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Statements by Year on Security Council Reform 1997

Statements by Year on Security Council Reform 1997 | Conflict, Security, UNSC, Defence, UN Reforms | Scoop.it
1997Ambassador Manuel Tello of Mexico on Secutiry Council Reform (December 4, 1997)Ambassador Antonio Monteiro on Security Council Reform (October 28, 1997)Declaration on Security Council Reform by the Foreign Ministers of the Non-Aligned Movement (April 8, 1997)
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Statements by Year on Security Council Reform 1995

Statements by Year on Security Council Reform 1995 | Conflict, Security, UNSC, Defence, UN Reforms | Scoop.it
1995
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General Articles and Documents on Security Council Reform

General Articles and Documents on Security Council Reform | Conflict, Security, UNSC, Defence, UN Reforms | Scoop.it

GPF Perspectives
Towards a Democratic Reform of the UN Security Council (July 13, 2005)James Paul and Céline Nahory argue that adding more permanent members to the Security Council would enlarge a discredited oligarchy rather than build for a democratic future. They also oppose the addition of elected members, arguing that an expanded Council would be too large to function effectively and not substantially more representative. Instead, they propose a process of stronger regional representation as a future-oriented approach that can develop in stages and without the headache of Charter change. (Global Policy Forum)

Security Council Reform Remains Deadlocked (August 5, 2009)
Open-Ended Working Group has been working for past 15 years on revamp of 15-member Security Council of the UN. An overwhelming majority agrees that membership should be increased; however there is no consensus on the choice of members. This article reviews the deadlock condition of the reform effort. While talking to IPS, James A. Paul of Global Policy Forum expressed that "beyond the doomed idea of enlarging the oligarchy, other reform ideas stand a better change of adoption." (IPS)
Documents
What Impact? The E10 and the 2011 Security Council (March 2011)
This IPI Report focuses on the changes in Council dynamics with emerging powers making up a signification portion of the E10. It examines the Council’s change in focus with these  countries leading efforts to sustain UN post-conflict involvement and greater support for international justice mechanisms like the ICC. (International Peace Institute)

UN Security Council Elections 2010 (September 17, 2010)
This Special Report on the upcoming UN Security Council Elections outlines the candidates for the five open non-permanent seats. India, South Africa and Colombia appear to be guaranteed seats as there are no competing candidates for those regions. Two seats for the Western European and Others Group are contested by Canada, Germany and Portugal. The report highlights possible outcomes of the elections. For example, five UN members who have asserted bids for permanent membership could be on the Council in 2011. It also considers the effect of clean slate elections and potential partnerships between future Council members. (Security Council Report)
The New General Assembly President Opens Session with Call for UN Reform (September 15, 2009)
The new General Assembly President, Ali Treki of Libya, calls for further efforts in reform of the Security Council to make it more representative of all UN member states. He supports a larger role for Africa, Latin America and small states in the Council. Treki also mentioned that the General Assembly ought to have a larger influence in UN decision making. (UN News Centre)
Press Conference by General Assembly Facilitator on Security Council Reform (July 20, 2009)
A third round of negotiations on Security Council reform is scheduled to begin on August 27, 2009. Zahir Tanin, the ambassador of Afghanistan and facilitator of the negotiations, has presented an overview. He announced that there is a consensus among all states on continuing the process. Tanin said that he saw "a light at the end of tunnel" after the first two sessions, but "there is a long way to go." (United Nations)

Second Round of Security Council Reform Talks Ends (June 29, 2009)Report of the Facilitators for Security Council Reform to the General Assembly (June 26, 2007)
In their report to the President of the General Assembly, the facilitators, Ambassadors Heraldo Muñoz of Chile and Christian Wenaweser of Liechtenstein, propose a temporary approach to expedite Security Council reform. This transition period should include a new category of membership with longer-term seats, either renewable or not. The agreement would include a mandatory review in a set number of years. The facilitators do not recommend how many new seats should be added, nor how long the transitional phase should last, but insist that the process move from consultations to concrete intergovernmental negotiations.
Review of Progress on Security Council Reform (December 19, 2005)
In this report, the President of the General Assembly Jan Eliasson reiterates its commitment towards Security Council reform, including issues related to the body's expansion and working methods. In 2005, member states put forward numerous proposals for a more representative, effective and efficient Council. Eliasson encourages member states to continue to engage in constructive dialogue to reach the broadest agreement possible.


