows of unity in its paw. On the architrave below are carved the arms of the cities of Hoorn, Delft, Amsterdam, Middelburg, Rotterdam and Enkhuizen. These were the Dutch cities in which the United East India Company had chambers. The company’s monogram, VOC, flanks the carvings on either side.
The two pilasters, the entablature and pediment above are built of a grey-blue slate from Robben Island. Built of small yellow bricks, called “Ijsselstein”, the entrance is a unique example of 17th century Dutch classicism in South Africa.
Looking at the Main Gateway from the courtyard, a baroque gable is seen above the entrance. The gable is typically Cape-Dutch and dates back to the early eighteenth century. A painting of the gable by Lady Anne Barnard (painted between 1797 and 1803) was traced to Britain and the colours scheme of the gable was chosen accordingly. The correctness of this bright colour scheme has been confirmed by the Netherlandse Monumenten Zorg. (Dutch Monument Care) (Ref: Mr Green, Restoration Architect, Dept. of Public Works). The relief work is a replica consisting of four basic military elements, which are unusual features in gable decoration namely a flag, a regimental banner, drum, mortar and a pyramid of cannonballs. It is crowned by the helmet of a knight and various weapons of a knight are also shown. On either side of the entrance are the statues of Mercury, the god of commerce and Neptune, the sea god (with the trident).
The look-out tower on the roof is known as the Captain’s Tower. The latter used to be the tallest building in Cape Town for many years to come. The inner courtyard of the Castle is divided by a wall. The wall is approximately 116 metres in length, 12 metres high, three and a half metres wide at the bottom, and two metres wide at the top. Buildings were erected on either side of the wall.
The part of the Castle formerly known as “De Kat,” was the office of the governor and arguably the first seat of political power in our country. The course of history was determined in what are today very humble chambers. In 1674 the Council of Policy and the Council of Justice and the church used the same chamber. The Council of Justice was responsible for hearing all cases at the Cape.
From these chambers, the Council of Policy controlled all facets of early colonial life; where they could live; what they could plant and produce; the prices of their produce and many other aspects of their lives in order to ensure order in the settlement. The new governor’s house became known as “Het Nieuwe Kat” and the transect wall, “Het Oude Kat”. This is where the Castle’s chapel is situated and where one of the great indigenous figures of the time, Cratoa or Eva was buried.
The right-hand entrance in the wall was the entrance to the governor’s residence. His living quarters were on the top floor. The governor’s sleeping quarters were above the arch linking the front courtyard to “Het Wapenplaatz”. On the left of the arch was the residence of the Secunde, who was the second-in-command of the settlement. The bottom floor was mainly used for wine cellars and storage space.
This building currently houses the William Fehr Collection of artworks depicting aspects of cultural life at the Cape from the VOC era until the end of the 19th century. The private collection of Dr William Fehr was exhibited at the Castle at the tri-centenary celebrations of the arrival of Jan van Riebeeck in 1952. This valuable collection has special relevance to the Castle and was bought, on public demand, to be on permanent exhibition in the Castle. (300 Years of the Castle at Cape Town, p. 109)
On the top floor, one finds the Lady Anne Barnard Banquet Hall. The hall originally consisted of four rooms, which were converted into a reception hall in 1930’s.
The well-known porch or stoep (frequently and wrongly referred to as De Kat Balcony) is an outstanding feature of the transect wall. The first porch was built in 1695 and known as “De Puij”. It was rebuilt between 1786 and 1790. From this stoep proclamations were read, announcements made and laws proclaimed to soldiers and civilians at the Cape. All legal sentences were announced from here and here official visitors to the Castle were welcomed (The Standard Encyclopaedia of Southern Africa, p. 124). This remains a great reference point to explain how the announcements affected the lives of indigenes and slaves and in fact the shaped modern South Africa.
In 1936, the stoep which had become derelict was threatened by demolition. This was prevented, however, by an architect by the name of James Morris, who offered to restore it at his own expense.
Sundials were used to tell the time in the early years at the Cape. The sundial on the eastern side (above the ceremonial office) was used to tell the time in the morning. In the afternoon, the sundial next to the balcony was used. The time of the sundials was the official time for the entire Cape settlement. The settlement was kept informed of the time by the ringing of the bell in the bell-tower every hour on the hour. At night, or when the sun did not shine, time was kept by means of an hour glass. The “rondeganger” (guard on duty) turned the hour glass and rang the bell.
The Castle represents, in its restored form, Dutch, English and French building styles. In certain parts the flat roofs favoured by the Dutch were rebuilt during restoration. In other sections the pitched roofs and stone work of the British era can be seen. The original slate roof tiles were replaced with replicas.
The building on top of the roof between the bastions Leerdam and Oranje, is known as the Captain’s Tower. For 150 years, the Captain’s Tower was the highest building in Cape Town.
Sections of the moat around the Castle were restored. The original moat was 25 metres wide and filled with water from the streams of Table Mountain. The building of the moat started on 26 November 1677. Unfortunately, the moat quickly became foul-smelling because the drainage system was inadequate and the residents used it as a rubbish dump. In 1896 the moat on the seaside of the caslte was filled up to make way for the railway line. Later the whole moat was filled up.
From the Buuren bastion, the advantage of the pentagonal shape of the Castle is evident. The range and angle of attack of the cannons on the bastions overlapped, thus providing an impenetrable wall of cannon fire in the event of an enemy attack.
The Castle formed part of a formidable defensive system at the Cape that discouraged attacks. It has never been attacked.
The five bastions were built in the order Leerdam, Oranje, Nassau, Katzenellenbogen and Buuren. The bastions were named after the main titles of Willem, the Prince of Orange. The height of the walls of the bastions on the sea side was 10 metres, and those on the land side were even higher, apparently so that in the event of an attack from the sea, the cannons on the landward bastions could be turned around to fire across the seaward bastions.
The sections of the walls built in stone by the Dutch are evident. The brick sections date back to the British era. During British rule, the walls were made higher. During Dutch rule, the slate roofs were flat. The pitched roofs were erected by the British in the 1830’s (Standard Encyclopedia of Southern Africa, Vol. 3 p. 123).
From the Catzenellenbogen bastion, it is possible to imagine how close the sea came to the side of the Castle, before the land as we know it today was reclaimed between the years 1930 and 1945 with the help of Dutch engineers. The original entrance to the Castle, the “Waterpoort”, used to be in the wall between the Buuren and Catzenellenbogen bastions. This entrance was unsuitable from the outset because at high or spring tide the water level made access to the Castle impossible.
On Catzenellenbogen you also see the mountings of 4 six-pounder rapid-fire Hotchkiss cannons. These cannons were removed from the Castle at the beginning of the Second World War. While these guns were still on the bastion they were used to fire gun salutes on special occasions (The Argus 27.10.88).
The Garrison jail was built by Louis Thibault (1786). (300 Years of the Castle at Cape Town, p. 101).
The double cell to the right of the door was used for locking up drunken soldiers. The large cell with two doors was used for a maximum of 20 prisoners. The holes through which the prisoners received their food are clearly visible.
On the left hand side there are two cells designed for a maximum of ten prisoners.
The double cell to the left of the entrance was the ablution cell or bathroom. Here you can see a primitive stone bath which was used by the prisoners.
On the doors are inscriptions made by the prisoners. It is said that the prisoners used nails which they pulled from their shoes to make the inscriptions; this is probably only partly true. They also had access to other instruments such as cutlery. All these inscriptions were made during the British era. The inscriptions on the outside of the doors were probably made during daytime when the doors of the cells were open and the large entrance locked. The cells were used for the last time during the Second World War to detain prisoners from passing ships on their way to the East.
In these cells we find the first, physical evidence that British military regiments were stationed at the Castle. The inscription that remained intact makes mention of 61 Regiment and dates back to the years 1840-1845.
It is said that the names above the doors of two of the cells are names of well-known Cape taverns at the time.
When you move out of the cells you will see, on your left hand side, the jail warden’s office. The fireplace and safe box for keys can still be seen.
The engraved ship on Robben Island slate may have been placed above the original Castle entrance or Waterpoort.
It is believed that this dungeon or so-called “dark-hole” was used as ammunition store and gunpowder magazine. The room was, however, too damp and was later used as a coal store.
Research has revealed that the two rooms in the corner of the Old Recruitment Building were the original interrogation chamber and dungeon of the Castle. There was a good reason for the interrogation chamber being next to the dungeon. According to Dutch law, a criminal had to confess to his crime before his sentence could be executed. The sound of torture coming from the adjacent room certainly facilitated this process. Prisoners were not supposed to be detained here for longer than 24 hours.
Horseshoes were sometimes put on doors for “luck”. It is interesting to note that the horseshoe on this door is hanging upside down indicating that in this room luck had run out.
