(1) The UN General Assembly resolution 68/237 proclaimed 2015 - 2024 A Decade Dedicated to People of African Descent: Recognition, Justice and Development. (2) The Africa-EU Partnership is based on shared values and aims at promoting common interests and achieving shared strategic objectives. The Joint Africa-EU Strategy, which was adopted at the Lisbon Summit in 2007, constitutes the overarching long-term framework for Africa-EU relations. It is implemented through jointly identified priorities, which are of common interest to both the EU and Africa and significantly impact on the daily lives of citizens on both continents. (3) On April 22–23, 2005, Asian and African countries renewed their longstanding solidarity at the 2005 Asian African Summit in Jakarta. The 2005 Asian African Summit yielded, inter-alia, the Declaration on the New Asian African Strategic Partnership (NAASP), the Joint Ministerial Statement on the New Asian African Strategic Partnership Plan of Action, and the Joint Asian African Leaders’ Statement on Tsunami, Earthquake and other Natural Disaster. The aforementioned declaration of NAASP is a manifestation of intra-regional bridge-building forming a new strategic partnership commitment between Asia and Africa, standing on three pillars, i.e. political solidarity, economic cooperation, and socio-cultural relations, within which governments, regional/sub-regional organizations, as well as peoples of Asian and African nations interact. The 2005 Asian African Summit was attended by 106 countries, comprising 54 Asian countries and 52 African countries . The Summit concluded a follow-up mechanism for institutionalization process in the form of Summit concurrent with Business Summit every four years, Ministerial Meeting every two years, and Sectoral Ministerial as well as Technical Meeting if deemed necessary. (4) Washington, D.C., August 4-6, 2014 President Obama pledged $33 billion in U.S. private and public assistance to Africa, Obama told the leaders of 50 African nations that some of their governments must bolster the rule of law, reform government regulations and root out corruption to promote economic development. Obama discussed pledges of more than $14 billion by various American businesses for help with projects involving clean energy, aviation, banking and construction. Coca-Cola will help provide clean water, General Electric will assist with infrastructure development, and Marriott will build more hotels, Obama said. The United States is determined to be a partner in Africa's success We don't look to Africa simply for its natural resources; we recognize Africa for its greatest resource, which is its people and its talents and their potential. The president discussed a total of $33 billion in public and private commitments, including $7 billion in new financing to promote U.S. exports and investments in Africa and $12 billion in help from the president's Power Africa initiative involving private-sector partners, the World Bank and the government of Sweden. (5) The ACP-EU partnership agreement: The "Partnership Agreement between the members of the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States of the one part and the European Community and its Member States of the other part" was signed on 23 June 2000 in Cotonou, Bénin – hence the name " ACP-EC Partnership Agreement" or "Cotonou Agreement". It was concluded for a twenty-year period from March 2000 to February 2020, and entered into force in April 2003. It was for the first time revised in June 2005, with the revision entering into force on 1 July 2008. A second revision of the Agreement was agreed on 11th March 2010. (6) German development policy is formulated by the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development and implemented by organisations such as KfW and GIZ. Germany takes international agreements as well as the commitments it has entered into very seriously. Therefore, in consultation with its African partners and other donors, it is focusing increasingly on certain cooperation priorities.
UN Assembly President urges nations to sustain momentum from Summit of the Future
UN Photo/Loey Felipe
Philemon Yang (at podium and on screens), President of the 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly, addresses the opening of the Summit of the Future on 22 September 2024.
The President of the UN General Assembly urged all nations to sustain their momentum toward decisive action and to advance the outcomes of the Summit of the Future as it concluded on Monday.
Addressing the closing session of the Summit following the adoption of the landmark Pact for the Future on Sunday, Philémon Yang, President of the 79th session of the General Assembly, expressed hope that the ideas exchanged would inspire further initiatives at national, regional and the global levels.
“As we close the Summit of the Future, I urge all Member States to continue to push for decisive action and to create meaningful progress,” he said.
He reminded delegates not to lose sight of ongoing global challenges like poverty, hunger, and the suffering of those caught in conflicts, violence, and deprivation.
“We must never lose sight of those future generations to whom we owe our best efforts to create a world that uplifts and empowers all of humanity, leaving no one behind,” he added.
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'Continuum of efforts'
Mr. Yang applauded the Pact for the Future and its annexes the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations, which were adopted by consensus at the Summit’s opening on Sunday.
“Together, they outline commitments to accelerate progress across the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and usher in a future that is more peaceful, just and resilient,” he said.
He emphasised that the Summit marked a significant step in “our continuum of efforts to deliver faster – and smarter” on the 2030 Agendafor Sustainable Development, the Addis Ababa Action Agenda, and the Paris Agreement on climate change.
“It must propel our collective ability to deliver well into the future,” he added.
Interactive dialogues
During the two-day Summit, a series of interactive dialogues featuring government leaders, top UN officials and civil society representatives were held alongside plenary sessions. These discussions further explored the commitments outlined in the Pact.
Topics included updating antiquated intergovernmental organizations, such as major multilateral development banks and the UN itself, reforming the Security Council, maximising the potential of artificial intelligence (AI) and other digital technologies while mitigating their risks, and, above all, revitalising the global efforts to eradicate poverty and inequality.
The interconnected challenges facing developing nations were poignantly highlighted by the Deputy Prime Minister of the Pacific Island nation of Tuvalu, who remarked, “the reality is that we will either drown in debt or be drowned by the sea.”
This emphasised the pressing need for global cooperation on ocean preservation, as well as to lower debt burdens.
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World leaders on Sunday adopted the Pact for the Future, a landmark declaration pledging concrete actions towards a safer, more peaceful, sustainable and inclusive world for tomorrow’s generations.
In 2023, the theme of the Africa Dialogue Series (ADS) is “Market and Scale: Unlocking Industrialization through Intra-African Trade,” which is anchored in the AU’s theme of the year and focuses on accelerating the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) implementation, mobilizing political commitment to harness trade to boost development across Africa effectively.
The AfCFTA brings enormous opportunities
1.3 Billion
People served within a single market
US$450 Billion
Expected income increase by 2035
30 Million
People potentially lifted out of extreme poverty
Intra-Africa trade increases economies of scale, value addition, and diversification while reinforcing the continent’s resilience to external shocks by reducing dependency on other regions. The AfCFTA also has the potential to increase job opportunities for Africa’s youthful population and growing middle class. However, appropriate governance mechanisms must be in place to maximize these opportunities while multiplying initiatives to narrow the infrastructure deficit.
Throughout this Africa Dialogue Series 2023, the interlinkages between these challenges and opportunities and their impacts on the development of Africa are explored through the lenses of three sub-themes: 1. Boosting Trade Facilitation and Rethinking the Foundations of Africa’s Export Diversification; 2. Growing Middle Class and Continental Import Substitution: Connecting the Dots to Unlock Made in Africa; and 3. Digital Service Trade: Great Potential but Regulatory Frameworks Are Urgent.
Partners
The Africa Dialogue Series 2023 is organized by the United Nations Office of the Special Adviser on Africa (OSAA) and the African Union Permanent Observer Mission to the United Nations (AUPOMOpens a new window) in partnership with the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTAOpens a new window) Secretariat, the Common Fund for Commodities (CFCOpens a new window), the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTADOpens a new window), the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECAOpens a new window) and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDOOpens a new window)
Message of the Special Adviser on Africa Industrialization Day, 20 November 2024
Today, on Africa Industrialization Day, we celebrate a moment in our continent’s journey toward economic sovereignty and sustainable development.
On this occasion, let me reiterate that the transformative vision of “Made in Africa” is not just a slogan. It is a call to action.
Africa’s economic future hinges on industrialization.
And for that we need to connect the demand dot to the supply dot.
On the demand side, our continent holds immense potential to drive global economic growth.
There is a rising middle class, projected to increase beyond 40 per cent of the population by 2060.
This is a historical opportunity. It is time-bound and will not last forever.
We must seize this moment now, as every developed country did when it was their time.
This middle class’s demand for quality goods offers a massive market opportunity that can energize our economies and accelerate industrialization.
On the supply side, we must move beyond old models that hooked us to commodity dependence.
In the coming years, 300 million young people will enter the labour market in Africa. This a massive potential that we must harness.
The African Continental Free Trade Area is a historical opportunity to connect the supply and demand that feed Africa’s development rather than third parties’ development.
With the AfCFTA, we can build economies of scale, reduce trade barriers, and strengthen our productive capacities.
This vision demands a collective focus on inclusive growth, especially for women and young people, which would create a ripple effect of innovation, jobs, and sustainability.
So, in our journey towards industrialization, we must look at the two sides of the coin.
On one side: Continental import substitution strategies.
There is a ready market fueled by a middle class more aligned with today's labour market skills.
These continental import substitution strategies prepare Africa in getting the Lion’s share of the global market.
In fact, they would reinforce Africa's capacity to move the needle in global value chains by building an in-house industrial culture.
On the other side: Export promotions away from commodity dependence.
For too long, our continent’s role in global trade has been defined by exporting low-value raw materials and importing high-value goods, creating a trade imbalance that erodes financial sovereignty.
Africa’s marginalization in global trade traps its economies in debt cycles.
This is not a story of fiscal mismanagement. It is about systemic barriers.
This is one of the focuses of our 2024 flagship report on “Unlocking Africa’s Debt.”
These debt challenges are symptoms of a structural issue: an international trade system that prevents Africa from moving up the value chain.
For example, Africa currently imports 85 per cent of its manufactured goods, missing opportunities to build industries that could generate millions of jobs.
Once again, the AfCFTA presents a historic opportunity to shift this paradigm, allowing Africa to create economies of scale and establish competitive manufacturing hubs.
Imagine an Africa where the $1.4 trillion domestic market drives industrialization, with value-added exports replacing raw commodity dependence.
To accelerate this industrial transformation, Africa must boost access to reliable energy and tackle the energy paradox impacting its development.
As outlined in our 2023 flagship report, Africa must chart its own energy mix through a journey that respects global climate commitments while addressing development challenges.
Today, we celebrate African ingenuity and commit to building an Africa where trade and industrialization drive inclusive growth.
Together, we can make “Made in Africa” a global standard of excellence and resilience.
UN Special Adviser on Africa on Connecting Domestic Resource Mobilization Systems and Digital Public Infrastructure to Boost Africa's Development
These insights are excerpted from the intervention of Cristina Duarte, Under-Secretary-General and UN Special Adviser on Africa, during the policy forum "Digital Public Infrastructure: What's Next after the Global Digital Compact?Opens a new window" organized on 24 September 2024. The UN Office of the Secretary-General's Envoy on Technology (OSET) and the UN Development Programme co-hosted the event in collaboration with the International Peace Institute (IPI).
Moderator: So we wanted to ask you what role, for your office do you see in, in bringing African countries together, in the creation of regional strategies for safe and inclusive DPI. Please; the floor is yours
Cristina Duarte: Thank you very much for the invitation it’s a pleasure to be here. Thank you, my dear colleague Amandeep.
The role of OSAA [the UN Office of the Special Adviser on Africa]:
In the last four years, me and my team, we undertook an exciting analytical process, trying to understand, in short, why Africa is stuck; why Africa has only delivered 12 per cent of the 140 targets of the SDG. Why Africa has been losing $500 billion a year. Why Africa has 100 million children outside school.
And that process was an amazing process because we start in 2020 by first realizing that the root cause of conflict and instability in Africa was the absence of the state, weak country systems, weak institutions. And this is the reason we do not control our flows. And in this four-year journey, starting with the absence of the state, we end up with DPI as a key success factor.
You all in this room will ask me what is the relationship between the absence of the state, the inability of the state to deliver social services, public goods, and DPI. When building this narrative and trying of course to have a deep conversation, let's say, with our African policymakers, which are our main stakeholders, we need to identify an entry point in terms of DPI.
And of course, for us, it was obvious that debt, the debt situation, the debt distress that Africa is under right now would be a smart, tactical entry point. And what we know, let’s go very quickly to the debt narrative, so you understand how come DPI lands in this narrative. As of today, there is a global narrative basically saying that Africa’s debt… everybody knows, the numbers are there. And this same global narrative says that the main reason for Africa’s debt distress is overindebtedness, this is the global narrative. And of course, when you accept that overindebtedness is the main explanation for debt distress, it puts your mindset automatically, looking only for short-term solutions, only for short-term solutions.