Articles2012 Turkey Calls for UN Security Council Reform Over Failure to Pressure Syria (September 29,2012)

Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan rebuked the UN Security Council for its members’ inability to find a common ground on a resolution to solve the crisis in Syria. Arguing that “it's high time to consider a structural change for international institutions, especially for the UN Security Council," Erdogan described the latest as an unequal and unfair system that failed to reflect the will of most countries. While Erdogan certainly has a point, this statement should be seen as Turkey’s rhetoric in the context of increasing tension and military confrontations on the border with Syria? (The Guardian)

Africa Must Have Due Representation in Security Council, Ministers Tell UN Debate (September 29,2012)
In another bid for Security Council reform, African ministers at the United Nations General Assembly called for expansion of the Security Council. "The working methods of the Security Council must be revised to ensure democratization, and its membership must be expanded to include new permanent and non-permanent members of the developing world, particularly Africa, the cradle of civilization," said Algeria's Foreign Minister, Mourad Medelci. But Africa does not have a united position on Council reform and its hopes for expansion of permanent members runs up against firm opposition from the existing five permanent members. (allAfrica)
UN General Assembly 2012: Reforming Security Council Should Be Top Priority (September 26, 2012)
The 67th annual session of the General Assembly opens the floor to an ongoing debate about Security Council reform. At present, critics of the existing structure say that it reflects the world order sixty years ago, as much of the Global South remains largely unrepresented on the Council. The question is not whether the Security Council needs reform- consent on that is largely unanimous. What needs to be addressed, rather, is the shape that this reform should take. Brazil and India have the strongest cases amongst the “G4 nations”, but their inclusion would still leave out many other groups. Agreeing on which countries may acquire permanent status is almost impossible, and the P5 have blocked any reform initiatives so far. (Policy Mic)
Five Lightweights’ Fight to Reform the Security Council (July 2,2012)
In the United Nations Security Council, the “Small Five” (Costa Rica, Jordan, Liechtenstein, Singapore and Switzerland) are trying to stand up to the Big Five Permanent members. The Small Five have proposed to reform several of the Security Council’s working methods, the most high-profile of which is the restriction of the use of the veto. After a number of UN member countries opposed China and Russia’s use of the veto on Syria, the S5’s proposal seemed to gain momentum. However, the S5 eventually had to withdraw their proposal for procedural reasons engineered by the Big Five. (Pass Blue)


India Changes Tack to Secure UN Security Council Seat (June 25, 2012)
With only six months left of its two year membership on the Security Council, India is changing tactics. India continues to strive for permanent membership on the Security Council. In light of this, India has decided to join the L69 group (comprising 41 countries from Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, Asia and the Pacific) over its previous G4 agenda. New Delhi described the L69 as ‘friends of Security Council reform’ and has decided to support the L69 before the General Assembly in August.(SAFPI)

India's Bid Suffers Setback (March 16, 2012)
This article from Pakistan’s The Nation reviews India’s hopes and tactics in achieving Security Council reform. Along with the rest of the G4 (India, Brazil, Germany and Japan), India has been attempting to secure itself a place as a permanent member of the 15-member Security Council, and has claimed wide support for its efforts. However, these supporters are yet to make themselves known. The Security Council reform debate covers five key issues - the category of membership, the question of veto, regional representation, the size of an enlarged Council, and the Council’s working methods and its relationship with the General Assembly. (The Nation)
G-4 Nations put Joint Bid for Security Council Expansion (January 26, 2012)
India, Japan, Brazil and Germany--- known as the ‘Group of Four’ has put in a joint bid to the United Nations General Assembly, proposing that the Security Council be expanded for both permanent and non-permanent members, as well as a permanent African Seat. Security Council reform continues to be a divisive topic of discussion at the United Nations, and the new bid will reignite the debate in the coming weeks. The motion steers clear of the more controversial areas of the UN reform debate – namely the use of the veto – but is likely to garner severe criticism from the “United for Consensus” group (lead by Italy, Argentina, Colombia, Canada and Pakistan) who wish to block any new permanent member seats. (Times of India)
2011Security Council Reform: Past, Present and Future (December 15, 2011)
Shashi Tharoor, former UN Under Secretary General for Public Information, discusses the membership of the Security Council and why it is outdated, inequitable, and unrepresentative. He describes the political tension of expanding the number of permanent members and adding representation from countries of the developing world, steps aimed at righting the current North-South imbalance. There also appears to be wide support across the full UN membership for abolition of the veto. Ultimately, emerging states (like India and Brazil) could strengthen international institutions, or they could lose interest in a body they see as increasingly illegitimate, with far-reaching implications for the future of global cooperation. (Carnegie Council)
Update on Security Council Reform (April 5, 2011)
This article gives an update on the current state of Security Council Reform discussions in the General Assembly, including summaries of the discussions from October 2010 to March 2011. (Center for UN Reform Education)