The second courtyard of the Castle is known as “Het Wapenplaatz”. The name is evidently derived from the weapon inspections and drill exercises which regularly took place here. The well which is found here, formed part of the water supply system inside the Castle.
The soldiers’ quarters were situated on the top floor between Catzenellenbogen and Nassau. The middle floor was used as storage space. The hooks and large doors behind the hooks are still in evidence. Supplies were hoisted by rope, and swung through the doors. The workshops of tradesmen, as well as stables and storerooms were situated on the ground level.
From this courtyard the other two entrances to the Castle, which were mentioned on your arrival, are found. The larger entrance is known as Sally Port (an opening in a fortification through which to make “a sally”, in other words a sudden charge from a fortification up its besiegers (The Concise Oxford Dictionary).
The lawn on Het Wapenplaatz has been planted according to a Dutch garden design.
The paint used on the walls during restoration, is whitewash mixed with a coloring agent. The condition of the paint is not due to bad workmanship, but to the lack of moisture-resistant methods used during the construction of the Castle. Walls such as these must allow moisture through, which is necessary to bind the clay bricks. Whitewash ensures that enough moisture is allowed through and retained without the wall appearing wet.
The woodwork is painted in different colours. Tradition has it that the windows painted in a reddish-brown colour were the windows of rooms used to store arms. Another possible reason was that this was the only available paint at that time.
“Het Wapenplaatz” faces the back of the Governor’s quarters. The large doors to the left of the arch were three coach houses for the use of the governor. The last smaller door was the Governor’s fuel-wood store.
The date on the stone above the arch is probably the date on which this part of the Castle was completed (show stone to visitors).
“Het Bakhuys” is a modern replica of a building which was built in 1706 during the era of Governor Willem Adriaan van der Stel. The original bakery was converted into a u-shaped building around a pool. The building was demolished by the British in the 19th century to make place for a parade ground. During the restoration of the Castle, excavations exposed the foundations of the original building and revealed the existence of the original Dolphin Pool. The balustrades and decorated walls of the pool were thrown into the pool during demolition, and covered up with soil. It was thus possible to determine exactly what the original pool looked like.
The original pool was named after the impressive fountain in the form of a dolphin in the middle of the pool. It was possible to make a replica of the fountain by examining sketches and descriptions made by Lady Anne Barnard during the late 1700’s. The replica was created by the artist Jan Corewijn. The original fountain was never traced. The dolphin resembles a fish that is found in the Mediterranean. A similar fountain at “Het Loo”, the palace of Willem III, in the Netherlands inspired Willem Adriaan van der Stel to build this fountain.
From May 1797, Lady Anne Barnard, wife of the British Colonial Secretary, acted as first lady to the Governor of the Cape, Lord McCartney whose wife did not accompany him to the Cape. Lady Anne Barnard and her husband lived in the Governor’s residence because he found it far too large for his purposes. She made an everlasting impression on social life at the Cape. From sketches and documents which she left behind, much is learnt about life at the Cape during the period in which she resided here. (Lady Anne Barnard at the Cape, p. 1, 133)
The wooden blocks used as paving under the arch, were installed with the aim of dampening the sound made by the horses’ hooves and coaches when they moved underneath the Governor’s sleeping quarters.
They also ensured that people walking through the arch did not have to walk in mud and water.
The wooden cross found in the arch, was made of wood from the forest at Delville (France), where many South African soldiers lost their lives in the Battle of Delville Wood. As part of the 9th (Scottish) Division, 1 SA Brigade took part in the Somme offensive and in particular the Battles of Trônes Wood, Berfnay Wood, Longueval and Delville Wood, at the beginning of July 1916. The SA Brigade was almost entirely eliminated in these battles, lasting from 5-20 July 1916. After the bloody battle, the brigade had 29 officers and 751 troops remaining out of a total of approximately 4000 that started the battle. (SADF Review, 1991)
The well was originally in the centre of the large courtyard inside the Castle, before the dividing wall was built. According to research, it was the centre spot from where the Castle was measured out. Today we find the well in this small room (show the room).
From the archway, the width of the original dividing wall before the buildings were added can be seen.
The granary is one of the driest rooms in the Castle. Originally it was the governor’s granary. It was later used as a gunpowder magazine, because the previous gunpowder store had become too damp.
Today the room houses an archaeological museum. On display is, among others, one of the two lions which were originally seen on the pillars at the entrance to the Castle. Initially it was thought that they were the work of the German sculptor Anton Anreith. When layers of whitewash had been removed, however, it was found that they were made from baked clay and of Eastern origin, probably dating back to the 13/1400’s.
An example of the archaeological excavations done during the restoration of the Castle found here (the tourist guide will point out the excavation).
Today the Castle stands not only as a bastion of our colonial past but as a beacon of our unsure but bright future. More and more South Africans (and foreigners) are embracing and accepting this citadel as part of their collective heritage and history. Through events, festivals, celebrations, commemorations, concerts, workshops and exhibitions, the Castle of Good Hope is positioning itself for survival over the next 350 years…
Fourth session of the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent
DATE
14 - 17 April 2025
LOCATION
UNITED NATIONS HEADQUARTERS, NEW YORK, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) is pleased to announce that the fourth session of the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent will take place from 14 – 17 April 2025.
Registration to participate in the Permanent Forum
All stakeholders advancing the rights of people of African descent are welcome to participate in the sessions of the Permanent Forum. Member States, United Nations specialized agencies and bodies, national human rights institutions, equality bodies, civil society representatives, and organizations of people of African descent are especially invited to attend and contribute to the discussions.
All interested participants are required to register by 11:59PM (Central European Time) on Friday 4 April 2025, through this link: https://indico.un.org/event/1015090/
Please be informed that the 4th session will be also broadcasted via UN Web TV to follow the discussions in real-time with interpretation. We encourage you to register through indico only if you plan to attend in person.
Please be advised that space for this event is limited. If your registration for the event is approved, you will receive an automated email stating that your registration “has been approved”. In the absence of this confirmation, you will not be able to enter the UN premises.
Please inform the Secretariat (pfpad@un.org) if your registration has been approved but you are unable to attend the event.
Call for inputs
Deadline extended. OHCHR invites Member States, civil society actors, non-governmental organizations, academics, experts on issues related to people of African descent, and all other relevant stakeholders to submit inputs on new topics to be considered for discussion during the fourth session of the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent.
Written inputs should be sent in Word format to pfpad@un.org by Tuesday 17 September 2024, 11:59 pm Geneva time. Please see the call for inputs. (English | Français | Español | Portuguese).
Applicants will be selected on the basis of their work representing people of African descent or advocating to protect and promote the human rights of people of African descent. The selection committee will consider the potential of applicants to contribute to specific discussions on the agenda of the Permanent Forum. Due regard will also be made to considerations of geographic and gender diversity.
To apply for financial support, civil society representatives are requested to send the application form (English | Français | Español), completed and signed, together with all supporting documents, in a single e-mail to pfpad@un.org by Wednesday 9th October 2024 at 11:59 p.m. Geneva.
The Fall of Eva Meerhoff, born Krotoa of the Goringhaicona (c. 1643-1674)
Krotoa (c. 1643-1674) – Cape aboriginal woman of the Goringhaicona clan born on Robben Island. Reared by the first Dutch commander Jan van Riebeeck and utilised by the Dutch as interpreter, envoy, trader, guide, cultural broker, mediator, agent and informant. The Cape of Good Hope’s first indigene to be baptised (3 May 1662 as Eva) and to marry (2 June 1664) according to Christian rites. Wife of the VOC’s surgeon and superintendent of Robben Island, the Copenhagen-born Pieter Meerhoff (killed 1667/8 at Antongil Bay, Madagascar while on a trading expedition). As widow, falls into disgrace with the Dutch authorities who disapprove of her drinking, sexual and native habits. Detained and banished without trial to Robben Island. Dies there (29 July 1674) aged 31 years. Her remains are later removed from the demolished church at the Castle and buried in the foundations of the Dutch Reformed Groote Kerk in Adderley Street, Cape Town. Her known progeny form a substantial proportion of the people classified “white” under the apartheid regime.
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… een manifest exempel verthoonende dat de natuer,hoe nauw en vast deselve ook door ingeprente reden werd gemuylbant,nochtans tiijner tijt boven alle leeringen seegenpralendetot haer aengeboren eigenschappen wederom uytspat.
At the time of the extraordinary ‘confiscation’ (24 January 1669) of an unnamed Hottentotinfant redubbed Floridaby the colonizing Dutch, the widow Eva Meerhoff is accused of being a drunk, “playing the beast at night” and reverting to her native habits.