And in fact, this is the case when you start discussing overindebtedness solutions. What we saw: A production of credit facilities from World Bank, AfDB, IMF emergency facility, urgency facility, disaster facility. And of course, these are not the solutions. And this is the reason that in the past 30 years, Africa has undertaken 320 debt restructuring. And we are still looking, getting prepared to do so. Where we need, this is the flow. Wrong. Africa is not overindebted. Africa is in debt distress. Everybody believes. But Africa is not the… is not a continent overindebted. The reason why Africa's in debt distress—actually, our debt is very low, by the way, don’t buy this narrative, please. The reason that Africa is in debt distress, and I'll be very open—Amandeep knows that I’m very open—is because we do not control our economic and financial flows. This is the reason.
As I said, Africa loses, and I had the opportunity to mention in a previous webinar, let’s say, Africa is in debt distress because we do not control our economic and financial flows. And the tip of the iceberg is the fact that we lose $500 billion on a, let’s say, on an annual basis. If you accept that the main reason for the debt distress is a lack of control of economic and financial flows, it puts your mindset on long-term solutions. Because you do not control economic and financial flows in one day. You need a process. So when you have your mindset in the long-term space for solutions, you will realize that you need to control your flows and stop losing money. You need to build strong domestic resource mobilization systems—DRM systems. We need to put DRM systems as the driver of financing for development in Africa, not ODA, please, not ODA. Today, Africa finances itself in more or less 75 per cent. Twenty times more than ODA and almost 20 times more than FDI.
So when you realize that to tackle the lack of control of economic and financial flows, to tackle debt distress, and putting yourself in a long-term mindset environment, you end up concluding: okay, let’s get together and build the domestic resource mobilization systems in general. And the only way to do that is by acknowledging that digital public infrastructure is a key success factor. Without DPI, we will not be able to do it. And Cabo Verde, Rwanda are, I believe, strong examples. Once you use DPI, I am about to finish, and I’m answering all two questions. All the two questions. Yes yes yes yes yes.
So when you realize that you need to build DRM systems and DPI is the key success factor, let’s say in this way, and we start seeing that digital public infrastructure, if done in a certain way, is a source of ownership for the country. It is a source of ownership. We need to bring political economy and political science to these conversations. It’s more than, I believe, only technological issues. When you start building your DRM systems with DPI as a key success factor feeding your ownership, you as a policymaker, you start enjoying policy space. When you enjoy policy space, you start controlling your deficit or you finance your deficit. When you start controlling how you finance your deficit, you start reshaping the risk profile of your country. And you are put in a much better position in terms of debt management.
As of today, there are some African countries that debt services 25 per cent of budget revenues, and education is 8 per cent, which has the need to reverse 25 per cent to education and 1 per cent to debt service. And to do that, yes, DPI is not the solution, but it is that critical piece in the equation. If you do not activate: no takeoff. As simple as that. No takeoff. And of course, all these narratives that my office has been developing is hoping that we’ll be able to, everybody, to move from managing poverty to managing development.
We are so rich. Why manage poverty in a rich continent?
UN Special Adviser speaks during the Summit of the Future on addressing Africa's Debt Challenge
These remarks are from an edited transcription of the above video available on the YouTube channel of the United Nations Office of the Special Adviser on Africa (OSAA). They were delivered at the SDG Media Zone on 23 September, moderated by CNN journalist Rahel Solomon The panel discussed how Africa's debt challenges prevent the continent from progressing towards many of the Sustainable Development Goals, and how domestic resource mobilization can be a catalyst for Africa's development.
Rahel Solomon (RS): Christina I want to start with you, the last four years have been especially turbulent: pandemic, inflation, conflict around the world including on the African continent.
The latest un report found that only 17 per cent of the SDG goals are on track nearly half minimally or moderately progressed while over a third stalled or even regressed.
Secretary General, António Guterres said the world is getting a failing grade.
With that Grim assessment, I wonder if you think that accomplishing the SGS by 2030 is still even possible or realistic
Cristina Duarte (CD): Good morning, it's a pleasure to be here in the SG Media Zone.
Yes, we are off track. Everybody is off track from SDG implementation standpoint not only Africa but Africa indeed is off track.
As per some UN data, Africa succeeded in delivering only 12 per cent of the 140 targets.
We need to understand the reasons behind this.
When I say the reasons allow me to say the root causes of this, not the cosmetic ones.
Because if we may be captured by a short-term mindset, we move just to identify the cosmetic reasons. We will be missing the picture.
And from an SDG implementation standpoint there is one piece missing in the equation.
But it is missing in a quite profound way: means of implementation.This is the root cause.
So basically in the case of Africa, the financing for development model is over. It is broken. We need to shift the Paradigm of financing for development in Africa.
Allow me to provide you two figures if you allow very quickly.
So far Africa has undertaken more than 320 debt restructuring process. Have we solved the problem? No.
And I would like just to provide you an example: what happened in 2022 from a financing standpoint.
In 2022 an African country or a set of African countries issue $140 billion in Eurobonds.
In that same year the, let's say, the interest rates average increase 600 bases points and in some cases 18 another bases points.
I used to say a minister of finance goes to bed on Wednesday, sleeps, and when this Minister of Finance wakes up he goes to the office and he finds an additional bill in terms of debt service at $8.4 billion annually.
So something is wrong with all my due respect.
he debt management frameworks are broken and I do believe that from a means of implementation standpoint to address the SDG's root causes in terms of not implementing them, I do believe that we need to stop, reset and restart
Otherwise, we'll be just repeating business as usual.
Allow me to ask everybody what are the root causes from an African standpoint.
Africa does not control its economic flows. Africa does not control its Financial flows.
As I said a couple of days at Colombia University and I believe I repeated in other events around the Summit of the Future, Africa loses $500 billion a year
That same Africa begs for ODA debt suspensions and debt reliefs because Africa does not control its own economic flows.
So we need to understand that when addressing or tackling the means of implementation to put again SDGs implementation in the right track, we need to understand from an African standpoint that domestic resource mobilization should be put in the driver's seat.
Can we acknowledge that before begging for money we need to stop losing money?
And this is a very simple acknowledgement. It is not complicated.
So, domestic resource mobilization is the key to understand and to shift the paradigm of financing for development in Africa.
I'm not saying that domestic resource mobilization will finance everything, [or cover] every financing needs in Africa. No.
This is an accounting approach; this is an arithmetic approach.
But by building strong DRM systems, African countries will increase their policy space.
When they increase their policy space, African countries will be put in a position to decide how to finance its own deficit, how to reshape the risk profile of Africa and consequently taking International Capital markets in a much better position: avoiding $140 billion Eurobonds that put the Minister of Finance at 8 a.m. in the morning with an additional bill of 8.4 billion in terms of debt service.
So something very deep needs to be fixed.
Thank you very much.
RS: Christina I wonder what you think the impact of that type of indebtedness is you think about it even on a personal level if you are up to your eyeballs and cred card dead it's a little hard to make the right decisions not even just right now but moving forward talk to me about what you think the impacts of that might be or your concerns
CD: Your question give me an opportunity.
Allow me to challenge the global narrative on Africa's debt.
We need to challenge it.
Everybody knows and the figures are there, that Africa is in debt distress. You agree with me.
What maybe we might not agree are the reasons that try to explain this debt distress.
And if you notice, the global narrative explains Africa's debt distress by saying that Africa is overindebted. Sorry. No, no.
If we compare, and I don't have time to provide the numbers here but they are in OSAA's knowledge products, Africa is not in an overindebted situation.
This is not the reason that explains the debt distress and goes back to what I said at the beginning
How come Africa can be in debt distress and at the same time losing $500 billion dollars a year can we connect the dots? We need to connect.
So again we go back and we need to understand. African policymakers, UN system, African partners ...
Africa needs to start controlling their economic flows and their financial flows.
Allow me to end with a comparison. In 2022, Africa's public external debt was around $650 billion stock. It is a stock number.
Let's compare with the $500 billion which is a flow number that Africa lose annually.
Can you calculate the payback period ? One year point 2 months and you tell me that Africa is overindebted?
Special Adviser Message to the 71st Executive Session of the Trade and Development Board
Excellencies, dear delegates,
Allow me to take this opportunity to touch on the connection between trade marginalization, debt, and inclusive development, highlighting how Africa’s position in global trade has eroded its financial sovereignty and contributed to ongoing state fragility.
Trade remains a powerful driver of economic development.
However, like any engine, its potential can only be realized when guided by clear and purposeful direction.
As the Secretary-General emphasized last June, without proper orientation, international trade can deepen global inequalities, exacerbating the divide both between and within nations.
This has been a long-standing reality for much of the developing world, particularly in Africa.
What have we learned over the past 40 years?
African economies have demonstrated significant growth, often surpassing global averages.
Between 2000 and 2020, the continent achieved an impressive real GDP growth rate of approximately 4.9 per cent, a figure rivalled only by Asia.
Over 40 African countries maintained growth rates above 3 per cent, with seven countries exceeding 7 per cent.
Yet, despite this economic dynamism, poverty remains high, and meaningful, inclusive socio-economic development remains elusive.
While this GDP can signal growth potential, deeper challenges persist.
Africa’s economies remain structurally undiversified: low-productivity agriculture still drives the bulk of employment on the continent, even as its share in GDP shrinks.
Fragmented markets and infrastructural deficits prevent the rise of manufacturing industries and stifle competitiveness.
Overreliance on a few primary commodities for exports locks countries into volatile and unfavourable global markets.
This weak competitive capacity, coupled with low levels of human development, has left many African nations unable to meet the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), so no resilience has been built, and still far behind in delivering the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
What has been missing?
The missing link lies in the underappreciated and complex relationship between trade, debt, and inclusive growth.
Trade, often seen as an opportunity for development, has historically marginalized Africa, locking it into a global system that benefits others at its expense.
Africa’s economic marginalization in international trade prevents the continent from fully harnessing the benefits of its vast resources.
Many African nations are locked into trade arrangements where they export low-value raw materials and import high-value finished products.
This unfavourable trade balance erodes the continent’s capacity to generate wealth, keeping economic surpluses low and debt burdens high.
In turn, debt distress becomes a symptom of this deeper problem, often mischaracterized as mere fiscal mismanagement or excessive borrowing.
Trade Marginalization and Debt Traps
Africa’s debt challenges are rooted in its structural dependence on external markets and the global financial system.
The inability to move up global value chains has forced African nations to rely on commodity exports, which are vulnerable to price fluctuations and external shocks.
This dependence limits their ability to accumulate domestic capital and invest in high-value industries, such as manufacturing and services, which could drive more inclusive growth.
As Africa remains marginalized in global trade, it struggles to generate sufficient revenue to fund development and infrastructure projects.
This shortfall forces governments to resort to external borrowing, leading to a cycle of dependency that perpetuates debt distress.
This debt, far from being the result of reckless fiscal policy, is a direct consequence of Africa’s limited control over its economic and financial flows, which are dictated by global trade systems that favour wealthier nations.
Impact on Inclusive Development and State Fragility
The persistent trade marginalization and resulting debt traps keep African nations in a state of economic fragility.
Unable to control the movement of wealth within and beyond their borders, these nations face significant challenges in mobilizing resources for social investment.
This undermines their capacity to deliver inclusive development—economic growth that benefits all segments of society, especially marginalized groups like women and youth.
Moreover, without adequate control over financial flows, governments struggle to implement robust social protection systems, create employment opportunities, or provide access to essential services such as healthcare and education.
As a result, social inequalities deepen, perpetuating a cycle of poverty, unemployment, and state fragility.
Youth unemployment remains high, and challenges disproportionately affect vulnerable members of the population, including women and girls.
In many cases, women are denied equal economic opportunities and property rights.
This, in turn, undermines the potential for inclusive and sustainable development.
The Way Forward: Reclaiming Trade and Economic Sovereignty
To break free from this cycle, Africa must reclaim control over its economic and financial flows.
This involves more than just managing debt; it requires fundamentally reshaping the global trade relationships that have marginalized the continent for decades.
Effective institutions must be built to capture the value of trade and channel it toward domestic growth.
Africa’s economies must shift from passive players in global markets to active participants that add value to their resources and control their financial destiny.
Reforming global trade systems is essential to ensuring that the value generated by African labour and resources stays within the continent.
By fostering domestic resource mobilization, creating transparent policy frameworks, and strengthening institutional capacity, Africa can de-risk investments, attract private capital, and stimulate industrialization.