Countries Ask for ‘Tangible’ Reform of UN Security Council (February 12, 2011)
The G4 has renewed efforts towards more “tangible” Security Council reforms as three of the four are currently serving as elected members. Statements made by the G4 indicate that there may be movement this year in Council reform. (MSN News)


2010

Security Council Reform and the G-20 (November 9, 2010)
US backing India for permanent membership on the Security Council just before the G-20 summit was part of US efforts to display its willingness to challenge the status quo in the international system. This article argues that the G-20 is a more representative body that includes the largest economies in the world. As such, the G-20 could serve as a guideline for Council reform that would have greater parity and efficiency. (Center for Strategic and International Studies)

The Reform of the UN Security Council (July 2010)
This report from Istituto Affari Internazionali discusses the current proposals for Security Council Reform.  While there is a general consensus that the Council must be reformed to reflect the current world order, there is no agreement on the scope of reform and how best to implement it. The report looks at the role that regional organizations play and presents arguments for regional representation as a possible means of reforming the Council. (Istituto Affari Internazionali)
Restarting Negotiations of the Reform of the Security Council (May 2010)
Despite agreement that Security Council reform must take place, there is limited convergence on how the main issues should be addressed. This report discusses the possibility of partial reforms as an intermediary step towards larger Council reform. (Istituto Affari Internazionali)

"The United Nations is Beyond Reform... It has to be Reinvented" - Fmr. GA President Miguel d'Escoto (April 26, 2010)
Former General Assembly President Miguel d'Escoto was one of the distinguished participants at the recent climate conference in Cochabamba. In his interview with Democracy Now, d'Escoto criticized the United States' "hegemonic" role in the United Nations, and further suggested that veto power is open to inappropriate use by permanent members of the Security Council. Such abuse could undermine democracy within the UN.  (Democracy Now)
UN Security Council Reform: a Gordian Knot? (April 2010)
Efforts to reform the UN Security Council have been in the pipeline for decades. However, the efforts have been scuppered by disagreements, regional rivalries and institutional obstacles, which in turn have delegitimized the UNSC reform process. The article argues that the SC reform debate must be reinvigorated and all sides need to demonstrate compromise, without watering down the reform goals. The article highlights reasons for SC reform, competing models for reform, controversial reform issues, structural obstacles to SC reform and Switzerland's role in SC reform.  (CSS Analysis)