A mere fifteen days after Florida’s ‘confiscation’, a new Church Council is elected (8 February 1669). The Council consists of the following men: the resident minister Adriaen de Voogd, as elders (ouderlingen) Johannes Coon[1] and Herman Ernst: Gresnicht[2] (the last named replacing Elbert Dircx: Diemer) and the two deacons Adriaen Wils and Gerrit van der Bijl (replacing Jan Reijniersz:[3] and Gresnicht).
Immediately thereafter, the Council resolves at its very first sitting to confiscate her three Eurafrican children. Thereafter Eva is reprimanded, but informed differently: if she does not change her ways, only then will her children be taken away from her. She flees.
Does she already know about the resolution to confiscate her children?
More importantly; Eva, almost certainly witnesses personallyFlorida’s ‘confiscation’. If not, she would undoubtedly be fully up-dated about Florida’s abduction. Again amongst her own kind, would she not also be outraged by Dutch violation of her people’s customs?
That evening the Widow Meerhoff’s house (the old pottery, then a make-shift abode) is sealed and her children confiscated.
They are immediately placed in the temporary care of the outgoing deacon of the church, Jan Reijniersz:, and his wife, Lijsbeth Jans:. This couple are considered to be “people of an honest and godly character”. They also have first-hand knowledge of dealing with the local indigenes. Jan Reyniersz:, a notorious cattle and sheep rustler, had even once strung up the Goringhaiqua paramount chief Gogosoa, alias the ‘Fat Captain’ and held him hostage (October 1658).[4]
In terms of the pre-emptive resolution, the Meerhoff children are to be placed (as from 1 March 1669) in the care of Hendrik Reynsz: (from Dirksland, Goeree-Overflakkee, Zuid-Holland) and Barbara Geems: (from Amsterdam) who are already safeguarding the ‘rescued’ Florida.[5] Thus, all four Dutch Hottentots are to be confined to one family.
At the same time the fiscal Cornelis de Cretzer[6] is instructed to find Eva and arrest her:[7]
“In the evening the three children [Jacobus, Pieternella andSalomon] begotten by the late Junior Surgeon Pieter van Meerhoff out of the femaleHottentoo Eva, appear in the hall, naked and destitute, the eldest [Jacobus Meerhoff] sending in word that his mother, being quite drunk, had with all her household things and bedding gone to the Hottentoos, and that in their home (which had been prepared and finely furnished for her in the house at the old pottery) she had left nothing behind in the shape of food, clothing or otherwise. This afternoon in consequence of her excessive drunkenness, and her shameful behaviour in the hall and at the dinner table of the Commander, she had been severely reprimanded, and advised to lead a better and more civilized life, and abandon her adulterous and shameful conduct. Associating as she did with all sorts of men especially at night time, if she did not amend, her children would be taken away from her, and she herself banished on an Island. Now having heard in the evening of her running away and at the same time seeing these poor children standing there so destitute, and bearing in mind that a short time previously the church council had decided to remove the children from this drunken swine, we decided to look out for a respectable burgher who would be prepared to receive them gratis in board and clothing, and before it was quite dark, they were entrusted to the freeman Jan Reyniersz:, deacon of the church, who, (with his wife [Lijsbeth Jans:]) were people of an honest and godly character. The house was at the same time properly secured.
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The Church Council had also in its meeting, selected the names of two members of the Congregation, to be submitted to us, that we might choose one of the office of Elder.The retiring deacon Harman Ernest von Gresnich was appointed to the office, and of the other names, submitted in the same manner, Adriaan Wils, and Gerrit van der Byl were chosen to serve as deacons.“
Two days after the confiscation of Eva’s children (10 February 1669), Eva is arrested and thrown into the donker gat (‘black hole’ – the dungeon of the Fort de Goede Hoop) after an abortive attempt to rescue her children the night before. The same day as the decision by the church to seal Florida’s fate with Barbara Geems: (1 March 1669), Eva’s children are put into the care of this same woman.[8]
The Journal (10 February 1669) recounts the events as follows:[9]
“Fine weather. In the afternoon a beautiful and edifying sermon was preached by the minister on board the ship Zierikzee. The same afternoon, Eva, who, since she had run away and abandoned her children, did nothing else here and elsewhere than lead a life of debauchery, playing the beast at night with one or another, caused such a noise and commotion outside in the neighbourhood that some complaints were brought against her, whilst one person was nearly killed in consequence. He had fortunately parried the blow with his left arm, and so escaped. But in order to prevent such irregularities, and all accidents that might result from them, the Fiscal [Cornelis de Cretser] received orders in the evening to take some soldiers with him and hunt up that Hottentoo pig in order to place in custody in the Fort. After an absence of about half and hour, he returned with that fine lady and locked her up, reporting that he had found her drunk again at the entrance to the downs among the Hottentoos, with a little pipe in the mouth. Having asked her what reason she had to abandon her children and take her bedding with her, he was mocked and derided by her; and further what she had done with her feather bed? She replied that she had sold it for a piece of tobacco, and spent all her money on drink so that she had nothing left except a small bundle of children’s clothing and her own which she had hid in a little bush, and was ready to sell. This the Fiscal took away from her and brought to the Fort for the use of the children.”
Their mother, the Widow Meerhoff, is finally banished – without trial – to Robben Island (26 March 1669):[10]
“Our little yacht De Bruydegom proceeds to Robben Island to fetch thence some Dutch slaughter wethers for the ships on the roadstead. She takes with her to the Island theHottentoo woman Eva, who has now for some time already been sitting in the hole (prison) in consequence of her godless life.“
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Her arrival is confirmed in a letter from the superintendent of Robben Island Jan Zachariasz::[11]
“By the Bruydegom Thomas Hendrikse and Gabriel Teunissen arrived here, being banished hither, tho one for two and the other for one year. Also the female HottentooEva … PS— I send you 10 wethers, and await your orders regarding the rations to be given to Mrs. Eva.”
The Widow Meerhoff returns to the mainland intermittently from time to time – and gives birth to two illegitimate sons Jeronimus and Anthonij each of whom she has baptised on the mainland[12] – until her untimely death (29 July 1674).[13]
“How changeable this African climate is, is almost incredible. The West wind which had by its violence caused a boisterous sea, and during the last two days had threatened everything with destruction, had to-day gone down completely, followed by such calm weather that not the slightest motion could be observed in the air, whilst the bay was as smooth and bright as a mirror. This day departed this life, a certain female Hottentoo, namedEva, long ago taken from the African brood in her tender childhood by theHon: van Riebeeck, and educated in his house as well as brought to the knowledge of the Christian faith, and being thus transformed from a femaleHottentoo almost into a Netherland woman, teas married to a certain Chief Surgeon of this Residency [Peter Meerhoff (from Copenhagen, Denmark)], by whom she had three children still living [Jacobus, Pieternella and Salomon], and some others which had died. Since his death however at Madagascar, she had brought forth as many illegitimate ones, and for the rest, led such an irregular life, that for a long while the desire would have existed of getting rid of her, had it not been for the hope of the conversion of this brutal aboriginal, which was always still hovering between. Hence in order not to be accused of tolerating her adulterous and debauched life, she had at various times been relegated to Robben Island, where, though she could obtain no drink, she abandoned herself to immorality. Pretended reformation induced the Authorities many times to call her back to the Cape, but as soon as the returned, she, like the dogs, always returned to her own vomit, so that finally she quenched the fire of her sensuality by death (door de lijdelycke doot], affording a manifest example that nature, however closely and firmly muzzled by imprinted principles, nevertheless at its own time triumphing over all precepts, again rushes back to its inborn qualifies.”
… een manifest exempel verthoonende dat de natuer, hoe nauw en vast deselve ook door ingeprente reden werd gemuylbant, nochtans tiijner tijt boven alle leeringen seegenpralende tot haer aengeboren eigenschappen wederom uytspat.
The Widow Meerhoff is buried the following day at Church of new Castle of Good Hope:[14]
“The body of the deceased Hottentoo, Eva, was, notwithstanding her unchristian life, buried today according to Christian usage in the church of the new Castle.”
Her remains are later exhumed (with others) after demolition of the Castle’s wooden church and re-interred under the foundations of the present-day Dutch Reformed Groote Kerk, Adderley Street, Cape Town (sometime after 15 December 1677).[15]
Barbertje Geems – both whore and whoremonger
… een knap en handigh vrouwtje, en daar toe seer bequaam …[16]
Is Barbara Geems: the nurse, referred to by De Grevenbroek[17], who had been hired to care for Florida immediately after the infant’s confiscation? Considering that her daughter, Sara Jacobs: van Rosendael – later the wife of Adriaen Willemsz: van Brakel, alias Baes Arrie[18] who becomes ouderling (1671), is later appointed as official vroedvrouw(midwife), the likelihood exists that she learns her vocation from her mother. The personal circumstances of Barbara Geems:, however, are not so good. Impoverished and living off the proceeds of her bakery and also liquor sales, she and her husband are more than willing to take in the ‘abandoned’ Meerhoff orphans at the same time as Florida in exchange for payment for services rendered.