These actions are critical to achieving inclusive growth, which benefits the wealthy elite and the broader population, particularly marginalized communities.
Moreover, institutional reforms must ensure that economic growth driven by fair international trade translates into equitable income distribution.
Income inequality, if left unchecked, undermines the very foundations of economic stability and inclusive development.
Therefore, institutions that foster a fairer distribution of wealth are crucial in reducing inequalities and breaking the cycle of poverty and fragility.
Conclusion
Africa’s economic future depends on more than simply managing its debt; it requires reclaiming sovereignty over its financial resources and trade relationships.
Trade must evolve from a system that perpetuates inequality and marginalization into one that drives equality, inclusion and sustainability.
As the Special Adviser on Africa to the Secretary-General, I remain committed to working with the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development to transform international trade into a force for equitable growth.
Together, we can build the Africa we want … it is the Africa the world needs.
Special Adviser's Video Message on the International Day of Family Remittances
As we mark the International Day of Family Remittances, we recognize the critical role of remittances in supporting millions of families across Africa.
The numbers are clear: Remittances provide a vital source of income for over 200 million people on the continent.
And remittance flows to Africa reached $100 billion in 2023, nearly 6 per cent of the continent’s Gross Domestic Product, or GDP.
This is more than what Africa receives through Official Development Assistance and Foreign Direct Investment.
For some African countries, remittances account for over 20 per cent of their GDP.
The magnitude of this flow is the evidence that we need to transform our perspectives in Africa and consider remittances NOT as an external source of financing for development beyond our control.
Instead, remittances are a domestic source of financing that can be tapped into and leveraged through effective domestic resource mobilization.
Accepting globalization means accepting its spillovers.
Yes, remittance flows come from overseas from an accounting standpoint.
But from an African policymaking perspective, these remittance flows are domestic resources.
They can and should be managed as such to promote the Sustainable Development Goals.
They are an external flow but not an external finance.
The magnitude of these remittance flows in economic and social terms makes them a critical tool in claiming a “Made in Africa” policy space.
Economically, remittances are a source of $100 billion in funding.
From a social perspective, with over 200 million African family members relying on remittances, for many, they are the difference between survival and destitution, between going to bed on an empty stomach and having a meal.
As a critical piece in claiming a "Made in Africa" policy space, remittances become a key lever in tackling the triple paradox of financing, energy and food systems that are hampering Africa’s development.
To tackle the triple paradox, shifting the paradigm of Africa's finance for development from ODA to Domestic Resource Mobilization is the game changer, and the $100 billion from remittances can make a major contribution.
Finally, in a year when the African Union's theme is “Educate and Skill Africa for the 21st Century,” remittances can be leveraged to transform education in Africa.
They can be invested in harnessing the digital revolution to expand access to high-quality materials and infrastructure, including for women and girls.
For that, remittances need to become a cost-effective flow to compete in African capital markets, which they are not today.
So, let us also mark this Day with a stronger call to leverage the full potential of remittances by reducing transfer costs.
Indeed, while progress is being made, the cost of remittance transfers to Africa remains one of the highest globally, at around 8 per cent per $200 sent.
Our SDG target is to get this figure under 3 per cent.
Together, we can achieve this goal.
We must mobilize a fundamental, Africa-centred policy shift tailored to our continent's realities.
Let us foster Africa-driven innovation, encourage entrepreneurship and develop remittance ecosystems supported by effective fintech solutions to reduce transfer costs.
This is how we can – together – deliver the promise of "Digital remittances for cost reduction and financial inclusion."
As we mark the 2024 Africa Day of School Feeding, I would like to reiterate my strong belief in and support for homegrown school feeding.
It is one of the most effective programmes to accelerate the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in Africa annd ensure sustainable development, long-term prosperity and durable peace across the continent.
This is our top priority in OSAA and one of the focuses of our contribution to the School Meals Coalition.
Homegrown school feeding programmes can be leveraged to rescue the SDGs.
So far, only 15 per cent of have been delivered globally, and 80 per cent of the 140 targets are yet to be reached.
Close to half of the targets are experiencing only moderate progress or are severely off track.
Some 30 per cent of the targets have seen no movement or regressed below the 2015 baseline.
On poverty: In 2022, 15 million more Africans were pushed into extreme poverty with the surge in food and energy prices.
On health: The number of people needing life-saving health assistance in countries affected by conflict increased by 25 per cent in 2022.
On education: For the 2021-2022 school year, more than 12,000 schools closed in eight countries because of direct attacks, displacement and fear.
This has been eroding State legitimacy and consequently feeding instability. In fact, from an instability standpoint:
Armed conflict incidents have increased in three of five subregions.
Four African countries accounted for more than 1/3 of world terrorism-related deaths.
More than nine million people were internally displaced by conflict and violence last year.
While terrorism-related deaths have decreased by more than 1/3 globally since 2015, they have increased in Africa.
In fact, in Sub-Saharan Africa, they have DOUBLED.
Conflict-affected African countries represent 1/3 of the continent. As these countries share 80 land borders with other African countries, 85 per cent of the continent's population either reside in or share land borders with conflict-affected countries.
We need quick wins and interventions with a high multiplier effect.
This is what school feeding programmes bring to the table.
Besides the traditional dimensions, such as increased scholarization rates, gender parity, nutrition and health prevention, homegrown school feeding programmes can be reconceptualized to play a multisectoral entry point role.
PEACE AND SECURITY
They are an effective intervention to reverse the erosion of state legitimacy, helping the States to be present in delivering social services.
Consequently, within this context, they should be considered peace and security tools.
In his report on promoting durable peace and sustainable development in Africa, the Secretary-General proposed leveraging homegrown school feeding to boost state legitimacy and spur the transformative change needed to achieve the SDGs.
ENERGY ACCESS
They can be used to deliver renewable energy solutions – off-grid and mini-grid solutions.
How?
School feeding programmes encourage the creation of locally based management structures, which can be replicated to scale up off-grid energy solutions in Africa.
To roll out a school feeding programme in a remote village, the UN system goes through a process of co-creation with the community in terms of putting in place management structures.
These same structures can be used to roll out renewable energy programmes
CLIMATE ADAPTATION
By delivering energy access, we are paving the way to the adoption of climate adaptation solutions.
Energy is a critical element in the design and implementation of climate adaptation solutions.
African countries with reliable energy access can adapt to the impact of climate change, powering technologies from smart irrigation to clean cooking to reduce pollution.
FOOD SYSTEMS TRANSFORMATION
With the increased energy access and while being empowered to adopt climate adaptation solutions
The same community leveraging the homegrown dimension of school feeding has a market to support food system transformation.
But homegrown school feeding should be budgeted and properly financed.
Africa must look from within and mobilize domestic resources to finance development activities, including school meal programmes.
How?
A two-track approach can be considered:
In the short term, there is a need to increase Official Development Assistance, or ODA, resources to revamp homegrown school feeding programmes in Africa.
And this is a win-win situation.
From the perspective of Africa’s partners, this is an opportunity to increase the effectiveness of ODA flows since the rate of return of homegrown school feeding programmes is $1 to $9.
From the African countries’ side, it is an effective way to start addressing state legitimacy, state presence, instability, and vulnerability.
In the medium term, national budgets need to take over.
For that, part of short-term ODA flows should be earmarked to support African countries in building strong Domestic Resource Mobilization systems so that in five years, the national budget is ready to take over the financing of school feeding programmes.
Homegrown school feeding is the low-hanging fruit that can be tapped immediately to reverse the negative trend in implementing the SDGs.
Africa and its partners can and must be working hand-in-hand on this because a strong Africa is not only a win for Africa but a win for the world.
Remarks of UN Special Adviser on Africa at the African Union Industrialization Summit
Niamey, 7 November 2022 — [Check against delivery]
Your Excellency Mr. Albert Muchanga, AUC Commissioner for Economic Affairs, Trade and Industry; Your Excellency Ms. Salamatou Gourouza-Magagi, Minister of Industry and Youth Entrepreneurship of Niger; Excellencies Ministers Present; Ladies and Gentlemen;
I wish to first thank the African Union for inviting the UN Office of the Special Adviser on Africa and for giving us the opportunity to address the Meeting;
I wish to thank the Government and People of the Republic of Niger for their warm hospitality and the excellent facilities made available;
Mr. Chair; The focus of this summit on industrialization and economic diversification is both timely and important. But let's get it right. No country in the world has ever achieved development and economic transformation without energy.
If we assess the best practices of countries promoting economic transformation, ensuring food security, digitalizing education, revolutionizing health systems, building manufacturing, and industrialization capacities, or sustaining peace by creating quality jobs and delivering services, … we will realize that no country in the world has achieved these ambitions without abundant and affordable access to energy.
To discuss industrialization at the end of the day is to discuss energy.
AND …
Africa has no energy generation for economic transformation.
Even though Africa is home to 17% of the world’s population, the continent represents only 3.3% of global primary energy consumption, 1.1% of electricity generation, and 3% of global energy use in industry.
To put this in perspective, the European Union consumed over three times as much energy as Africa in 2019, despite having a population just over one-third of the size of Africa’s.
In fact, France’s and Germany’s combined energy consumption alone was greater than the entire African continent’s in 2019. Developed countries do not have an energy access problem, Africa does.
Without high reliability in power supply, Africa’s industrial ambitions would have high operational costs and reduced productivity, making it impossible to compete in international markets. Lack of investments in affordable energy will therefore perpetuate the commodities-based economies, stunting the continent’s ambitions towards industrialization and economic empowerment for its populations.
Africa’s reliable, affordable energy access through a balanced energy mix is fundamental to reducing the continent’s import burden, which is over 20% of its GDP.
Reliable energy will increase the continent’s industrial development in critical sectors such as steel, cement, and fertilizer production. Moreover, Africa’s industrial capacities to transform critical minerals needed for the global clean energy transition can only be realized with access to sustainable energy.
Access to constant, adequate, reliable, and affordable energy is fundamental to making green jobs a reality and worthwhile for Africans. It is a precondition and a determinant to attract investments and develop energy-intensive industries related to mining, additional metal processing, and manufacturing renewable energy components such as solar panels, fuel cells, wind turbines, and batteries on the continent.
Industrialization constitutes a core part of the development and economic growth of most countries around the globe. Agriculture and services can contribute to economic growth, but with our industries for value addition, they face severe restrictions in a series of dimensions, for example i) capacity for product transformation, valorization, and limited variety of by-products, ii) quality enhancement and extended shelf lives; iii) standardization and automation for increased scale and quantity for mass-production.
Energy generation for universal access, particularly for industrialization, is the challenge, not the energy transition.
Global policies and timelines designed to limit greenhouse gas emissions that do not take the continent’s unique and nuanced circumstances into account, threaten to limit Africa’s capacity to grow, creating an impossible trade-off between African countries’ right to energy access and consequently to industrialization and the compliance with climate change commitments.
And each African country has the legitimacy to undertake its own energy planning and design its own energy mix, from renewables to non-renewables, … to address both,
• the 600 million without electricity, the 18 million jobs annually, and
• The energy green commitments in the short, medium, and long terms.
This is Africa’s Common Position on Energy.
We all must be highly committed to our common “green destination,” but we must recognize that … different starting points require different paths.
Allow me to the take the opportunity at this open consultation to focus on a few critical issues that have been shaping people’s mindsets when addressing development challenges.
I would first like to address Africa’s sustainable financing challenge and then zero in on how building trust has become a crucial piece on this chest board.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Sustainable development in Africa requires a change in paradigm—a long-needed shift that still has not happened; and COVID-19 is giving us this opportunity to shift. A shift from managing poverty based on external financing to managing development based on domestic resource mobilization (DRM). This, therefore, is clearly the call of Agenda 2063 and Agenda 2030.
In this vein, allow me to point out that, managing poverty and managing development are two distinctly different challenges. Conceptualizing financing to address poverty reduction is very different from conceptualizing financing to address development. However, financing can become sustainable if that same financing addresses development. In other words, in order to efficiently tackle sustainable financing, a reboot is needed – a reboot in the global and national policymaking field; a reboot that will enable us to stop equating the business of managing poverty with that of development.
It should be noted therefore, that unless this shift takes place, Africa will not be able to achieve structural transformation by only relying on external financing for poverty reduction.