Integrity Too High a Price for Security Council Role  (February 3, 2010)
Australia questions whether a non-permanent seat on the Security Council in 2013-14 is really worth the effort, expense and moral compromise. The Arab League informed Australia that it would block Canberra's attempts to gain a non-permanent seat because of its pro-Israel stance. Further, Australia is unsure about the purpose of the UN at all: ex-ambassador to the UN, John Dauth, called it "defunct" and "rotten."  (The Australian)
Increased Security (January 20, 2010)
Many who actively advocate for expansion of the UN Security Council's membership argue that an increase in the number of members will remedy the democratic and representative deficit from which the Council suffers. In October 2010, Canada will once again stand for election to a two-year term as non-permanent member of the Security Council. This article represents the Canadian viewpoint as it explores the need for the nation's increased role in the Council. (The Canadvocate)
Pros and Cons of  Security Council Reform (January 19, 2010)
In the heated environment that accompanies Security Council reform debates, opinions and national interests are often presented as altruistic aspirations. As a result, it can be difficult to obtain unbiased information about the pros and cons of various reform proposals that are untainted by national sentiment. The author outlines and explores the advantages and disadvantages of "five key cluster reform areas." It explores two main arguments - one that considers reform an indispensable part of a "just solution," and the other that argues it would only weaken the Council's ability to carry out its duties without solving the problems of equitable representation. (Center for UN Reform)
UN Reform Process Mired by Lack of Consensus (January 5, 2010)
In a recent statement, UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon called for "a strengthened United Nations" which is "effective, efficient, coherent and accountable." This article suggests that the challenge lies in defining what shape UN reforms should take, and what a reformed UN should achieve. It also briefly considers issues concerning reform of the Security Council. (Deutsche Welle)
Bosom Buddies? Ban and Obama's Curious Relations (2010)
President Obama's election pledge for a close US-UN partnership has failed to materialize. Following tokenistic, initial engagement with the international organization, Obama now rarely talks, let alone acts with the UN. The US has sidelined the UN on Pakistan, Afghanistan, global warming, terrorism, Iran and North Korea (except for sanctions). Sources within the Obama-administration argue that US-disenchantment with the UN stems from Ban Ki-Moon's weak and ineffectual leadership. However, this does not tell the whole story.  (World Policy Institute)
2009D'Escoto: "The UN Has Failed" (October 2009)
In this video interview, Miguel d'Escoto speaks out on the obstacles he has encountered during his term as General Assembly President. D'Escoto held the democratization of the UN as a key pillar of his Presidency, but ran up against the limits of the General Assembly's power. According to d'Escoto, the UN is failing to effectively address the two objectives for which it was created - the prevention of war and the eradication of poverty - because of the most powerful states' disproportionate influence over the organization. (The Real News Network)
European Nations Highlight the Need for Security Council Reform (September 24, 2009)
During the UN General Assembly debate, several European leaders have expressed an urgent need for a Security Council reform. According to some, reform is urgent because further delay in will undermine the Council's credibility. In addition, the structure of the UN needs improvement for more effective and successful peacekeeping operations. (UN News)
UN Reform: Don't Hold Your Breath (August 26, 2009)
According to Ian Williams, member states of the UN have presented many suggestions for a reform of the Security Council. However, other states reject the proposals to protect their own power in the UN. Williams believes that reaching an agreement on a reform of the Security Council is not likely in the near future. He urges citizens of the permanent members to put pressure on their governments to agree to democratic reform. (Foreign Policy in Focus)

Iran urges reform of UN Security Council (July 14, 2009)
Iran has urged reform of the UN Security Council at a recent meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement stating that the current structure of the Council poses a "challenge" to global peace. Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki stated that sanctions imposed by the Council, in dealing with issues that are "not necessarily a threat to global peace and security," are often inappropriate and have violated human rights. He complained that various Council reform proposals, especially those submitted by the NAM, are weakened by differences within the movement and lack of a strong common position.(PressTV)
Official Statement from China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States (April 4, 2009)
The P-5 members of the Security Council have resisted Council reform, but are making open statements to argue that they must be included in the reform process. As the commentary on this statement shows, the P-5 feel largely ignored as they’re not consulted directly but must respond to proposals in the media. Ironically, it is a reversal of the Security Council where the P-5 is at the center and the rest of the United Nations is waiting for them to release statements (Wordpress)
2008Security Council Reform - An Overview of Member States' Positions (December 8, 2008)
This chart by the Center for UN Reform Education outlines the positions of various UN member states on issues relating to Council reform, including regional seats, veto reform, and preferences for timing of intergovernmental negotiations.

UN Security Council Reform: Unrealistic Proposals and Viable Reform Options (November 25, 2008)
The Security Council does not adequately represent the world's population and its decision making process is slow and not transparent. Abolishing the veto of the five permanent members is not realistic, since all P5 members must agree with this change. The author argues that countries must exert pressure to restrict use of the veto, by requiring the P5 to justify invoking it, especially in cases that are not in their vital interest. (American Diplomacy)