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Barbara Geems is a known hoer (whore) and pol (whoremonger). Her nocturnal activities are exposed at the trial of the Company’s tamboer (drummer) Hendrik Coerts: / Courtsz:(from Deventer).[19] Her husband is considered to be one of the two laziest free-burghers in the colony. Pleading poverty, he rejoins the Company and is removed to work at the VOC’s post at Mauritius (1666). His wife and family, however, remain at the Cape. In his absence, his wife runs a brothel. He returns (1669) but permission is quickly given for him to go to Batavia. He leaves (1670). Once again his family remains behind at the Cape. He never returns.
The decision by the Church Council, no doubt with the blessing of the colony’s most influential women, comes as a surprise (or perhaps not) – especially in the case of the Meerhoff children. Had Florida survived, would she too be made available for prostitution? From the trial of Hendrik Coerts: / Courtsz: we know that when Barbara Geems: herself is in no position to satisfy regularly his sexual needs, she makes her female slave available to him.
As for the Meerhoff children, at least the two youngest, Pieternella Meerhoff and Salomon Meerhoff are shipped off (1677) to Mauritius as wards (servants?) to Theuntje Bartholomeus: van der Linde and her husband, Bartholomeus (Bart / Bartel) Borns(from Woerden).
The eldest, Jacobus Meerhoff, a free spirit in touch with his native side and prone to wander, is later sent to join his sister in Mauritius. Unwanted and unmourned, he dies mysteriously on the voyage back to the Cape.[20] It is not known who looks after Eva Meerhoff’s two illegitimate sons, Jeronimus and Anthonij, after her death (1674). Does Barbara Geems: also take them in? Significantly, the Church Council and the authorities do not ever concern themselves with these children.
The records are silent.
Only Anthonij appears to reach adulthood and is recorded (1712) alone and without a family as Anthonij Meerhoff. In all probability, he dies prematurely (1713), a victim of the smallpox epidemic.
Paragons of Virtue, Upholders of Dutch Civilisation
During this time the Cape’s commander is the immensely unpopular, and purportedly sickly and generally indisposed, Jacob Borghorst. He is installed (18 June 1668). He had already stopped over at the Cape (1 March 1665-22 April 1665) en route from the Indies to the Netherlands. The resolutions by the Council of Policy during his time as commander, reveal a skeleton staff of sorts when contrasted with the membership and attendance of councils chaired by his predecessors and successors.
Furthermore, there is even disarray in the Burgher Council as the heemraadThielman Hendricksz: (from Utrecht) is dismissed (6 August 1669) from his position for giving the Council of Justice a piece of his mind. The removal of Thielman Hendriksz: from office undoubtedly jeopardises whatever little favourable treatment Eva Meerhoff and her children might have got from the Dutch. François Valentijn (1666-1727) writes later of Borghorst’s unpopularity:[21]
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“The HeerenWagenaar and Van Quaalbergen had indeed left good instructions and set good examples to HeerBorchorst as regards the artisans; but on his own authority, and without the knowledge of the Council he had so altered these, that he made them work by day and stand at night, by which he had made himself so hated by them that scarce any wished to remain here longer, and also during his rule he had caused very great discontent among the civil population, so that it was full time for him to depart …”.
Even the local aborigines dislike Borghorst intensely. This is confirmed by the visiting VOC official Arnout van Overbeke (1632-1674)[22]. Calling Borghorst the only monsterthat he can find at the Cape, Van Overbeke states further:[23]
All his quarrelsomeness came from the fact that Quaelbergen[24] was still so beloved that no one was very willing to have anything to do with him. Even the Hottentots, who each year give a free-will present to the Commandeur, were fed up with him: “What sort of a Captain is that?” they said, “always Sieckum!” (that is to say sick, bad, grumpy, ugly – everything that is no good is sieckum, thus bad tobacco is “sieckum Tabak,” etc.); and that made our friend mad. He wants to get by force what in reality can be had only by affection. For that matter, he punishes himself every evening with a few glasses of spirits which one of those in his confidence brings him under cover …
The man in Borghorst’s confidence is Hendrik Crudop[25], then butler or steward (hofmeester) to the commander. Crudop’s meteoric rise within the ranks of the administration parallel – at least in terms of success – those of the wealthy and highly respectable Elbert Diemer whose career also starts out as butler and personal attendant to the commander. Crudop’s presence at the Cape requires careful monitoring as he plays an instrumental, personal and destructive part in the initial colonial undoing of the aboriginal Khoe / San. Crudop’s wife, Catharina de Voogd, significantly, is sister to the resident minister, Adriaan de Voogd[26]. How else do we explain the extraordinary intervention on the part of the Church Council – almost always subordinate to the VOC’s administration – and the inaction on the part of both the Council of Policy and the Council of Justice?
A Masterpiece of Nature …
“Authors are to be blam’d for their Wantonness and Precipitations in the Characters they have drawn of the Hottentots, whose Minds and Manners, tho’ wretched enough, are not so wretched as they have made ’em …” – Peter Kolbe (1731)
Florida’s and Eva’s stories become a source of literary legend in terms of colonial travel-writings on the primitive, the ‘other’ and the exotic. The incident, no matter how blurred or rehashed and now almost forgotten, became nevertheless one of the cornerstones whereby the Khoe / San peoples became occidentally (universally?) maligned and well-nigh dehumanised in perpetuity. It is surely opportune and imperative that the intertwined stories of Florida and Eva Meerhoff now be re-evaluated. At the time, the moral outrage is so great that the Dutch authorities ‘resolve’ the matter by dumping these children, these Hottentotmisfits, with the colony’s most notorious whore and whoremonger. Is this a cop out done on the pretext of inducing moral self-upliftment on the part of Barbara Geems:? Barbara Geems:, it must be remembered, is allowed to indenture Florida on condition that she bring up the girl as a Christian. Midwife, privileged tavern-keeper, storekeeper, baker and purveyor of bread to the garrison, Barbara Geems’s meteoric rise to respectability thereafter begs further and closer scrutiny.
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We have been left with one final, equally enduring, gracious and ironic, contemporary portrayal of Eva Meerhoff during the time of her fall from grace.
When the royal Danish ship Oldenborg stops over (26 November 1672) at the Cape of Good Hope, on board is Hans Petersen Kertminde aka Jan Pietersz: Cortemünde. Amsterdam-born but of Danish parentage, he is author of the delightful Orientalische Reijse des Königlichen Schiffs Oldenborg which original manuscript is now in Det Kongelige Bibliotek [The Royal Library] in Copenhagen, Denmark.
He disembarks (29 November 1672) on Robben Island and recounts his meeting with the banished Eva Meerhoff:[27]
“In the house of the local commander [ie the commander of Robben Island, Danish-born Christian von Aalborg] we also met a Hottentot woman [Eva] who had been born in Africa of pagan, bestial parents, but had been brought up in the Cape by a Dutch woman, so that compared with her own countrymen she now appeared to be a masterpiece of nature. She had embraced Christianity, spoke fluent Dutch, English, French and Portuguese and was conversant with the Holy Scriptures so that she was able to discuss everything with our pastor to our very great astonishment. She was much better proportioned than is generally the case with her compatriots. In short, she was most commendable being capable and well trained in all womanly crafts and married to one of the physicians serving in the Company. After the death of her husband, the noble Company allotted her 9 rixdollars monthly for her maintenance, for so long as she would remain a widow and stay virtuous. But when, after the death of her husband, she became pregnant out of wedlock and her “fountain” dried up[28] she was punished by being kept here in a kind of custody … quasi in arrest zu sitzen … for a certain time.”