To that end, this paradigm shift will require policymakers to understand that, before addressing sustainable development, we first need to tackle sustainable financing or we run the risk/expose ourselves to the risk of a “no-development” value chain, with no control over the flow of funds, no financial resources, no policy space and definitely no development.
Therefore, in order to break this vicious cycle, African policymaking for development finance will have to give the “driver’s seat” to domestic resources mobilization.
But, in doing so, we face another challenge - the weakness of domestic resources mobilization institutions and systems combined with “a global financial system that is morally bankrupt” according to the UN Secretary-General is like two sides of the same coin. Thus, the best proxy rests in limiting illicit financial flows (IFFs). The low capitalization of national capital markets, combined with a US$1 trillion of pension fund resources placed abroad, coupled with corruption and money laundering is astounding.
Additionally, the contradiction between the amount of illicit financial outflows from Africa versus Africa’s financing needs for sustainable development is, partially, a result of this weakness, fueled by the unfair global financial system.
This has become a trap supported by the paradox, Africa, with its ‘right hand’ loses money ($86 billion in IFFs) and with its ‘left hand’ asks for money. In the end, Africa borrows its own money and sometimes at an absurdly high interest rate with mismatched maturities.
Colleagues,
Capital, illicitly flows from Sub-Saharan Africa in huge amounts. Approximately 6.1%1 of the region’s gross domestic product (GDP) enters the international financial system from just down the road, from where some African countries have been borrowing resources, namely, through the Eurobond issuance.
Consequently, the policymaking focus must be adjusted and soon.
Sustainable development can only be made possible if there is internally driven sustainable financing. In that regard, two key issues are important in this approach:
(i) the effectiveness of debt management as a function of the control (or lack thereof) of economic and financial flows; not a stock ratio approach, but let us measure what matters from a debt perspective; (ii) strong domestic institutions to boost Africa’s position in the global market (value chains) as a source of predictable cash flows — the route to minimize sustainable
1 Kar, D. and Spanjers, J (2015), “Illicit Financial Flows from Developing Countries: 2004-2013”, page viii, .Global Financial Integrity, Washington DC.
development goals (SDG) investment risks and maximize SDG impact; The integration into regional and global value chains—by boosting the domestic value added and improving access to resources and technology—plays an important and mitigating role in terms of minimizing SDG investment risks.
How then do we factor in trust - institutional trust? SDG 16 is a matter of survival for all - SDGs in Africa. It is said that institutional trust is an intangible asset with a huge impact on financing for development and consequently a clear and strong risk mitigant. It is also fundamental for leadership to acquire the legitimacy it needs to mobilize civil society for the development process. How? Through the nexus that links credibility with legitimacy and leadership. Consequently, trustworthiness is an indispensable element for rallying internal actors and external stakeholders behind a country’s development agenda.
To that end, building trust becomes a crucial dimension of policy making, and it is against this background, that it is understood, that the most effective way to build trust and credibility is via the governance value chain.
The governance value chain is a simple but fundamental process that can lead to sustainable financing in the following five steps:
First, it requires effective governance based on strong country systems.
Second, strong country systems lead to effective and inclusive service delivery.
Third, public services create credibility, both internally because citizens perceive the state as a reliable source of services to cover their needs, and externally as stakeholders realize the state’s capacity to develop and implement economic development plans.
Fourth, credibility creates legitimacy and trust that the state will fulfill its commitments toward its citizens and toward external stakeholders - be it investors, banks, international partners, etc.
Fifth, trust facilitates resource mobilization and ensures the sustainability of financing.
Internally, because trust in public institutions is linked to reduced tax evasion and increased tax revenue. Externally, because trust entails increased investment flows, higher credit ratings and lower interest rates that make debt management sustainable.
Ladies and gentlemen, colleagues, African colleagues,
We cannot achieve global trust or sustainable financing without promoting a reform of the global financial system. According to the UN Secretary-General, it is “morally bankrupt. It favours the rich and punishes the poor”.
In this regard, there are two key issues that effective national and international governance need to address in order to ensure the sustainability of development financing: illicit financial flows and international tax regulations.
The Africa we want, is the Africa the world needs! Thank you
The growth and development potential of the African Continental Free Trade Area are indeed significant, given the agreement’s potential to set the region on a path toward structural transformation and sustainable per-capita income growth that, in the long run, could accelerate the process of global income convergence and reduction of global income inequality.
In this regard, allow me to use this opportunity to touch on two aspects that I consider critical to ensure the success of the Continental Free Trade Area and to leverage its implementation as a game changer for the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals and the 2063 Agenda.
I would like to start by thanking the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) for the invitation extended to OSAA to organize jointly the presentation of this important report in New York, as part of our recently established partnership to
contribute to Africa’s development.
It is clear for everybody the potential benefits of AfCFTA. My sister Rebeca has mentioned already some and I am sure that the experts that are participating in today’s launch will highlight many more: jobs, economic diversification, market size to generate economic
scales, densification of regional value chains.
AfCTFA and the need to prepare the national DRM systems for the implementation
First, the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement will face a short-term challenge as countries will, in due course, eliminate any duties on intra-African trade and adopt common tariffs for intercontinental trade.
Most studies estimate that induced tax revenue losses from tariff reduction and removal will range from 0.03 percent to 0.22 percent of GDP (or about US$1 billion to US$7 billion) for the continent.
This is a relatively small amount, but in a context of limited fiscal space and increased expenditures due to the COVID-19 pandemic, it might become a reason for some countries to silently postpone the implementation of the AfCTFA because of its negative impact on revenue collection in the short term.
We know that, in the medium and long term, this impact will naturally revert as the revenue linked to the increased economic activity in the continent will more than make up for any loss in trade taxes.
And we also know that the more African countries engage during this transition period, the faster that the medium and long-term benefits of the free trade area will come about.
Our role, therefore, is to support African Member States in envisaging the formulas or mechanisms that will enable them to mitigate this short to medium term risk. In this context, building a strong Domestic Resource Mobilization system constitutes probably the best mitigant to this risk.
In other words, if African countries strengthen their DRM systems, they will be able to compensate the loss in revenue collection that they will experience in the short term, so that fiscal space can be preserved.
Second, as the Secretary-General has said: “if we fail in Africa, we will fail in the world.”
Therefore, we need to leverage every opportunity to maximize SDG implementation.
In this regard, the African Continental Free Trade Area presents a perfect opportunity to minimize SDG investment risk and maximize SDG investment impact at the national level.
The AfCFTA can change this dynamic by promoting: (i) first, a better and fair integration in the global value chains by African countries; (ii) second, the active promotion of
The AfCFTA, through the promotion of regional value chains and Africa’s stronger
participation in global value chains, is a strong mechanism to de-risk SDG investments.
Africa’s uncompetitive and marginal value-added position in the Global Value Chains, combined with a low intra-African trade (14.8 per cent in 2017), has been preventing the continent from the necessary mechanisms to mobilize financial resources for its own
development.
regional value chains by a consistent vision of Africa’s economic integration, and (iii) strong national, regional and continental institutions.
Improving institutions and lowering trade costs across the board through better infrastructure, control of corruption, reduction of red tape, and zero tariffs on imported inputs (including services) will act as a risk mitigant to SDG investment and consequently ensure the sustainability of SDG financing, which is probably the main challenge that we face for the implementation of the 2030 Agenda and Agenda 2063 in Africa.
Let us take this opportunity.
The Office of the Special Adviser on Africa is ready to work with UNCTAD, the secretariat of the African Continental Free Trade Area, African Member States and other international stakeholders in this area to realize the Africa we Want and ensure that no one is left behind.
28 September 2021, 9:00am-11:00am, Virtual Zoom, UNHQ, NY
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, all protocol observed.
It is my utmost pleasure to deliver remarks along with distinguished speakers today to contribute to this timely and important discussion on Africa’s pharmaceutical industry, as we advocate for the implementation of the IDDA III.
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic deepened the Continent’s socio-economic weaknesses and challenges but, at the same time, it has provided an opportunity for Africa to accelerate the long- awaited structural transformation of its pharmaceutical industry, addressing by the same token one of the main concerns for people’s well-being.
Even before the pandemic, Africa faced unique healthcare challenges with prevalent communicable and non-communicable diseases.
For instance, according to WHO, Africa is the home of 11% of the world’s population and yet the region bears a disproportionate burden of diseases, notably with 60% of people living with HIV/AIDS, more than 90%2of the annual global malaria cases being in Africa1 and over 50% of the world’s infant mortality .
The COVID-19 pandemic has further strained health systems in Africa and threatens to create yet another divide that increases the gap between developed and developing countries: the vaccine divide.
Despite the efforts by the United Nations and GAVI to promote solidarity in the response to the COVID-19 through the COVAX facilitation mechanism, the hard reality is that COVAX is projected to cut its delivery forecast by 25% less doses than anticipated before the end of the year due to export controls on vaccine doses and the introduction of booster shots by some developed countries.
1 WHO, The African Regional Health Report: The health of the people, 2020.
This reality check leads to one clear conclusion: the development of Africa’s own pharmaceutical industry is the only way forward to ensure the continent’s resilience and achieve sustainable development.
The pandemic has also shed light on certain Intellectual Property related challenges with regard to improving access to technology and knowhow, which are the basis for industrialization through promotion of Science, Technology and Innovation (STI).
It is, therefore, an opportune moment for African countries to carefully examine IP policy spaces to create conducive innovation ecosystems to promote industrialization in general, and with regard to the pharmaceutical industry, in particular.
For instance, last June, the deadline for least developed countries (LDCs), to protect intellectual property under the WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), has been extended until 1 July 2034. There is a further LDC special transition period related on pharmaceutical products which is valid until 1 January 20333.
However, many countries have not yet leveraged these transition periods to secure time to address their public health needs.4 While the TRIPS faces some limitations when applied under the current pandemic, it also provides exceptions and flexibility such as exceptions to patent rights and compulsory licensing for members to adapt the applicable rules and regulations to address some IP barriers.
Therefore, this is the right time to revisit and craft national IP legislative and policy frameworks in a way that effectively advances industrialization and creates an environment conducive to the growth of pharmaceutical industries, attracting needed investment to that critical sector.
The ongoing negotiations in Phase II on IPRs, investment and competition policy of the AfCFTA also provides prospects to agree on an optimal IPR framework at regional level. In this regard, the IPR Protocol of AfCFTA should provide an enabling environment in promoting innovation and technology transfer, building on already existing IP regimes.
While addressing IP barriers both at regional and national levels, African member states should multiply their investment in STI including Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) education and further build human and institutional capacity for innovation and research in the continent.
The 2021 Global Innovation Index reported that Africa is the region with the highest number of economies performing above expectations on innovation,5 which underlines the great potential of our continent.
3 or when the LDC graduates from LDCs 4 Caroline Ncube, STI and Intellectual Property, 2021 5 Kenya, Malawi, Rwanda, Madagascar, South Africa and Tunisia, WIPO Global Innovation Index 2021
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For example, the 2017 regional averages for the share of GDP devoted to Research and Development (R&D) activities of sub-Saharan Africa was 0.6% compared to the world average of 1.7%, despite the AU target of allocating at least 1% of GDP to R&D.6
By increasing human and institutional capacity and capabilities particularly in STI, IPRs regimes including patent registrations could be further leveraged in accelerating creativity, innovation and industrialization “made in Africa”7.
This endeavor should be anchored by multi-stakeholder partnerships including the Government, the private sector in particular MSMEs, academics, research institutes, NGOs and international partners. In this respect, the African Union Development Agency’s Centres of Excellence on STI Hub provides prominent blueprints for the promotion of STI in Africa.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,
The recovery from the COVID-19 presents great opportunities for African countries to promote the pharmaceutical manufacturing as a driver to increase the continent’s resilience and its capacity to respond to future disruption in the global supply chains.
Ongoing AU initiatives, such as the Pharmaceutical Manufacturing Plan for Africa, the African Medicines Regulatory Harmonization initiative, the African Medicines Agency8, the Partnerships for African Vaccine Manufacturing as well as the AUDA-NEPAD’s Pandemic Resilience Accelerator for African Health-related Businesses provide a roadmap to achieve this goal.
It is time to draw a new narrative on Africa and from Africa to serve African people. Industrialization is the key to address the continent’s vulnerabilities and pharmaceutical industries are critical to strengthen our most valuable asset: human capital.
Let’s take the challenge and transform this crisis into an opportunity to leapfrog toward sustainability.