Security Council Reform - the 62nd GA Session and the Road Ahead (November 11, 2008)
In 1993, UN members including Japan and Germany helped to establish a General Assembly Working Group on Security Council reform, but members of this Working Group cannot agree on various issues such as expansion of the permanent members. In February 2009, further negotiations will take place, but as in the past, the divergent interests of UN members are likely to stand in the way of any reform agreement.(Center for UN Reform Education)
UN Security Council Reform: Unrealistic Proposals and Viable Reform Options (November 11, 2008)
This article argues that discussions on Security Council reform have not been focusing on issues that would actually make the Council more efficient and representative because countries are working to increase their own power. Looking at the Council’s working methods it proposes changes to some of the procedures, such as abolishing permanent membership, and institutionalizing the presidency. Working methods of the Council are as important as membership, but few proposals have included substantial changes to make the Council more inclusive and transparent. (American Diplomacy)


A Look at the Transitional Approach to Security Council Reform (June 24, 2008)
The transitional approach to Security Council reform means that UN members would agree on basic reforms and adapt these agreements later on at a conference. Countries have not been able to decide on the timeframe for a review conference or on the proposals for the transitional reform approach because New Zealand, Germany and others fear that the initial basic reforms would become permanent. (Center for UN Reform Education)
Between Enlargement and Reform - The UN Security Council: Choices for Change (May 2008)
This article focuses on two different debates of Security Council (SC) reform. The quantitative theory wants equal representation of different regions in the SC. The qualitative theory, however, believes that countries who contribute the most to maintaining international peace and security should be permanent members of the SC. The author supports the quantitative theory because it promotes greater regional involvement instead of the interests of a single country. (Dag Hammarskjold Foundation)
Reform of the Security Council (April 2008)
This Center for UN Reform Education article reviews Security Council reform proposals from 1991-2008. The article notes that UN member states such as Italy and Pakistan cite the need for consensus to stall the reform process, and prevent regional rivals from gaining seats at the Council. Furthermore, previous efforts to increase the openness of the Council have backfired, as permanent members move the decision-making process to informal closed meeting rooms adjacent to the Security Council chambers.
2007Security Council Accused of Overstepping Bounds (April 12, 2007)
Veering from its traditional agenda of preserving international peace and security, the UN Security Council plans to hold a meeting to discuss the issue of climate change. The Group of 77 and the Non-Aligned Movement have denounced this decision as evidence of the SC's "ever-increasing encroachment" on the mandates of the UN's other main bodies. Citing the UN Charter, they argue that the Council should only "come into action when there are actual threats to peace or breaches of the peace." (Inter Press Service)
Security Council Reform: a Transitional Approach (December 3, 2007)
Member states have agreed that the UN Security Council must become more representative, efficient and transparent to be seen as more legitimate, yet a number disagree on how this reform should occur. Among various proposals from countries, the GA appointed facilitators to conduct consultations about the Council's reform. The facilitators main point consists of adding a mandatory review clause, which demands that after a couple of years, the Council has to review its reform. (UN Chronicle)
Cuba Opposes Greater Power to UN Security Council (November 13, 2007)
During a UN General Assembly (GA) meeting on Security Council Reform, Cuba called for a more democratic, representative, responsible and effective Council. Cuba's Ambassador Rodrigo Malmiera argues that the Council suffers from a lack of representation from developing countries. The Council does not represent the world's contemporary realities, raising questions about its legitimacy representative and procedures. Malmiera called for greater involvement of non-permanent members in the Council's agenda, as well as membership reform. He also expressed apprehension about the Council's jurisdiction and working methods, such as the selection of Council agenda items. (Prensa Latina)
UN Reform, Including SC Expansion Not End in Itself - Russia Envoy (November 13, 2007)
Russia, one of the five permanent members with veto power, declared at a General Assembly meeting that Security Council reform discussions should preserve the "foundations" of the United Nations. According to Vitaly Churkin, Russia's UN Representative, the Council should only expand if it can also become more effective. Even though Churkin expressed a willingness to work with non-Council members, in order to continue further peacekeeping improvements, his speech did not seem to favor the Council's enlargement. (Itar-Tass)
General Assembly Launches New Effort to Tackle Divisive Issue of Security Council Reform (April 20, 2007)
The UN General Assembly issued a report on Security Council reform, proposing that UN member states consider a temporary expansion of Security Council membership. All previous attempts at reform have failed for lack of agreement on size and composition of an expanded Council, due to national and regional rivalries. The report says that reform should increase opportunities for countries to serve as members on the Council and should increase involvement with the Council's work whilst not serving. (Associated Press)
2006UN Security Council Edicts Challenged (October 26, 2006)
This Inter Press Service article analyzes permanent member's domination and influence at the UN Security Council. The author denounces action driven by national interests and the "double standards" of the Council's resolutions, which allow some countries to possess nuclear weapons whilst forbidding others. Citing the endorsement of the Iraq occupation by the 15 members of the Security Council, the author comments on the UN inability to prevent powerful nations, such as the US, to dictate their will. The article concludes that the disregard for international law and double standards call into question the legitimacy of the top UN body.
2005Security Council Reform Debate Ends Without Agreement (November 12, 2005)
Disputes over permanent membership once again blocked UN member states from reaching consensus on Security Council reform. While the five permanent members consider the debate closed, ambassadors from countries seeking permanent seats said they might bring the issue to a vote in the General Assembly. (Voice of America)
Like Fixing the Weather, Council Reform Eludes UN (September 19, 2005)
According to David Malone, a former Canadian UN ambassador, Security Council reform failed at the UN summit because "most countries adopted a fairly self-interested position on the subject." French Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin said that he hoped that the African countries and the G-4 could reach an agreement by the end of the year. But asked if Council reform was dead in the foreseeable future, Pakistan's UN Ambassador Munir Akram said: "It's on life support." (Reuters)
Annan Acknowledges Delays in UN Council Reform (August 11, 2005)
Acknowledging the deadlock over Security Council expansion, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan has extended the target deadline from September to December 2005 for member states to reach an agreement. Annan says he would like to see a provision in the summit's outcome document committing states to decide on Security Council reform by the end of the year. (Reuters)
Japan Ups Aid by $10bn (July 8, 2005)
At the Group of Eight summit in Gleneagles, Japan announced that it would sizably increase its foreign aid budget by $10 billion over a five year period. Japan's current official development assistance rate lies at 0.19% of gross national income, way below the UN's 0.7% target. The decision to increase aid is likely a move to "make the country's presence felt as it seeks to win a permanent seat on the UN Security Council," says Finance24.
 