[1]LieutenantJohannes (Joan / Johan) Coon / Coonen / Coone / Coons: / Koon (from Sommelsdijk, Zuid-Holland) in the Netherlands; prior to transfer to the Cape, serves already 8 years in the Indies; succeeds Pieter Evraerts: van Cruijssaert; arrives at the Cape with his wife Alexandrine / Alexandrina (Sandrina) Jacobs: Maxvelt / Maxwell – better known as Juffrouw Coon – on board Walcheren [Anna J. Böeseken, Wagenaer’s Journal, p. 153; this Journal entry has been overlooked by Margaret Cairns in her article, ‘Alexandrina Maxwell: Juffrouw Coon, her second marriage’, Familia, pp. 54-56]; she witnesses (25 April 1666) baptism of Elisabeth Louisa (daughter of Joannes de Nyssen and Catharina Herbert, who are returning to the Fatherland); she witnesses (7 November 1666) – with Leendert de Klerck, Joan van As (from Brussels, Brabant) and Maryke Tielemans: [Maijcke Hendricks: van den Berg (from Diest, Brabant) – the baptism of Anna (daughter of Matthijs Coeijmans (from Herentals) and Catharijn de Klerck): den November een dochter van Matthys Koymans en Cathrijn [sic] syn huysvrouw wiert genaemt Anna de getuygen waren Leendert de Klerck,Joan van As, Juff.[rouw] Coon en Mayke Tielemans:; she appears (1676) as a Cape congregation member listed as Sandrina Jacobs:, huisvrouw van Joannes Coon [ CA: VC 603: (Lidmaatregister)]; his death at St Helena (3 February 1673) is referred to in a Despatch(10 May 1673) [CA: C 496, Deel II, p. 576]; she marries (2ndly) at Cape (29 September 1679) Louis / Lodewyck Francois B(o)ureau (from Brussels), locally known as Lodewyk Francen, a nickname which he greatly deplores according to Hendrik van Reede tot Drakenstein in his Journaal van Zijn Verblijf aan de Kaap; born (c. 1649), he is the son of Carel Burouw, an advocate in Brussels; after military service in Europe, he joins the VOC serving at Cape as soldier, clerk and finally victualler in which position of trust he falls foul of the law; charged with theft he is dismissed from service for life and deported to Netherlands; his deportation order, however, is initially not carried out and he becomes a free-burgher at Cape; Commissioner Van Rheede appears to refuse to condone laxity of his former protectors Ryklof van Goensthe Elder and Ryklof van Goensthe Younger. Alexandrina Maxvel appears alone in Muster Roll (1682). Juffrou Koon witnesses (29 August 1683) the baptisms of Jacob (son of her mesties slave Maria Lossee / Lozee[daughter of Maria van Angola]) and Lysbet (daughter of her mesties slave Anna Pieters: [van Batavia]); she appears (1684) as Alexandrina Buro and she appears (1685) with Lodewyk Breureau as Alexandrina Maxwal; it is not known whether she accompanies her 2nd husband once he is finally deported. She appears to have no children.
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[2]Harmen Ernst Gransicht / Gresnigt / Gresnicht / Gressens (from Utrecht); son of Hilletjen Teunis:) – baeshovenier (Company gardener), superintendent of Slave Lodge and burgher ensign, husband to IJtje / IJtjen Hendriks: (from Naerden, Het Gooi region of Noord-Holland).
[3]Jan Reijniers(z): / Reijnierssen / Reyniers(z): (from Amsterdam) – arrives (16 August 1653) as bosschieter on the Ph(o)enix – with junior merchant brother Jacob Reijniersz: [which brother soon marries (2 November 1653) Jan van Riebeeck`s niece and ward Elisabeth (Lijsbeth) van Opdorp (from Charloos [Charlois, Rotterdam]) who arrives (6 April 1652) on Drommedaris and which couple soon leave (24 January 1654) the Cape for Batavia on the Vrede]; one of the 1st free-burghers; elected burgher councillor (1658); Commissioner Ryckloff van Goens to the Heeren XVII (16 April 1657) reports the following about Jan Reijnierse: “Last night two more burghers were granted their freedom. They are the first who have accepted your condition of 20 years. The one is named Jan Reijnierse. His wife lives in Amsterdam, and his sister is named Stynt Reijnierse who is, as he says, in the service of Burgomaster de Graaff. He prays that his wife Lysbet Jansen, cloth napster in the Koningstraat may be sent over with her niece. These two persons [the other appears to be Wouter Cornelisz: Mostert (from Utrecht)] have each received ten roods in breadth more than the others, because in accordance with your intentions they have set an example to those that follow. The Company’s cows, which he knows how to manage very well, we have transferred to Reijniersz:; because the gardener has sufficient to do without them. [Report: Commissioner Ryckloff van Goensto the Heeren XVII in Session at Middelburgh (16 April 1657), H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope, Letters & Documents Received 1649-1662, Part II, p. 334]; his wife Lijsbeth / Luysken / Lysbeth Jans(z:) (from Amsterdam) – [Not to be confused withLijsbeth Jansz: who is the wife of Jan Jansz: [van Eeden] van Oldenborg] arrives (17 November 1658) with (and 1 child on voyage) – flute Harp brings (17 November 1658) 5 women and their children [Letter from Amsterdam, 2 September 1658]: “Passage granted to the daughter of the wife of Herwerden and other women who have been ordered out”. [Letter (10 October 1658)] – these women (and children) are:
Petronella Does & Johannes van Harwaerden [children of Johanna Boddijs, wife to Herwerden]
Neeltje Arens:
Mayken Hendricx: van den Bergh & daughter Catharina Theuns:
Jannetje Ferdinandus:
Lijsbeth Jans: & 1 child (her niece) – [Johanna (Jannetie / Jannetje) Gerards: / Gerrids: / Gerrits: (from Amsterdam) – stammoeder of Bezuidenhout family and future wife to (1stly) Wijnand(t) / Wynant Leender(t)sz: from Besuyenhouten / den Haagh ‘t Bezuydenhouwt and (2ndly) Cornelisz Stevensz: Botma (from Wageningen, Gelderland)];
Jan Reyniersz: and other free-burghers hang (October 1658) Gogosoa by the neck from a beam their unmannerly treatment of the Natives (vide LD 4 May 1661), p. 192]; Jan Reyniersz:experiences serious financial loss (1659) following the death of a female slave, the escape of two other slaves and having his house ransacked by aborigines; as one of the many accosted attempted stowaways from the Cape, he declares (2 March 1660) that this year’s return crews cried out on the ways, the jetty and near the Fort, “Get into the boat, who wants to join?” &c., using much infamous language against this place; and that even a quarter-master of Het Wapen van Holland , which carried the admiral, had been guilty of such irregularities [H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope,Letters Despatched from the Cape, 1652-1662, Attestations, p. 437]; 22 March 1660: [Van Riebeeck’s Journal, vol. III, pp. 191-192]: “It has been growing more and more apparent how little one can rely on some people. The Company’s Schapenjacht is thus in great danger of being deserted by her crew some time or other, since some of them were amongst the stowaways on the return fleet which left recently. It could be easily have happened that the quarter-master of the Schapenjacht could have gone on board one of the ships and made off, leaving the boat drifting on the open sea. To prevent such a loss and so as to have a reliable man aboard her, it has been decided to appoint the free-burgher, Jan Reijnierssenof Amsterdam, as quartermaster in command of the Schapenjacht. He is a married man and as things are not going well with him, he has asked that he may be given this employment and also that he be employed as sail-maker, all for the same wage of 18 guilders which he used to receive before he became a free-burgher. Here follows the deed of appointment: Jan Reijnierssen of Amsterdam landed here from the ship Vogel Phenicxon 16 August 1653 as arquebusier, receiving a wage of 11 guilders. Afterwards, when his term had expired, he was promoted to sail-maker at 18 guilders a month. Since 14 April 1657 he has earned his living here as a freeman and in the meantime he had his wife brought out from the Fatherland. As a result of the war with the Hottentots and the robberies committed by them, he has been ruined and is now destitute. As we are short of suitable men, we hereby reappoint him as sail-maker in the Company’s service, at his own request and also because of his capability. So that we may have a steady and reliable man on the Company’s vessel, he is appointed as quartermaster in command of the Schapenjacht, on the understanding that for the combined duties he shall receive his former pay of 18 guilders a month. This shall take effect from primo April next and he shall continue to serve the Company for 5 years in the said dual capacity of sail-maker and quartermaster of the vessel named, unless he decides in the meantime to apply for his freedom again, in which case it may be granted him”; Hendrik Boom sues (26 July 1664) Jan Reijniersz: – water dispute – Reijneirsz: must ensure that Boom must receive the water to which he is entitled [CA: CJ 1, p. 238]; Jan Reijneirsz: and Matthijs Coeijmans / Cooymans (from Herentals) convicted for theft (27 May 1666) – remanded until evidence is obtained; Lysbeth Jans: (with husband Jan Reyniers:), witnesses (26 December 1666) baptism of Catarina van den Bergh’s daughter Jannitje; she is briefly foster mother to the confiscated Meerhoff children before handing them over to Barbara Geems: / Geens:;Gijsbert Dircksen / Dircx: Verveij / Verweij (from Oijeck) [? Cuijk (near Mill) in Gelderland]) sues (12 June 1670) Jan Reijniersz: for debt; Jan Reijniersz: arraigned for using insulting language before the Council of Justice and made to apologise (2 July 1670) fining him 8 reals of 8 plus costs; transfer (5 February 1671) of erf belonging to Reynierse to Hans Ras; (from Angeln, Slesvig) Jan Reyniersz: requests (1672) to leave the Cape.