OSAA is ready to advance toward this goal. I thank you.
6 UNESCO Institutes for Statistics Global Investments in R&D (Fact sheet No.59 in June 2020) 7 In 2018, Africa represented only 0.5% of the world’s patent applications, compared to 66.8% in Asia, 19% in North America
and 10.9% in Europe. (World Intellectual Property Indicators 2020, WIPO) 8 Seventeen (17) member states have ratified the AMA Treaty and twelve (12) of these have deposited the instruments of ratification to the Commission (https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20210917/he-republic-zimbabwe-deposits-instrument- ratification-african-medicines)
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, All protocols observed.
Let me first thank the UN Office of Counter-Terrorism for inviting me to speak to you today and the opportunity to participate in this important conference.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Advances in information and communications technology have seen the world connected like never before, with information and ideas travelling faster and farther than ever. This impact has been seen the world over, including in Africa where it has been a key enabler of socio-economic development.
The benefits of ICT development in Africa have been incredible. It has completely transformed not only communication on the continent but a wide range of sectors., including health, finance and banking, and even agriculture.
And yet, while the continent pushes for digital transformation and strengthened connectivity, there has been growing concern about the dangers of this technology.
We’ve seen social media and other digital platforms become low-cost tools used by extremist groups to heighten grievances, spread hate, spur civil unrest, spread propaganda and misinformation, and even to recruit followers.
While its social, economic and even political benefits are clear, we have seen its potential dark sides as well. ...
More and more extremist groups such as Al-Shabaab, Boko Haram, ISWAP and ISIL, are using technological advances and expanded Internet access in parts of Africa to finance, train and communicate with potential and current followers.
Africa is no exception to what we are increasingly seeing worldwide, where governments, concerned by the wide reach and blinding speed of these technologies, have taken restrictive measures in order to control potential threats. This year alone has seen social media shutdowns in four African countries.
Shutdowns are usually justified with laudable aims: combatting the spread of hate speech and disinformation; suppressing violence; preventing riots and other forms of civil unrest.
But unbalanced restrictive measures often hurt more than help.
The challenge, unfortunately, is that we fail to understand the nature of social media and other digital technologies. It is often overlooked, for example, that a ban on social media can easily be overcome using cheap and affordable VPN (Virtual Private Network) services that enable users to circumvent government blocks.
In addition, the potential costs of these bans, their potential impact on development, is most of the times disregarded. Negative effects on education, domestic commerce, and entertainment costing millions of dollars and impacting millions of citizens. And that limited understanding also applies to how public
2
institutions can benefit from using these technologies to communicate their own messages and increase their legitimacy toward the population.
As a result, rather than lessening tensions, shutdowns have the tendency to increase anger, heighten mistrust in government, and give credibility to the very narratives these governments are fighting against.
It is a bit like driving on ice in the winter. When your car starts to skid, the impulse is often to slam on the brakes or to steer harshly in the opposite direction. But, if you do this, your car will invariably spin out of control and crash. Instead, the guidance is to slowly steer into the skid and eventually, you will be able to right the car and regain control.
In this instance, steering into the skid means resisting the impulse to shut down access. Instead, a measured approach that addresses the actual problem while also uses technology to convey a different message and achieve positive aims is usually more effective.
Therefore, it is important to realize that technology is not the problem.
Growing technological advances and digitalization spurring terrorism and criminality is not the whole puzzle. Instead, it is a piece that fits in a much intricate and much larger puzzle that terrorists and extremist groups use to foment division and conflict.
In a short intervention like this, it will not be possible to delve into the multiple and complex issues behind the factors that make up this puzzle. However, a few key underlying factors can be highlighted, including lack of economic opportunities and service delivery for Africa’s predominantly young population, political and social exclusion and marginalization.
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Terrorist groups are thriving by amplifying and using these often-genuine grievances, often through social media and digital means, to spread misinformation and recruit members and adherents from among disaffected populations.
For example, is true that extremist groups are using social media to spread propaganda and recruit new members. The stark reality, however, is that much of their messaging is rooted in valid grievances of the people, particularly the failure to provide basic services such as food, energy, education, healthcare, housing, water and sanitation.
In many instances, these failures are more strongly borne by marginalized groups, worsening inequalities along distinctions that have long driven underlying tensions, such as ethnicity, geographic location, and others.
When you look at where violent extremist groups are experiencing the greatest success and growth in Africa, it is not in major cities. Instead, it is in remote areas, often in border areas between two or more states. Why there? Because these are the areas that, due to circumstantial, geographical, demographic or other complexities, are usually the most neglected, politically, economically and socially.
This can be seen in Northern Mali, north-eastern Nigeria, the Kenyan coastal region, and many other areas. Neglected areas suffer disproportionately from insecurity and underdevelopment, which are ultimately exploited by extremist groups through compelling narratives that speak to the grievances of the communities.
It is precisely in these areas where violent extremism is increasingly taking root.
More and more, we are seeing extremist groups exploiting fragility and long- simmering grievances to further their political goals, frequently providing “security”, “justice” and social services such as healthcare, electricity, water and
4
sanitation, education and infrastructure in the territories under their control in order to gain legitimacy, build credibility and recruit members.
In the Lake Chad Basin, for example, extremist groups like Boko Haram and the Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP) have used lack of public service delivery to help their recruitment and growth, filling gaps in governance by digging wells and providing basic health care and Islamic education.
In Somalia, Al-Shabaab, ISIL and other groups have been able to strengthen their influence and credibility by exploiting local clan grievances, filling governance gaps, and taking advantage of authorities’ inability to provide basic services and rule of law in areas under their control.
These are the realities around which extremist groups build their messaging, which they then spread using social media and other digital technologies. The narratives they spread amplify grievances, while highlighting gaps in governance, lack of opportunities and fundamental needs that have been left unmet for far too long.
Digital technologies provide the means of spreading these communications, but more important than the means of communicating is the power of the narrative being communicated. Extremist narratives, grounded in some elements of truth, have been fundamental to their efforts to foment violence, radicalize and recruit, particularly towards the youths who are most often the users of these platforms.
Fighting back should be centered not on fighting the technology, but on fighting against the narrative.
Ladies and gentlemen,
This requires two critical actions. First, of course, is making the narrative untrue. Naturally, if extremist groups are using technology to amplify grievances and spread propaganda regarding government failures and their comparative
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successes, one of the most important things government can do is to make this not true.
The paradox facing governments throughout the developing world, including in Africa, is that failure to sufficiently invest in inclusive development historically has led to increased costs related to counterterrorism and security investments today.
Governments need to strengthen equality between groups so that grievances are reduced. Deliver services so that confidence and trust in government is restored. Create an environment of inclusive development that offers opportunities for all, including jobs, so that extremist groups’ recruitment calls lose their appeal.
The second action is to understand the technology and use it as a tool to fight back. The internet, including social media, can be a game changer for governments, including rapid and wide-spread crisis communications, strengthened citizen engagement, building public trust, and countering disinformation.
But this requires adapting to rapidly advancing technology and seizing this opportunity to take advantage of new forms of communication.
Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen,
Even with the growing intersection between digital security and national security, many African countries are not prepared to counter misuse of technology and many lack comprehensive policies and strategies. Joint legislation, increased capacity, political will as well as investments in the infrastructure to share data and intelligence are going to be critical for Africa to deter and counter terrorism activities facilitated by technology.
This effort can however be jeopardized by the deficit of cybersecurity professionals and lack of infrastructure to police the cyber space and to protect critical infrastructure such as telecommunication, banking and utilities. Further complications arise also with introduction of crypto currencies and difficulty in
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tracing electronic payment systems, limiting government’s ability to trace illegal financial flows that can finance terrorist activities.
Recognizing this threat, The African Union, through Agenda 2063, has identified cybersecurity as a key priority to ensure that emerging technologies are used for the benefit of Africans. The guiding continental framework to this end is the African Union’s Cybersecurity Convention (AUCC), adopted in 2014 to legislate important elements of electronic transactions and protection of personal data. However, the convention will only come into force when ratified by 15 member states. So far, it has been ratified by 8 countries.
Ladies and gentlemen,
I want to conclude by emphasizing that Africa’s ability to counter-terrorism in all its forms is not just an “African issue”. Misuse of technology by terrorist and criminal groups enables them to have uncontrolled access to arms, covert funding, recruits and training materials. It can also facilitate transnational organized crime, including human trafficking and exploitation.
Africa is unfortunately a growing global transit hub for the trafficking of drugs and a range of illicit commodities, with narcotics, pharmaceuticals, stolen motor vehicles and other goods sold and bought online on the surface, deep and dark web.
Cyber-attacks on African Banks, which are increasingly becoming potential targets, can have wider impacts on connected international banking networks, exposing them to
Therefore, global leadership is critical, and it needs to be preventive not responsive. Because left unchecked, such expansions of technological misuse in Africa will have wider international ramifications.
billions of dollars in losses due to theft. Service disruptions in critical
sectors including African ports and disrupted shipping can create significant delays
in the movement of goods, affecting economies beyond African ones.
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Africa should not be left alone or behind in countering these threats but needs
global partnerships and investments to build its capacities and protect its citizens.
Summit of the Future: Multilateral Solutions for a Better Tomorrow. 22-23 September 2024. The Summit is a high-level event, bringing world leaders together to forge a new international consensus on how we deliver a better present and safeguard the future. This once-in-a-generation opportunity serves as a moment to mend eroded trust and demonstrate that international cooperation can effectively tackle current challenges as well as those
that have emerged in recent years or may yet be over the horizon.
Outcome document: Pact for the Future
World leaders adopt a Pact for the Future that includes a Global Digital Compact and a Declaration on Future Generations (A/RES/79/1). The Pact covers a broad range of themes, including peace and security, sustainable development, climate change, digital cooperation, human rights, gender, youth and future generations, and the transformation of global governance.
Video message of Cristina Duarte, Under-Secretary-General and Special Adviser of the United Nations Secretary-General on Africa, to mark Africa Day on 20 November 2024.
"The transformative vision of 'Made in Africa' is not just a slogan. It is a call to action. Africa's future hinges on industrialization."
Intervention of Cristina Duarte, Under-Secretary-General and UN Special Adviser on Africa, during the policy forum "Digital Public Infrastructure: What's Next after the Global Digital Compact?" organized on 24 September 2024. The UN Office of the Secretary-General's Envoy on Technology (OSET) and the United Nations Development Programme co-hosted the event in collaboration with the International Peace Institute (IPI).
To learn more about the work of the Special Adviser and the Office she leads, visit: https://www.un.org/osaa/
Under-Secretary-General and United Nations Special Adviser on Africa, Cristina Duarte, speaks during the United Nations Summit of the Future at a panel of the SDG Media Zone. This panel discussed how Africa's debt challenges prevent the continent from progressing towards many of the Sustainable Development Goals and how domestic resource mobilization can catalyze Africa's development. The panel also addressed the need for fairer global financial systems and mechanisms that can support Africa in overcoming its debt challenges and achieving long-term economic stability.
To learn more about the work of the Special Adviser, and that of the United Nations Office of the Special Adviser on Africa (OSAA) she leads, go to: https://www.un.org/osaa
Video message of Cristina Duarte, Under-Secretary-General and United Nations Special Adviser on Africa to the Seventy-first Session of the Trade and Development Board
Special Adviser Remarks at the 2024 International Women's Day Observance
These remarks are from an edited transcription of the above video available on the YouTube channel of the United Nations Office of the Special Adviser on Africa (OSAA). They were delivered in a panel on UN Investment in Gender Equality moderated by US journalist Richard Liu. The panel conversation aimed to galvanize the UN System around the UN Common Agenda’s goal of placing women and girls at the centre of the development agenda and specifically facilitating women’s economic inclusion, including investment in the care economy and support for women entrepreneurs
Richard Liu (RL): I now like to move to Cristina. And Cristina, thank you for being here and for your leadership. As an Adviser, a Special Adviser to the UN on Africa, I cannot help but ask you, when I, in my reporting over the years on the continent, have seen much leadership come in gender equality.
From your perspective, as a UN Special Adviser, how has Africa led? How can we further mobilize resources to increase gender equality on the continent and also to unlock the economic power of women and girls?
Cristina Duarte (CD): Thank you. Good morning to everybody. So honoured to be here. My dear sister Sima, thank you for inviting me. And I'm always available. Please count on me. I'm always available.