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United Nations Development Programme

United Nations Development Programme - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The UNDP was founded on the 22nd of November 1965 with the merger of the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance or EPTA and the United Nations Special Fund. The rationale was to "avoid duplication of [their] activities". The EPTA was to help the economic and political aspects of underdeveloped countries while the Special Fund was to enlarge the scope of UN technical assistance.

UNDP" redirects here. For the South Korean political party, see United New Democratic Party. For the Cameroon group, see National Union for Democracy and Progress (Cameroon).

United Nations Development Programme
Flag of the UNDP.
AbbreviationUNDPFormation1965TypeProgrammeLegal statusActiveHeadquartersNew York City
(International territory)
Head
Helen Clark
Parent organization
ECOSOC[1]Websitewww.undp.org

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is the United Nations' global development network.

Headquartered in New York City, UNDP advocates for change and connects countries to knowledge, experience and resources to help people build a better life. It provides expert advice, training, and grant support to developing countries, with increasing emphasis on assistance to the least developed countries.

The status of UNDP is that of an executive board within the United Nations General Assembly. The UNDP Administrator is the third highest-ranking official of the United Nations after the United Nations Secretary-General and Deputy Secretary-General.[2]

To accomplish the MDGs and encourage global development, UNDP focuses on poverty reduction, HIV/AIDS, democratic governance, energy and environment, social development, and crisis prevention and recovery. UNDP also encourages the protection of human rights and the empowerment of women in all of its programmes. The UNDP Human Development Report Office also publishes an annual Human Development Report (since 1990) to measure and analyse developmental progress. In addition to a global Report, UNDP publishes regional, national, and local Human Development Reports.[3]

UNDP is funded entirely by voluntary contributions from member nations. The organization has country offices in 177 countries, where it works with local governments to meet development challenges and develop local capacity. Additionally, the UNDP works internationally to help countries achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Currently, the UNDP is one of the main UN agencies involved in the development of the Post-2015 Development Agenda.