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[4] VOC Journal, Cape of Good Hope (18 Jan 1660) and Letter Despatched: Jan van Riebeeck to Heren XVII (4 May 1661).
[5] … den 8 Febr.[uarie] [1669] is resolveert der 3 kinderen [Jacobus, Pieternella and Salomon Meerhoff] van Pieter van Meerhof [sic] [(from Copenhagen in Denmark)] ratoden weduwe [Krotoa of the Goringaicona baptised Eva] om haer godtloos en ongebonden leven te ontnemen en door de Diaconio op te voeden, zijn den 1 Maert besluit ten huys van Hendrick Reynsz: vryman alhier voor de som .van 250 gl Indiesche valuatie in’t jaer – [1669] …
[6]Cornelis de Cretser / Cretzer (1637-1677) (from Culemborg, Gelderland) – son of Cornelis de Cretser and Adriana Breeckevelt; baptized Culemborg, Gelderland (24 November 1637); witnesses (1671) baptism at the Cape of Good Hope [Anno 1671] Den 22 Mart Een dochterje van Mr:Jan Hol en Jacomyntje Backers: syn huysvr[ouw] wiert genaamt Geertuyda tot getuyge stonden Cornelis de Cretser en Anna de Vooght; promising career of Cornelis de Cretser, Secunde at the Cape, abruptly ends (evening of 10 April 1671) with arrival of flute Wimmenium ex Batavia under command of skipper Adriaen Drom and junior skipper Isaacq Fonteyn who are received at De Cretzer’s place during which time a quarrel breaks out between Drom and Fonteyn. Despite admonitions by De Cretzer that Drom should refrain from fighting in his house, Drom eventually draws his dagger and wounds an intervening De Cretzer instead of Fonteyn. A seething and bleeding De Cretzer is taken to an adjoining room to dress his wound. When the bleeding worsens an infuriated De Cretzer grabs a dagger and fatally stabs Drom. Consteration ensues, the Castle gate is locked, yet De Cretzer flees but cannot be found despite search parties sent out to arrest him. With the help of locals, he is helped onto a ship returning to Patria and he again applies (1673) to the Here XVII to be accepted back into VOC service. The Here XVII allow him to return on condition that “… zich bij de competente rechter aldaar (de Raad van Justitie) voor zijn gedragingen kon rehabiliteren”. De Cretzer departs (30 April 1674) on the Stermeer ex Texel but his ship is taken by Barbary pirates and he is taken as captive to Algeria. In a letter (18 September 1675) the Here XVII confirm that De Cretser is still a captive in Algeria. Hy dies there according to a letter (11 May 1677) from the Amsterdam Chamber; he is captured (1674) by pirates and enslaved (18 September 1675) – In een brief van 18 September 1675 melden Heren XVII dat De Cretser nog te Algiers vertoeft. Hij is er overleden, meldt tenslotte een brief van de Kamer Amsterdam van 11 Mei 1677, zonder een preciese datum te noemen); he dies (1677) in Algeria in captivity [Gerrit J. Schutte, (Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam) ‘Zomaar een VOC-dienaar: de carriere van Cornelis de Cretser’, Historia (Historical Association of South Africa, 26 September 2021).
[7] H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope: Wagenaer’s Journal (8 February 1669), p. 266-267.
[8]den 8 Febr.[uarie] [1669] is resolveert der 3 kinderen van Pieter van Meerhof rat[i]o den weduwe om haer godtloos en ongebonden leven te ontnemen en door de Diaconio op te voeden, zijn den 1 Maert besluit ten huys van Hendrick Reynsz: vryman alhier voor de som van 250 gl Indiesche valuatie in’t jaer [CA: DRC: G1/1 & G1/2: Kaapstad Notule 1665-1724, p. 96].
[9] H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope: Wagenaer’s Journal (10 February 1669), pp. 267-268.
[10] H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope: Wagenaer’s Journal (26 March 1669), p. 270.
[11] H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope:Wagenaer’s Journal (29 March 1669), p. 271. Jan Sacharias: / Zachariasz: (from Amsterdam) – husband to freed private slave Maria van Bengale (previously owned by Company gardener (later fee-burgher) Hendrik Boom and subsequently by sick-comforter Pieter van der Stael, brother-in-law to 1st VOC Cape Commander Jan van Riebeeck); as widower, he and 2 Cape-born daughters Maria Jans: sister Hester Jans: later go to Mauritius. Maria marries (4 December 1672) on DePijl en route to Mauritius Jacob Jansz: de Nijs (from Amsterdam) quartermaster (speisemeister) – their son Jan de Nijs returns to the Cape after the Dutch abandon their colony on Mauritius leaving descendants in South Africa. Hester marries on Mauritius free-burgher Gerrit Jansz: (from Ewijk) – accused of adultery and committing fornication with their slave, she is arrested and sent to Cape, put on trial and sentenced (14 September 1691) to 5 years hard labour in chains at public works with muster rolls listing her future (but later estranged) husband as neighbour or housemate to the freed Cape-born Company slave Armozijn the elder (1690 & 1695).
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[12]Jeronimus Meerhoff is baptised (23 November 1670) and Anthonij Meerhoff is baptised Cape (6 August 1673).
[13] H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope: Journal 1671, etc. (29 July 1674), p. 209.
[14] H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope: Journal, 1671, etc. (30 July 1674), p. 209.
[15] “The little wooden church inside the fortress was now quite full of graves. The ground on which it stood was higher than the general surface, and it was considered advisable to level it and to remove the old building. It was necessary to select a site for a new church. It was resolved to take a portion of the lower end of the great garden for this purpose, as the garden could be extended with advantage towards the mountain. A plot of ground sufficiently large for a cemetery was enclosed with a strong wall, and on 9th of April 1678 the foundation stone of the new church was laid in the centre of it. That stone still rests under the church, the present building being only an enlargement of the original one, the end walls of which were left standing … The church was not completed until December 1703, but the ground was used as a cemetery. The first interment was the body of the Rev. Petrus Hulsenaar, clergyman of the Cape, who died on the 15th of December, 1677, and was buried in the middle of the site on which the church was afterwards to stand. Subsequently the remains of those who had been buried in the old church were removed to this ground and deposited in a common grave” [George McCall Theal: Chronicles of Cape Commanders, pp. 209-10].
[16] Resolution of the Council of Policy (4 & 5 March 1670).
[17] J.G. Grevenbroek, An elegant and accurate account of The African Race Living Round The Cape of Good Hope commonly called Hottentots (1695) [vide I. Schapera, The Early Cape Hottentots, pp. 181 & 183]. Born (1644). Sails (June 1684) to the Cape. Secretary of the Council of Policy (October 1684). Accompanies (1684) Ryklof van Goens to Batavia returning to the Cape (1686). Free-burgher at the Cape (June 1694). Signs will (3 February 1714) while living at his farm Welmoed near Eerste Rivier, Stellenbosch. Dies (ante 1726).