I would like to make a call to this room. I will present three ideas, but I need you to walk with me in these three ideas. There is a magic word that we need to tackle when responding to your question, Richard: Access ... to means of production. I believe this, this has been the missing piece in the equation.
So, the magic word is “Access” – access to means of production. I would like to take this opportunity to bring the macroeconomic policy dimension to this conversation because I think this is the missing piece and maybe the reason why the DSG and our Ambassador, beautiful Ambassador, say enough is enough.
First idea … let's walk together. We all know that ... lots of studies. We all know that there is a clear association between gender gaps and lack of economic progress. Everybody knows that in this ... in this room. The reason behind this is that macroeconomic policies, in a silent way, have been producing gender gaps. If we do nothing, we will just respect the status quo: The gender gap is just automatic. It is just automatic.
But let's reason together. We know that gender gaps feed, let's say, lack or cause a lack of economic progress because gender gaps, at the end of the day, are a huge machine to produce opportunity costs, as you mentioned very well.
If macroeconomic policies have been perpetuating gender gaps and these have undermined economic progress, we need altogether to realize that macroeconomic policies have internal contradictions in the sense that they have been producing unstability and instability. So, if this is true, gender gaps cannot be only a social affair, with all due respect. Gender gaps cannot only be a human affair. It touches the state. It touches the nation. This is the first idea.
Second idea: The agency and power of women is a macroeconomic stability tool. I know it has a strong Human Rights [aspect]. I'm not saying that [it doesn’t] I respect it, but it's, above all, a strong macroeconomic stability tool. It impacts the management of fiscal space and consequently, again, is a state affair.
How come? I would like to bring this macroeconomic stability tool of the agency of power of women as an important relationship, sometimes a problematic one, but we are allowed in this setup to have an open conversation. I hope so. So, it is the relationship between fertility rates and fiscal space. Maybe everybody thinks there is no relationship between fertility rates and fiscal space.
But fertility rates need to enter a balanced relationship with the country's capacity to respond to the provision of social services and public goods. And what we have been assessing in the case of Africa is a complete mismatch. The fertility rate today in Africa is 4.6, and the average is 2.1. I'm not saying that Africa does not have the economic potential, but today's mismatch is huge.
And, of course, we do have a problem. This brings another, allow me to be a little bit technical, another important dimension, because if we don't address these questions, we don't address the root causes. And in ten years, we will be saying enough is enough. It is the demand and supply side of the equation. The fertility rates drive the demand and countries' potential, and the public policies to apply to countries' potential drive the supply side.
And if this is true, we need all to agree. This is the reason I asked that we walk together in this conversation. We all need to agree that gender gaps need first to land on Ministers of Finance’s desks before they land on Ministers of Family’s desks before they land on Ministers of Economy. Because if they don't land first on Ministers of Finance desks, we will be in a trap.
And I will tell you the trap. The trap and then I move to the ... Now, the trap is ... I don't know if you notice when you start talking about economic empowerment of women, there is always someone in the room that pulls out the card of microcredit. We are delivering microcredit. So, we are empowering women. Wrong. Wrong. If you analyze the microcredit experience, at the end of the day, they have been unable to break the poverty reduction nature of the business model.
Sometimes I have the impression that microcredit is just to put good words in the picture. We are empowering women from an economic standpoint. But at the end of the day, you are not breaking the [inaudible] poverty nature of the model.
And this means, to my third idea, I'm about to finish … my third idea. A woman as the landlord, not the tenant. A woman should be the landlord, not the tenant, and be in touch with access to means of production. Let's put land in Africa. Women are essentially the majority in the agriculture sector workforce. They have no access to the most obvious basic asset of that sector. So, they have no access to means of production, and this is the mismatch.
My last sentence, if you want to really address gender gaps and unlock economic progress in Africa to move from a number or a model to actual inclusion, we need to focus our efforts on the property ownership of economic resources and assets by women. Give women the same capacity and rights to acquire and own.
And I have no doubt that women will rise to the top without needing anyone to reserve one testimonial spot for them.
RL: Thank you, Cristina. Thank you so much for your message and for your energy.
Special Adviser remarks at the open debate of the UN Security Council on Peace and Security in Africa
Cristina Duarte, Under-Secretary-General and Special Adviser of the UN Secretary-General on Africa speaks at the UN Security Council
New York, 30 March 2023 | Open Debate of the United Nations Security Council on “Peace and Security in Africa: The Impact of Development Policies in the Implementation of the Silencing the Guns Initiative”
[Check Against Delivery]
Thank you Mr President.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,
I would like to thank the Mozambiquan Presidency for holding this open debate on “the impact of development policies in the implementation of the Silencing the Guns initiative” and for inviting me to brief the Council on this topic.
The African Union Master Roadmap of practical steps to silence the guns in Africa, also known as the “Lusaka roadmap”, identified five areas of action where African Member States, with the support of the international community, needed to advance in order to Silence the Guns in Africa. Out of those five areas, four (economic, social, environmental and legal aspects) refer to issues that are comprised in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and in the Africa we Want Agenda.
The structure of the Lusaka master roadmap underscores the relevance that development policies and the implementation of the 2030 Agenda and the African Union Agenda 2063 have for achieving peace and security in the continent. Unfortunately, this African perspective has not been sufficiently incorporated in global discussions on peace and security in the continent.
For too long, global discussions have considered that the linkages between peace, security and development are constrained to the fact that wars create emergency situations, deviate funds that should be used for development and destroy infrastructure. These facts are accurate, but they present an incomplete picture of the interrelation between peace and development.
As African policymakers acknowledged when designing the Lusaka roadmap, development policies play a substantial role in supporting conflict prevention and resolution. Furthermore, the absence of development policies or the existence of policies and programmes that do not deliver inclusive development can act as a root cause of conflicts. In other words, as the Secretary-General has affirmed, “the flames of conflict are fueled by inequality, deprivation and underfunded systems”. On the other hand, inclusive, transparent, equitable and effective development policies can be the most impactful tool for conflict prevention.
Last year, when I briefed this Council on capacity building for sustaining peace, I referred to the need to differentiate between external factors and internal factors of conflict. External factors refer to issues that, to a certain extent, are outside the control of a single state, such as external competition for natural resources, meaning geopolitical interests, and international terrorism. Internal factors are related to the interaction between the state and its citizens, most notably exclusion from public services. In order to put an end to conflict, both external and internal factors need to be addressed. In this regard, I noted how development policies are better poised to address internal factors, as inclusion can only be delivered through sustainable development.
However, the traditional response to peace and security challenges in Africa has not been to address the internal and external root causes of conflicts, but just their symptoms. In this regard, the only effective solution to conflicts in Africa is sustainable development, because only development will create the capacities that will allow African countries to tackle both the internal and external causes of conflict.
This is very clear not only on the Lusaka Master plan, but also in the African Union 2063 Agenda, which reflects our vision for a peaceful, united and prosperous continent.
Acknowledging that development policies impact peace and security implies identifying what are the development-related causes that lie behind a conflict, to enable the affected country to adopt the medium and long-term measures that will create a viable and sustainable pathway to peace.
Last year, when I briefed the Council, I presented one of these causes: the actual or perceived exclusion in the provision of public services. Today, in line with the concept note of this debate, I would like to refer to the “political history” of the continent. While most of the internal and external factors may have apparent current direct causes, their roots go back in history. Colonialism has often been blamed for the economic exploitation of the African continent, but its impact on the current governance shortcomings has seldom been discussed.
The 2022 report of the Secretary-General on the promotion of sustainable development and durable peace highlights that when African countries achieved independence, they inherited governance structures that were not designed to run successful independent states and consequently not prepared to deliver the independence vision.
From an economic perspective, as everybody knows, colonial administrations did not focus in promoting economic development, but rather in resource extraction and tax collection.
From the point of view of the rule of law, their objective was not to uphold the rights of the individuals, but to exercise authority. Even from the point of view of the land, the objective was not to ensure the presence of the state across the territory, but to control strategic sites either for their location or their economic value.
In addition, African States also inherited ruler-drawn borders that had been established not to organize a population, but to distribute the natural wealth of a continent.
As a result of these historical factors, from a governance perspective, African countries still face today three geographies that condition the relation between a country’s government, their territory and their people.
The first geography is the administrative territory of a country, that is determined by its borders. As the concept note for the debate points out, in Africa, these borders were the artificial result of negotiations among colonial powers that did not take into account the reality of the continent.
This takes us to the second geography, which reflects the pre-existing socio-cultural groups. The overlaps between the first and the second geography have led to a situation in which African countries have within their administrative borders two or more historic socio-cultural groups and situations in which one historic community is spread throughout two or more countries.
For example, in my region, West Africa, there is one group (the Fulani) that is present in every country between The Gambia and Cameroon.
This overlap has two main consequences on governance:
First, colonial administrations established centralized structures, which were afterwards inherited by the independent states. These structures were not prepared to manage a diverse population or to promote inclusion. As a result, many African countries have faced inter-communal conflicts that cannot be resolved from a governance perspective unless those structures are properly reformed.
Decentralization and devolution are key policy instruments that need to be part of the conflict resolution toolkit. They allow to recognize local realities within a state and to empower historic communities by providing them with assets.
Furthermore, they can help increase the efficiency of public services by bringing their management closer to the beneficiaries. Traditional leadership structures can also be effective tools to support the inclusion of historic communities. As such, they can add value to African governance structures.
The second consequence of this overlap is the existence of a socio-economic reality that transcends the boundaries of one country. From a peace and security perspective, transboundary movements are often perceived as a risk, and as such, there is a tendency to close the borders to attempt to control them, despite the fact that most of the time, these measures are not effective.
You cannot contain a historical reality that goes beyond the borders. Furthermore, attempts to limit the transboundary reality of Africa’s historical groups undermine their potential as a source of growth and resilience, and increase mistrust of state institutions.
Africa’s integration process is the only response to this challenge that will result in more growth, more development and more peace. Instead of responding to potential transboundary threats by closing borders, we need to accelerate integration, through the Continental Free Trade Area, the Regional Economic Communities and the different instruments in the African Union architecture.
The third geography represents the actual presence of the state. As the concept note points out, public investment and institutions in Africa have been concentrated in a few urban centres, leaving vast expanses of territory without State presence.
This is, again, the result of internal and external factors. As an external factor, the prevalence in international financial and development policies of a market-approach to public services that sought to shrink the size of public institutions since the 1990s, further weakened the inherited limited state structures. Simultaneously, from an internal perspective, African countries have not put enough focus on building solid country systems. As a consequence, up to day, state institutions are absent in many remote, rural and marginalized areas of the continent. This absence of the State, from a service-provision perspective, is one of the main factors that undermine the legitimacy of State institutions, break the bonds of trust with the population that are indispensable for nation-building, and create fertile ground for terrorism and the emergence of non-state actors.
If we want to reduce the threat represented by non-state actors taking over the Sahel and the Horn of Africa, military solutions need to be complemented by active development policies that contribute to ensuring an effective provision of public services across the territory. As long as development policies continue to be perceived as an aspect to be taken into account only after peace efforts have been undertaken, we will not achieve durable peace.
Conversely, if development aspects are factored-in during peacemaking, peacekeeping and peacebuilding processes, I am confident that we will be able to come here and congratulate African countries for their success in putting an end to conflict, as we are here today to congratulate Mozambique.
Mozambique’s peace process is an example of a smart and effective implementation of development policies to support a peace and security objective. The two-fold approach of the Maputo agreement, combining demilitarization and reintegration with decentralization and devolution responds to the understanding of the root-causes of the conflict and the identification of the development solutions that were needed to ensure the success of the process.
The recent decision by the government of Mozambique to include in the country’s pension system eligible demobilized DDR beneficiaries is another example of a smart policy both from a peace and a development perspective.
From the point of view of peace and security, it is yet another step in fighting exclusion and promoting reconciliation through development and social policies.
From a macroeconomic perspective, it is an effective way to promote income distribution, which is indispensable to achieve socio-economic resilience. And resilience is not only necessary to deliver peace, but also to advance in the implementation of the 2030 Agenda and avoid a scenario in which African countries are pushed off-track. Economic growth without income distribution will only lead to greater inequalities, exclusion and conflict.
I would like, therefore, to congratulate you Mr President, for this courageous decision that I am confident will strengthen your country’s peace and reconciliation process.
Mr President, Excellencies,
Mozambique’s peace and reconciliation process evidences that development policies, when applied in complement to peacemaking efforts, contribute to ending hostilities and lay solid foundations for durable peace and sustainability. This effective combination of peace and development tools will enable African countries to silence the guns in the continent and achieve durable peace.
Cristina Duarte Under-Secretary-General & Special Adviser on Africa LUISS UNIVERSITY, April 2022 Political Science Faculty (ROME)
No Development .... No peace ....
Activeconflict,instabilityandconflictincidentsshowaclearupwardtrendacross the continent over the past five years. According to one database, in 2019 there were 27 active conflicts in 19 countries in Africa and 8,855 known fatalities as a result of those conflicts.
Since 2015, the number of conflicts has slightly increased. In addition, from 2015 to 2020, the number of incidents related to civil unrest nearly doubled.
The AU “Silencing the Guns” program has been extended. From 2020 to 2030. 10 years more. Because the targets have not been met. Guns have not been silenced on the opposite, and Covid 19 has exarcebated instability in Africa.
We need to take the lessons.
No peace .... no development. No development .....no peace. But in most of the
situations conflict arises because inclusive development has not been delivered.
• What has been missing in the African policy making that has prevented some African countries to deliver durable peace?
What has been missing?
Conflicts have many different causes, drivers and triggers.
The 2021 SG Promotion of Durable Peace Report examined the challenges of prevention and sustaining peace in Africa from a perspective that is often overlooked, namely the role of weak or failed public service planning and delivery as a source of instability and potential driver or trigger of conflict
We need to recognize that are external factors:
• i) Africa is a geopolitical arena for external interest competition over Africa’s natural resources;
• ii) Climate change pushing entire populations to below poverty levels and conflict over scarce resources, land - water;
But, in today’s conversation, I would like to focus on the internal factors:
• The lack of social services and public goods,
The lack of planning processes and service delivery that do not promote inclusion of all segments of the population;
Corruption in service delivery; and • Services delivered by non-State armed groups and criminal groups.
Maybe these internal factors indicate the shrinking of some African States and their lack of capacity to occupy the territory with education, health, water, electricity, ... leaving fertile ground to the emergence of terrorist activity and instability.
If in 21st century we Africans still face weak States, What has been missing in the African policy making that has prevented some African countries to deliver durable peace?
The right mind set to change the paradigm ...
• And I would like at this stage to bring an important notion that I have been presenting in the past 10 years and I did it again a couple of weeks ago in the General Assembly/informal consultations of the SG ‘s Common Agenda:
• Sustainable development in Africa requires a change in paradigm—a long-needed shift that has still not happened.
And external shocks are giving us the opportunity: 2008 financial crisis, Covid 19.
A shift from managing poverty based on external financing to manage development based on
Domestic Resource Mobilization ... This is clearly the call of Agenda 2063 and Agenda 2030.
Managing poverty and managing development are two different challenges not to say animals
Have African policy making been managing poverty or development?
Moving from managing poverty to manage development requires to incorporate the nexus
approach: peace, security, and development and build strong States and strong institutions.
A new narrative is required that places the focus on people centered policies based on inclusive and transparent institutions and policy frameworks that empower Africa to own its development path ..from managing poverty to manage development.
2021 Report of the Secretary-General
Promotion of durable peace and sustainable development in Africa
The Report ...
This report examines the challenges of prevention and sustaining peace in Africa from a perspective on the role of weak or failed public service planning and delivery as a source of instability and potential driver of conflict.
It explores this challenge through four main fault lines in public service delivery observed in Africa: 1) inequality in access to service delivery; 2) planning processes that do not promote inclusion of all segments of the population; 2) corruption in service delivery; 3) services delivered by non-State armed groups and criminal groups.
The report also provides examples of how the United Nations system makes use of its diverse range of capacities to support prevention-focused development.
• It also proposes measures to strengthen the collective efforts to accelerate the implementation of the 2030 and 2063 Agendas during the Decade of Action in a prevention-oriented way.
Data and methodology
The production of this report relied on data from various sources:
2020 Africa Sustainable Development Goal Index and Dashboards Report and Database
Sources publicly available data from World Bank, WHO, ILO, and other organizations and provides information on each African country’s index score and status of implementation (on track or maintaining achievement; moderately improving; stagnating; decreasing) for each of the 17 SDGs.
Used to analyze the impact of violence and conflict on the progress towards the SDGs.
The UCDP/PRIO Armed Conflict Database
Jointly produced by the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) at the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University and the Centre for the Study of Civil War at the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) tracks armed conflicts around the world since 1946.
Information was gathered on the number of active armed conflicts in Africa as well as location, actors, location, and battle-related deaths, using the latest dataset for 2019.
Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) 2020
A disaggregated data collection, analysis, and crisis mapping project which compiles information on the dates, actors, locations,
fatalities, and types of all reported violence and protests around the world.
ACLED data were analyzed and aggregated at the subregional level to reflect the year-on-year trends in civil unrests and violence/war incidences in different parts of Africa.
Sustainable development landscape in Africa
The majority of African countries are on track with respect to climate action (SDG 13), and many are making moderate advancement towards achieving zero hunger (SDG 2) and preserving life on land (SDG 15).
Three-quarters of African countries recorded moderate improvements towards SDG 3 (health), more than half remain stagnant in their efforts to provide quality education (SDG 4), clean water and sanitation (SDG 6), and sustainable housing (SDG 11).
There has been limited progress across the continent towards creating peaceful and inclusive development, access to justice, and effective institutions (SDG 16).
In a context of strong demographic growth
Source: 2020 Africa Sustainable Development Goal Index and Dashboards Report
On track or maintaining achievement
Moderately improving
Stagnating
Decreasing
Average regional Index score
↑
➚
→
↓
SDG 1: End poverty
13
10
18
7
44.08
SDG 2: Zero hunger
23
29
2
43.89
SDG 3: Good health and wellbeing
41
13
48.46
SDG 4: Quality education
1
13
33
6
48.35
SDG 5: Gender equality
2
23
28
51.82
SDG 6: Clean water and sanitation
5
22
27
53.18
SDG 7: Affordable and clean energy
1
22
28
3
46.76
SDG 8: Decent work and economic growth
6
31
13
3
57.21
SDG 9: Industry, innovation and infrastructure
1
16
35
2
24.29
SDG 11: Sustainable cities and communities
14
26
13
46.49
SDG 13: Climate action
44
6
1
2
91.22
SDG 14: Life below water
15
18
4
63.02
SDG 15: Life on land
13
20
12
9
70.38
SDG 16: Peace, justice and strong institutions
2
13
36
3
53.50
SDG 17: Partnership for the goals
5
15
16
16
52.51
Conflict and instability landscape in Africa
From 2015 to 2020, the number of civil unrest-related incidences in Africa nearly doubled.
Despite declines in Eastern, Northern, and Southern Africa, the continent as a whole still experienced a 30 percent increase in violent wars and conflicts from 2015 to 2020, largely due to a major uptick of conflict events in Central and Western Africa in 2015- 2020 and a notable increase in both civil unrest and war in Eastern Africa in 2019-2020.
Western Africa ↓ 7 ↑ 271 ↑ 195 ↑ 249 ↑ 612 ↑ 1320 1949
Conflict and SDGs in Africa
Analysis linking implementation of the 2030 Agenda and recent conflict and instability related incidences in 48 African states revealed that countries that experienced more conflict related incidences during the years from 2015 to 2020 scored lower in the 2020 Africa Sustainable Development Goal Index.
It is therefore crucial to prioritize prevention and the systematic resolution of underlying causes and drivers of conflict in order to achieve the SDGs and the aspirations of the Agenda 2063.
80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10
0
Tunisia
Algeria South Africa
Libya Sudan
South Sudan
y = -0.0003x + 54.031
Burundi
Congo, Dem. Rep.Nigeria
Somalia
0 2,000
4,000 6,000 8,000 Total number of conflict and instability related incidences 2016-2020
14,000
10,000 12,000
2020 SDG Index Score
Service Delivery and Conflict / Instability
The report focuses on the delivery of basic services:
Housing Healthcare Education
• It explores this challenge through four main fault lines: (1) inequality in access to services; (2) exclusionary planning processes; (3) corruption; and
(4) service delivery in areas where there are challenges to governance.
Water & Sanitation
Key Findings of the Report ...
1. In Africa, exclusion from service delivery has been shown to have a clear link to conflict as a driver, a trigger or as fertile ground for instability.
2. The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed and reinforced the underlying structural inequalities that drive conflict in the first place. Marginalized groups have been disproportionally affected, often aggravating long-held grievances.
3. Inequality in Access to Services: particularly along group allegiances such as ethnicity, religion, language, regional identities, and other affiliations, has been linked to a significantly higher risk of civil unrest and violent conflict across the continent.
Key Findings, cont...
• 4.ExclusionaryPlanningProcesses:includinglackoftransparencyandmeaningfulinclusionindecision- making, and the absence of oversight and accountability mechanisms, can enable corruption in service delivery and foster grievances towards perceived government unfairness and/or corruption, all of which have a destabilizing effect.
• 5. Corruption: With respect to service delivery, the worst consequences of corruption on the continent have been borne by poor, marginalized, and vulnerable populations, exacerbating inequitable wealth distribution as well as social and identity-related divisions. While service-related corruption might not directly cause conflict, it frequently creates conditions for criminality and widespread public disaffection to thrive on the continent, with the potential for protests and even uprisings.
• 6. Challenges to Governance: Areas where governments face challenges to governance are often the areas where violent extremism and criminality can take root. In such areas, underdevelopment and neglect, manifested in lack of access to basic services, livelihood opportunities, personal safety and security, and trust in authorities, often provide opportunities for criminal and extremist groups to take root and gradually gain influence. Thus, the failure of government to deliver services can serve to empower/embolden Non-State Armed Groups and criminal groups
Key Findings, cont...
• 4. Exclusionary Planning Processes: including lack of transparency and meaningful inclusion in decision-making, and the absence of oversight and accountability mechanisms, can enable corruption in service delivery and foster grievances towards perceived government unfairness and/or corruption, all of which have a destabilizing effect.
• 5. Corruption: With respect to service delivery, the worst consequences of corruption on the continent have been borne by poor, marginalized, and vulnerable populations, exacerbating inequitable wealth distribution as well as social and identity-related divisions. While service- related corruption might not directly cause conflict, it frequently creates conditions for criminality and widespread public disaffection to thrive on the continent, with the potential for protests and even uprisings.
• 6. Challenges to Governance: Areas where governments face challenges to governance are often the areas where violent extremism and criminality can take root. In such areas, underdevelopment and neglect, manifested in lack of access to basic services, livelihood opportunities, personal safety and security, and trust in authorities, often provide opportunities for criminal and extremist groups to take root and gradually gain influence. Thus, the failure of government to deliver services can serve to empower/embolden Non-State Armed Groups and criminal groups
Preview – in 2022...
• The report will assess how historical factors have impacted governance structures in African countries, creating fertile ground for the mentioned dynamics of inequality and conflict.
• Particular attention will be paid to the three geographies that affect African countries:
1. The pre-colonial territorial expansion of tribes/ethnicities/nations 2. The artificial borders of African countries, decided by external powers 3. The limited presence of the state within their territory
Relation between conflict, borders, and ethnicities in West Africa
• In West Africa, there are over 100 ethnic groups distributed along the territory, based on historical patterns, in many cases related to nomadism and pastoralism
Relation between conflict, borders, and ethnicities in West Africa
• Ethnic groups were divided by country borders, leading to a situation in which a single ethnic group was spread through different countries, while different ethnicities were
grouped into one single country
Relation between conflict, borders, and ethnicities in West Africa
• A case in point is the Fulani ethnic group, which is divided into 11 different countries across all Western Africa, from Senegal to Cameroon
Relation between conflict, borders, and ethnicities in West Africa
Each color represents an ethnic group
If we cross these geographies with data on fatalities, we immediately realize two facts:
Fatalities are significantly higher in bordering areas, which suggests a transboundary element. In this case the correlation between the area of presence of the Fulani and fatalities from the border between Mauritania and Mali to the border between Cameroon, Chad and Nigeria is pretty evident.
Fatalities within the territory of a country are significantly higherin countries with a multiplicity of ethnicities, such as the case of Nigeria
A shift from managing poverty based on external financing to manage development based on Domestic Resource Mobilization ... This is clearly the call of Agenda 2063 and Agenda 2030.