[18]Baes Adriaen (Arie / Arije) Willemsz van Bra(a)(c)kel (from Den Bosch / ‘s Hertogenbosch, North Brabant) – Company master carpenter (baes timmerman); later free-burgher; 2 March 1671: Lijsbeth van de Caep [Lisjbeth Sanders: – voordogter of Anna van Guinea] (aged 12), sold by Matthijs Coeijman for f 160; 10 March 1676: Isak Caste van Malabar sold by Marthinus van Banchem to baas timmerman Arije van Brakel for Rds 40; 24 May 1687: Matthijsvan Java (aged 27 / 28) sold to Louis van Bengale for Rds 35; 1688 owns 2 slave men and 1 slave woman; marries Cape 28 May 1670 Sara Jacobs: van Rosendael (from Amsterdam, North Holland), daughter of Jacob Huibrechtsz: / Huybertsz: Rosendael (from Leyden, South Holland), widower of NN, and Barbara / Barbera (Barbertje) Ge(e)ms / Geens / Goens (from Amsterdam, North Holland); step-daughter of Hendrik Reynste / Rynsen [Gulicks] (from Dircxlant); children: (1) Willem van Brakel (baptised Cape 12 April 1671); (2) Elisabeth van Brakel (baptised Cape 12 March 1673) (dies in infancy); (3) Elisabeth van Brakel (baptised Cape 13 May 1674) marries (1stly) 25 July 1700 Hans Jürgen Grimpen (from Gehrden, Brunswick), widow of Jannetje Ferdinandus (from Coutrai, Flandres), wid. Barend Hendricks: (from Leeuwen, Friesland) and widow Joris / Jurgen Jansz: Appel (from Amsterdam, North Holland); marries (2ndly) 7 June 1703 Adam Tas (from Amsterdam, North Holland); (4) Jacobus van Brakel (baptised Cape 12 April 1676) (dies in infancy); (5) Maria van Brakel (baptised Cape 30 May 1677) marries (1stly) Jacobus Louw son of Jan Pietersz: Louw aka Broertje (from Marne in the Dithmarsh) and Beatrix Weijmans: (from Amsterdam, North Holland) and marries (2ndly) Jan Valk (from Zevenhuizen, South Holland), wid. Josina Mos – farmer Elsenburg; (6) Jacobus van Brakel (baptised Cape 19 May 1679) (dies in infancy); (7) Jacobus van Brakel(baptised 8 January 1681) – banished marries 22 January 1702 Margeretha Elbers (daughter of Aletta ter Mollen / Vermeulen (from Schüttorf, Lower Saxony); (8) Hermanus van Brakel (baptised 13 December 1682) (dies in infancy); (9) Hermanus van Brakel (baptised 2 January 1684) (dies in infancy); (10) Magtelt van Brakel (baptised 25 February 1685); (11) Hermanus van Brakel (baptised 30 June 1668) marries 1 April 1708 Geertruida van der Bijl; (12) Leendert van Brakel (baptised 5 October 1687); (13) Barbara van Brakel (1688-1713) (baptised 14 November 1688) dies 1713 (smallpox epidemic?) – marries 29 December 1709 Johannes Kraay / Cray / Craa (from Dresden) – he marries (2ndly) 21 October 1714 Aletta van Wyk; (14) Magtelt van Brakel (baptised 31 December 1690).
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[19] Cape Archives (CA): CJ 1, p. 326 (4 August 1666); C 2394, p. 418 / 25 / 137 (Attestation: Hendrick Barentsz: van Leewarden and Hans Coenraet Veugelein, 23 August 1666).
[20] 3 October 1686: VOC Commander on Mauritius, Isaacq Johannes Lamotius, informs VOC Cape Commander (later Governor) Simon van der Stel that the Eurafrican, prone-to-walkabout, eldest son of the banished-without-trial, Robben Island-relegated Cape aborigine, Eva Meerhoff born Krotoa, the Eurafrican: Jacobus Meerhoff(1661-1687) – eventually sent to Mauritius (October 1685) to join his sister Pieternella Meerhoff (1663-1713) – is to be sent back to the Cape following innumerable complaints (“menigvuldige Klagten”) by Jacobus Meerhoff’s brother-in-law, Daniel Zaijman / Zaayman (from Vlissingen, Zeeland), concerning Meerhoff’s “quaat comportement en wederhoornheijt” and “aangesien hij nergens toe nut en van seer kwaden wandel verlies” … Jacobus Meerhoff, however, mysteriously dies during the voyage back to the Cape. Lamotius is VOC commander of Mauritius (1677-1692) during which time his wife and baby daughter perish in a fire. Accused (1692) of despotism, he is finally banished for 6 years to a remote island in the East Indies returning thereafter to Patria via the Cape (1718).
[21]François Valentijn, Description of the Cape with matters concerning it, vol. II, pp. 192-193.
[22]Magister Arnout van Overbe(e)ke (1632-1674) – VOC’s Honourable Councillor of Justice, poet and diarist, returning to the Netherlands as admiral on the Return Fleet from Batavia (now Jakarta, Java, Indonesia), appointed commissioner to inspect the VOC’s administration at Caput Bonae Spei (‘Cape of Good Hope’); sailing on
The Mutapa Empire – sometimes referred to as Mwenemutapa, (Shona: Mwene we Mutapa, Portuguese: Monomotapa) – was an African empire in Zimbabwe, which expanded to what is now modern-day Mozambique, Botswana, Malawi, and Zambia. It was ruled by the Nembire or Mbire dynasty.[2]
Map of trade centres and routes in precolonial Zimbabwe. A sixteenth-century Portuguese map of Monomotapa lying in the interior of southern Africa.
The Portuguese term Monomotapa is a transliteration of the Shona royal title Mwenemutapa derived from a combination of two words, Mwenemeaning "Lord" and Mutapa meaning "conquered land".[3] Over time the monarch's royal title was applied to the kingdom as a whole, and used to denote the kingdom's territory on maps from the period.[4]
History
Origins
There are several Mutapa origin stories, the most widely accepted told by oral tradition is of the princes of Great Zimbabwe. Shonaoral traditionattributes Great Zimbabwe's demise to a salt shortage, which may be a figurative way of speaking of land depletion for agriculturalists or of the depletion of critical resources for the community.[5][6]: 10 The first "Mutapa" was a warrior prince named Nyatsimba Mutota from the Kingdom of Zimbabwe who expanded the reach of the kingdom searching for new sources of salt in the north, near the Zambezi, with some traditions saying he was sent by his father, the mambo (king) of Great Zimbabwe.[7]: 203 Mutota is said to have found salt in the lands of the Tavara,[7]: 204 and settled around the Ruya-Mazowe Basin, conquering and incorporating the pre-existing chiefdoms to control agricultural production and strategic resources. This placed the state at a key position in the gold and ivory trade.[8]
Around 1440, Mutota began aggressive campaigns against the surrounding tribes, expanding the boundaries of the lands under his control to the west along the Zambezi River.[9] In the early 15th century Angoche traders opened a new route along the Zambezi via Mutapa and Ingombe Ilede to reach the goldfields close to Khami, precipitating the rise of the Kingdom of Butua. This bypassed Great Zimbabwe to the east, contributing to its decline.[10]: 50–51
It was believed that only Mutapa's most recent ancestors would follow them, with older ancestors staying at Great Zimbabwe and providing protection there. A Shona king's claim to land is through their ancestors, and this would have impacted the legitimacy of Mutapa's leaders.[11]
Further expansion
Mutota's son and successor, Nyanhewe Matope, moved the capital to Mount Fura and extended this new kingdom into an empire encompassing most of the lands between Tavara and the Indian Ocean.[12] This empire had achieved uniting a number of different peoples in Southern Africa by building strong, well-trained armies and encouraging states to join voluntarily, offering membership in the Great council of the Empire to any who joined without resistance.[13] Matope's armies overran the Manyika and Tonga as well as the coastal Teve and Madanda.[12] By the time the Portuguese arrived on the coast of Mozambique, the Mutapa Empire was the most powerful state in the region.[12] The empire had reached its full extent by 1480, a mere 50 years following its creation.[13]
Changamire I and loss of the southern regions
There appear to have intermarriages between the Nembire dynasty and the Torwa dynasty of Butua.[2] According to oral traditions, Changamire was likely a descendant of both dynasties, being the son of Matope or had married Matope's daughter (or both were true and he married his sister as was commonplace in the royal family).[2] He had been appointed governor (amir) of the southern portion of the Mutapa Empire (Guruhuswa).[14]: 46 Diogo de Alcáçova's report in 1506 indicates that Changamire I was a member of the Torwa dynasty who had served as a wealthy and influential governor of the Mwenemutapa(Mutapa king).[15]: 54
In 1490, Changamire I rebelled against the Mwenemutapa, his elder brother Nyahuma, and deposed him, reportedly with help from the Torwa. He ruled Mutapa for four years until he was killed by the rightful heir to the throne, reportedly his nephew. His son Changamire II continued the conflict,[15]: 54 ruling the southern portion which broke away from the Mutapa Empire.[14]: 46 Whether this breakaway state maintained independence or came back under the rule of the Mwenemutapa is unclear, as we don't hear of the Changamire dynasty again until the 17th century.[15]: 54
Portuguese contact
The Portuguese dominated much of southeast Africa's coast, laying waste to Sofala and Kilwa, by 1515.[16] Their main goal was to dominate the trade with India; however, they unwittingly became mere carriers for luxury goods between Mutapa's sub-kingdoms and India. Main commodity brokers included Zharare and mhere mhere.[17] As the Portuguese settled along the coast, they made their way into the hinterland as sertanejos (backwoodsmen). These sertanejos lived alongside Swahili traders and even took up service among Shona kings as interpreters and political advisors. One such sertanejo, António Fernandes, managed to travel through almost all the Shona kingdoms, including Mutapa's metropolitan district, between 1512 and 1516.He mainly travelled with Dhafa Zharare,son of Chipere Zharare who wanted the son to learn how to trade.[18]
The Portuguese finally entered into direct relations with the Mwenemutapa in the 1560s.[19] They recorded a wealth of information about the Mutapa Kingdom as well as its predecessor, Great Zimbabwe. According to Swahili traders whose accounts were recorded by the Portuguese historian João de Barros, Great Zimbabwe was a medieval capital city built of stones of marvellous size without the use of mortar. And while the site was not within Mutapa's borders, the Mwenemutapa kept noblemen and some of his wives there.[12] By the 17th century, other Europeans would extensively describe Mutapa architecture through paintings. Olfert Dapper revealed four grand gateways which led to several halls and chambers in the Mutapa palace. The ceilings of the rooms in the palace were gilt with golden plates alongside ivory chandeliers which hung on silver chains and filled the halls with light.[20]
In 1569, King Sebastian of Portugal made a grant of arms to the Mwenemutapa. These were blazoned: Gules between two arrows Argent an African hoe barwise bladed Or handled Argent – The shield surmounted by a Crown Oriental.[clarification needed] This was probably the first grant of arms to a native of southern Africa; however it is unlikely that these arms were ever actually used by the Mwenemutapa.[21]
The accidental crusade
Martyrdom by strangulation of Jesuit Father Gonçalo da Silveira in Monomotapa
In 1561, a Portuguese Jesuit missionary, Gonçalo da Silveira managed to make his way into the Mwenemutapa's court and convert him to Christianity.[4] This did not go well with the Muslim merchants in the capital, and they persuaded the king to kill the Jesuit only a few days after his baptism. This was all the justification the Portuguese needed to penetrate the interior and take control of the gold mines and ivory routes. After a lengthy preparation, an expedition of 1,000 men under Francisco Barreto was launched in 1568. They managed to get as far as the upper Zambezi, but local disease decimated the force. The Portuguese returned to their base in 1572 and took their frustrations out on the Swahili traders, whom they massacred. They replaced them with Portuguese and their half-African progeny who became prazeiros (estate holders) of the lower Zambezi. Mutapa maintained a position of strength exacting a subsidy from each captain of Portuguese Mozambique that took the office. The Mwenemutapa also levied a duty of 50 percent on all trade goods imported.[22]
Decline and collapse
Engraving of Congo and Monomotapa on elephant back showing off two Caffer "barbarians".