Managing poverty and managing development are two different challenges
Moving from managing poverty to manage development requires to incorporate the nexus approach: peace, security, and development and build strong States in their ‘core business’ and strong institutions.
A new narrative is required that places the focus on people centered policies based on inclusive and transparent institutions and policy frameworks that empower Africa to own its development path ..from managing poverty to manage development
The Regional Integration dimension of African policy making is crucial to deliver durable peace ... an important tool to address the 3 geographies.
Excellencies, Ladies, and Gentlemen, All protocols observed.
Allow me to start by thanking the International Renewable Energy Agency for the invitation to participate in this meeting. The Office of Special Adviser on Africa is grateful for the opportunity.
If we assess best practices of countries promoting
creating quality jobs and delivering services, we will realize that no country in the
economic transformation,
ensuring food security, digitalizing education, revolutionizing health systems,
building manufacturing, and industrialization capacities, or sustaining peace by
world has achieved these ambitions without abundant and affordable access to
energy.
Moreover, energy is the foundational building block to achieve all the Sustainable
Development Goals and to build Africa’s resilience, especially as the continent
struggles to adapt to climate change, including adverse weather events, water
scarcity, and significant threats to livelihoods.
However, even though Africa is home to 17 percent of the world’s population, the
continent represents only 3.3 percent of global primary energy consumption, 1.1
percent of electricity generation, and 3 percent of global energy use in industry.
This means that African countries have a very long way to go in electrifying homes,
supplying sustained and reliable energy for industrial use, as well as providing
adequate and affordable clean cooking solutions.
Renewable energy sources, including geothermal and hydropower, have significant
potential in building Africa’s balanced energy mix.
With advancements in off-grid and utility-scale renewable technologies, there is a
great opportunity to provide electricity for Africa’s citizens especially through last-
mile connections.
Doing so would free up grid systems to use a mixture of energy sources to supply
power to high-energy industries and manufacturing, which have very little room for
intermittency.
Without high power reliability, Africa’s industrial ambitions would have high
operational costs and reduced productivity, which would make it impossible to
compete in international markets.
Against this backdrop, there are several layers of complexity in Africa’s energy access and just transition.
2
To give you an example, Africa’s most suitable areas for utility-scale solar
photovoltaic (PV) and wind power lie in the Sahel belt, which faces significant challenges in terms of peace and security.
In addition to instability, large swathes of this region are inaccessible due to a lack of transportation infrastructure.
This is one of the many reasons why we need a nuanced approach when we look at what is possible versus what is achievable.
Another factor to this complexity is the significant issue of financing.
Africa currently accounts for just 4 per cent of global power supply investment and even this is concentrated in a handful of countries across the continent.
Achieving a reliable electricity supply for all would require an almost fourfold increase, to around $120 billion a year through 2040.
The current investment and implementation rate are very slow.
As an example, over the past decade, the total solar additions amounted to 8.5 gigawatts across all of Africa.
And to put things in perspective, New York City alone uses an average of 8 to 11 gigawatts.
Excellencies, ladies, and gentlemen,
We need to do better. We need a new deal.
We need investment in research and development of Africa–centric new technologies to help develop renewable resources to build optimal energy mixes that take into account the continent’s unique natural resources, endowments, and development paths.
3
We need to invest in making green jobs a reality and something worthwhile for African countries by shifting the manufacturing of renewable energy components such as solar panels to the continent.
Finally, we need to invest in making Africa’s grids efficient and in building the financial viability and capacities of African utilities to regulate and manage increased renewables in the energy mix.
The Office of the Special Adviser on Africa is ready to work with IRENA, the African Development Bank, African Member States, and partners in transforming these needs into realities.
I am pleased to address this year’s edition of the Africa Thinktank Summit.
At the outset, I wish to express my gratitude to the African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF) for giving me the opportunity to contribute to the theme of the summit “Digital Transformation in post-COVID-19 Africa: Opportunities, Challenges and Options for Building Back Better”.
The theme of the summit could not be more timely. The COVID-19 has underscored the role that digitization can play to increase the resilience of our countries when facing systemic crises.
Unfortunately, digitization is not yet a reality in Africa.
Africa is currently home to 21 of the 25 least connected countries in the world, with less than a third of its population having access to broadband connectivity.
If African countries don’t take decisive steps to change this reality, the digital revolution will become a new divide. In fact, it has already increased inequalities.
For example, while half of the world turned into new technologies to overcome the challenge of school closures, in Africa, 32 million children dropped school in Eastern and Southern Africa during 2021 due to school closures.
This means that 40 per cent of all school-aged children in the two sub-regions were out of school. Can you imagine the devastating impact of this reality on Africa’s human capital?
This growing divide is not just separating countries. It is creating more and more inequalities within countries, with stark differences in access along socioeconomic groupings, gender, rural/urban areas, and disability.
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has underlined and worsened social exclusion, exposing the vulnerability of the digitally excluded who lack access to vital resources, including health, education and e-commerce.
But when there are challenges, there are also opportunities.
In this regard, although the pandemic has exposed the challenges of digital divide in Africa, it is also serving as an accelerator for the development and spread of emerging technology on the continent leading to remarkable innovations.
For example, according to a study by WHO, 13% of all new or modified health technologies developed to respond to COVID-19 are African, including COVID-19 tracker applications, solar-powered hand-washing stations, and private sector zipline drones to deliver COVID tests1.
This is good news.
Because digital technologies are a powerful tool to promote rapid economic growth, innovation, job creation and access to services.
For example, a recent joint report by Google and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) estimates that Africa’s internet economy could contribute up to $180 billion to the continent’s GDP by 2025 and $712 billion by 2050.
In this regard, promoting digital transformation and bridging the digital divide is key to sustain hard-won development gains and promote inclusive growth and sustainable development that is underpinned by structural economic transformation and regional integration.
Digitization is also critical to strengthen public institutions.
New technologies have supported African governmgents in improving process efficiency
and service delivery, as well as in increasing engagement with their citizens.
Furthermore, digital technologies can also prove useful in the prevention and detection of
fraud and corruption. Studies have shown that digitization is associated with better control of corruption as it helps promote transparency, accountability and citizen participation and facilitates advocacy and closer interaction of government and citizens.
Moreover, adopting digital tools could increase indirect tax collection at the border by up to 2 percent of GDP per year.
Digital transformation also provides tools and space for the people to strengthen their ownership as well as their economic and social participation.
For example, digital technologies can make a difference in increasing the resilience of the small-scale farmers that have to fight the effects of climate change and other vulnerabilities.
In this regard, we must all build on the progress that has been made in applying technological advances.
For example, the use of technology in healthcare has shown transformative benefits in treating patients, conducting research, educating the health workforce, tracking the COVID-19 and monitoring public health in Africa.
Let us leverage these tools and platforms to create opportunities for eHealth solutions, applications and services that lead to improved, inclusive and resilient national health systems.
There are two crucial aspects that need to be taken into account in order to create a policy environment that makes the most of digitization.
First, promoting sustainable and broadly-shared recovery requires mobilizing all sources of finance and the pandemic has exacerbated fragilities and further limited fiscal space.
The World Bank estimates that achieving universal, affordable, and good quality internet access on the continent by 2030 will require an investment of US $100 billion.
In addition, Africa’s digital infrastructure requires not just capital investment, but also policy support, digital skill-building and expenses for internet infrastructure as these are key enablers for productivity and sustainable economic growth.
This means that African governments need to prioritize digitization, because there is still a lot to do, but most importantly, because digitization can have a multiplying impact in all aspects of development.
Second, rapidly accelerating technologies, including artificial intelligence will form an important part of the digital future, with the ability to revolutionize industries including agriculture, healthcare, etc.
There is urgent need to ensure that African governmental can both identify and understand these emerging technology opportunities, and to support them in establishing pathways to realize them and prevent tomorrow’s gaps in advanced technology.
Against this background, the role of thinktanks and academia cannot be over-emphasized. The actual and potential contributions of thinktanks and scientists to raising policymakers’ awareness of the challenges and opportunities of digitization are unparalleled.
You have a central role to play in ensuring that African countries leverage digital transformation to build forward and build better.
In this regard, I wish you successful discussions during this summit and I extend to all of you an invitation to work together with the United Nations Office of the Special Adviser on Africa to lay solid foundations to achieve the Africa we Want and ensure that no one is left behind.
20 September 2021 12:30 - 13:15 EST Remarks by Ms. Cristina Duarte, USG and Special Adviser on Africa
Role of the private sector in supporting the achievement of the SDGs in Africa: the importance of multi-stakeholder approach
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,
Allow me to start by congratulating the UN Global Compact for the launch of their Africa Strategy, which will be a fundamental tool to accelerate the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals during this decade of action.
The SDG conceptual framework is a break from traditional development thinking. It not only puts together economic, social and environmental goals; it is structured to promote collaboration between involved stakeholders, not competition.
In fact, SDG 17 calls for strengthening the means of implementation of Agenda 2030 and revitalizing the global partnership for sustainable development, through [...], multi-stakeholder partnerships, public-private partnerships, civil society partnerships, etc.
By talking about “partnerships”, the 2030 Agenda is asking us to approach the private sector as something more than a mere provider of financing. And allow me to underscore this point, because we cannot move from a situation in which African countries are dependent on ODA to another in which they are dependent on private funding.
In fact, the mobilization of private sector investment is not happening at the required scale. For example,
in 2018, the private sector financial commitment to Africa’s infrastructure was only 11% out of all the commitments made. 1 Private investments in the infrastructure of developing countries were lower than they were in 2012. Instead of decreasing, the financing gap continues to increase.
How should we engage the private sector then? Through two principles: (1) first, by acknowledging that there is a set of intangible assets that belong to the private sector’s DNA and are strategic to accelerate the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals: efficiency, productivity, global reach and technological innovations.
And (2) second, by embracing the idea of “conscious capitalism”; a notion that turns away from the neoliberal conception that the primary obligations of firms is to create profit for their shareholders and upholds instead that companies have a broader responsibility to all their stakeholders including local communities, employees and others.
1 ICA 2019, Infrastructure financing Trends in Africa 2019
This new conception acknowledges the importance of adopting social responsibility as contribution towards sustainable development and the United Nations principle of leaving no one behind. Indeed, the private
sector has started to realize that business cannot succeed and thrive in a failing world.
And this new approach represents a huge opportunity for Africa, because African countries, as suppliers of raw materials and consumers of manufactured goods, are one of the main stakeholders of big corporations.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,
The 2030 and the 2063 Agendas are frameworks that aim to solve the world and Africa’s problems. In the private sector language, problems are opportunities for business. Therefore, under this new approach of conscious capitalism, the SDGs and the AU Aspirations should be considered as a framework of investment prospects with an added value, since they seek to address all the needs of businesses’ stakeholders.
However, these business opportunities have different levels of risk attached to them. Hence,
De-risking involves much more than buying insurance. It requires a fairer and better participation of African countries in Global Value Chains, as well as in terms of Africa’s marginalization from international finance markets.
It also calls for African countries to create a conducive business and investment climate through (a) supportive governance structures; (b) transparency and accountability; (c) competition policy; (d) hard and soft infrastructure; and (e) instruments that foster healthy, commercially sustainable markets.
De-risking needs a commitment by the private sector to uphold and demand these good governance measures; to push for the adoption of transparency pacts between Governments and the private sector, for fighting illicit financial flows; promoting the creation of decent jobs; investing in science, research and innovation; integrating sustainable, inclusive and integrated approaches into their business models.
And it finally requires, from an African domestic perspective, the adoption of integrated national financing frameworks linked to Planning-Programming-Budgeting-Evaluation systems that approach the private sector as an SDG stakeholder.
Let us take the opportunity of the turning point that the Agenda 2030 and the new notion of conscious capitalism represent to think “outside the box” and to understand that the private sector and African governments have a common interest: the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals in order to leave no-one behind.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,
An African proverb reminds us “If you want to go fast go alone; If you want to go far, go together”.
Regarding SDGs implementation, my own alteration to this proverb would be to say: If you want to go wide, work with the Governments; if you want to go deep; work with Non-governmental organizations and
“de-risking”
is the magic word; and defining a strategy to achieve “de-risking” in Africa become becomes a key step.
civil society; if you want go fast, work with the private sector; but if you want to go far and you want it to last, work with all of them together.
I am confident that the new Africa Strategy of the UN Global Compact will help us advance in this direction. I thank you.
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