Mutapa proved invulnerable to attack and even economic manipulation due to the Mwenemutapa's strong control over gold production.[22] What posed the greatest threat was infighting among different factions which led to opposing sides calling on the Portuguese for military aid. However, the Portuguese proved to be happy with the downfall of the Mutapa state.
Portuguese control
In 1629 the Mwenemutapa attempted to throw out the Portuguese. He failed and in turn he himself was overthrown, leading to the Portuguese installation of Mavura Mhande Felipe on the throne.[23] Mutapa signed treaties making it a Portuguese vassal and ceding gold mines, but none of these concessions were ever put into effect.[22] Mutapa remained nominally independent, though practically a client state. All the while, Portugal increased control over much of southeast Africa with the beginnings of a colonial system. The Portuguese were now in control of the trade and the trade routes.
Loss of prestige
Monomotapa as featured in Jeu de la Géographie (1644) Baptism of king Siti of Mutapaby workshop of Tomasz Muszyński, 1683, Dominican Monastery in Lublin. The baptism of Siti Kazurukamusapa was celebrated by João de Mello on 4 August 1652, the feast day of St Dominic.
Another problem for Mutapa was that its tributaries such as Kiteve, Madanda and Manyika ceased paying tribute. At the same time, a new kingdom under the Rozvi dynasty near Barwe was on the rise. All of this was hastened by Portugal retaining a presence on the coast and in the capital.[22] At least one part of the 1629 treaty that was acted on was the provision allowing Portuguese settlement within Mutapa. It also allowed the praezeros to establish fortified settlements across the kingdom. In 1663, the praezeros were able to depose Mwenemutapa Siti Kazurukamusapa and put their own nominee, Kamharapasu Mukombwe on the throne.[24]
Butwa invasion
In the 17th century, a low ranking Mutapa prince broke away from the Empire, invading the neighboring Kingdom of Butua. The leader of this Dynasty became known as Changamire Dombo. A possible reason for the breakaway was Dombo's dissatisfaction with the levels of Portuguese interference in the Mwenemutapa Empire's governance.
By the late 17th century, Changamire Domborakonachingwango (or Dombo for short. Pronounced as Ɗömbö) was actively challenging Mutapa. In 1684 his forces encountered and decisively defeated those of Mwenemutapa Kamharapasu Mukombwe just south of Mutapa's metro district at the Battle of Mahungwe. When Mukombwe died in 1692, a succession crisis erupted. The Portuguese backed one successor and Dombo another. In support of his candidate, Changamire Dombo razed the Portuguese fair-town of Dembarare next to the Mutapa capital and slaughtered the Portuguese traders and their entire following. From 1692 until 1694, Mwenemutapa Nyakambira ruled Mutapa independently. Nyakambira was later killed in battle with the Portuguese who then placed Nyamaende Mhande on the throne as their puppet.
In 1695, Changamire Dombo overran the gold-producing Kingdom of Manyika and took his army east and destroyed the Portuguese fair-town of Masikwesi. This gave him complete control of all gold-producing territory from Butwa to Manyika, supplanting Mutapa as the premier Shona Kingdom in the region.[25]
Shifting rulers
It appears neither the Rozwi nor the Portuguese could maintain control of the Mutapa state for very long, and it moved back and forth between the two throughout the 17th century. Far from a victim of conquest, the Mutapa rulers actually invited in foreign powers to bolster their rule. This included vassalage to Portuguese East Africa from 1629 to 1663 and vassalage to the Rozwi Empire from 1663 until the Portuguese return in 1694. Portuguese control of Mutapa was maintained or at least represented by an armed garrison at the capital. In 1712, yet another coveter of the throne invited the Rozwi back to put him on the throne and kick out the Portuguese. This they did, and Mutapa again came under the control of the Rozwi Empire. The new Mwenemutapa Samatambira Nyamhandu I become their vassal, while the outgoing king was forced to retreat to Chidama in what is now Mozambique.
Independence and move from Zimbabwe
The Rozwi quickly lost interest in Mutapa, as they sought to consolidate their position in the south. Mutapa regained its independence around 1720. By this time, the Kingdom of Mutapa had lost nearly all of the Zimbabwe plateau to the Rozwi Empire. In 1723, Nyamhandi moved his capital into the valley near the Portuguese trading settlement of Tete, under Mwenemutapa Nyatsusu. Upon his death in 1740, the young Dehwe Mapunzagutu took power. He sought Portuguese support and invited them back to Mutapa along with their garrison of armed men, but Mutapa remained independent.
Collapse
The Mwenemutapa died in 1759, sparking yet another civil war for the throne. This one was more destructive than its predecessors and Mutapa never recovered. The "winners" ended up governing an even more reduced land from Chidima. They used the title Mambo a Chidima and ruled independently of Portugal until 1917 when Mambo Chioko, the last king of the dynasty, was killed in battle against the Portuguese.
Religion
The Emperor Mutope had left the empire with a well-organised religion with a powerful shamanism. The religion of the Mutapa kingdom revolved around ritual consultation of spirits and of ancestors. Shrines were maintained within the capital by spirit mediums known as mhondoro. The mhondoro also served as oral historians recording the names and deeds of past kings.[26]
Mutapa as Ophir
The empire had another indirect side effect on the history of southern Africa. Gold from the empire inspired in Europeans a belief that Mwenemutapa held the legendary mines of King Solomon, referred to in the Bible as the biblical port of Ophir.[27]
The belief that the mines were inside the Mwenemutapa kingdom in southern Africa was one of the factors that led to the Portuguese exploration of the hinterland of Sofala in the 16th century, and this contributed to early development of Mozambique, as the legend was widely used among the less educated populace to recruit colonists. Some documents suggest that most of the early colonists dreamt of finding the legendary city of gold in southern Africa, a belief mirroring the early South American colonial search for El Dorado and quite possibly inspired by it. Early trade in gold came to an end as the mines ran out, and the deterioration of the Mutapa state eliminated the financial and political support for further developing sources of gold.[citation needed]
Legacy
For several centuries, this trading empire enabled people across a large territory to live in peace and security under a stable government and succession of rulers. With primary records dating back to 1502, the empire is a "prime testing ground for theories … concerning economic, political and religious development" in pre-colonial Africa. Beach comments that the Mutapa was one of only four Shona states that was not entirely "uprooted by new settlements of people" and the only one "close to Portuguese centers" thus providing important data on contact and relationships between this and other Shona states as well as with Europeans. The Mutapa Empire is an example of a working system of government in Africa and of a flourishing civilization, both of which are often assumed to have been absent before the coming of the Europeans.[citation needed]
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