UNDP operates in 177 countries, working with nations on their own solutions to global and national development challenges. As they develop local capacity, they draw on the people of UNDP and its wide range of partners.[4]

Contents
Founding

The UNDP was founded on the 22nd of November 1965 with the merger of the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance or EPTA and the United Nations Special Fund.[5] The rationale was to "avoid duplication of [their] activities". The EPTA was to help the economic and political aspects of underdeveloped countries while the Special Fund was to enlarge the scope of UN technical assistance.[6][7]

Budget

In 2013, UNDP’s entire budget was approximately 5 billion USD.[8]

Functions

UNDP’s offices and staff are on the ground in 177 countries, working with governments and local communities to help them find solutions to global and national development challenges.

UNDP links and coordinates global and national efforts to achieve the goals and national development priorities laid out by host countries. UNDP focuses primarily on five developmental challenges:

Democratic governance

UNDP supports national democratic transitions by providing policy advice and technical support, improving institutional and individual capacity within countries, educating populations about and advocating for democratic reforms, promoting negotiation and dialogue, and sharing successful experiences from other countries and locations. UNDP also supports existing democratic institutions by increasing dialogue, enhancing national debate, and facilitating consensus on national governance programmes.

Poverty reduction
This section relies too much on references to primary sources. Please improve this article by adding secondary or tertiary sources. (December 2013)

UNDP helps countries develop strategies to combat poverty by expanding access to economic opportunities and resources, linking poverty programmes with countries’ larger goals and policies, and ensuring a greater voice for the poor. UNDP also works at the macro level to reform trade, encourage debt relief and foreign investment, and ensure the poorest of the poor benefit from globalisation.

On the ground, UNDP sponsors developmental pilot projects, promotes the role of women in development, and coordinates efforts between governments, NGOs, and outside donors. In this way, UNDP works with local leaders and governments to provide opportunities for impoverished people to create businesses and improve their economic condition.

The UNDP International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth (IPC-IG)[1] in Brasília, Brazil expands the capacities of developing countries to design, implement and evaluate socially inclusive development projects. IPC-IG is a global forum for South-South policy dialogue and learning, having worked with more than 7,000 officials from more than 50 countries.

A 2013 evaluation of the UNDP’s poverty reduction efforts states that the UNDP has effectively supported national efforts to reduce poverty, by helping governments make policy changes that benefit the poor.[9] Nevertheless, the same evaluation also states there is a strong need for better measurement and monitoring of the impacts of the UNDP's work.[10] The UNDP’s Strategic Plan 2014-2017 incorporates the recommendations of this poverty evaluation.[11]

Crisis prevention and recovery

UNDP works to reduce the risk of armed conflicts or disasters, and promote early recovery after crisis have occurred. UNDP works through its country offices to support local government in needs assessment, capacity development, coordinated planning, and policy and standard setting.

Examples of UNDP risk reduction programmes include efforts to control small arms proliferation, strategies to reduce the impact of natural disasters, and programmes to encourage use of diplomacy and prevent violence.

Recovery programmes include disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants, demining efforts, programmes to reintegrate displaced persons, restoration of basic services, and transitional justice systems for countries recovering from warfare.

Environment and Energy

As the poor are disproportionately affected by environmental degradation and lack of access to clean, affordable water, sanitation and energy services, UNDP seeks to address environmental issues in order to improve developing countries’ abilities to develop sustainably, increase human development and reduce poverty. UNDP works with countries to strengthen their capacity to address global environmental issues by providing innovative policy advice and linking partners through environmentally sensitive development projects that help poor people build sustainable livelihoods.

UNDP’s environmental strategy focuses on effective water governance including access to water supply and sanitation, access to sustainable energy services, Sustainable land management to combat desertification and land degradation, conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity, and policies to control emissions of harmful pollutants and ozone-depleting substances. UNDP's Equator Initiative office biennially offers the Equator Prize to recognize outstanding indigenous community efforts to reduce poverty through the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity, and thus making local contributions to achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

HIV/AIDS

HIV/AIDS is a big issue in today's society and UNDP works to help countries prevent further spreading and reduce its impact, convening The Global Commission on HIV and the Law which reported in 2012.[12]

Hub for Innovative Partnerships

Major programmes underway are:[13]

Human Development Report

Since 1990, the UNDP has annually published the Human Development Report, which includes topics on Human Development and the annual Human Development Index.[3]

Evaluation

The UNDP spends about 0.2% of its budget on internal evaluation of the effectiveness of its programmes.[14] The UNDP’s Evaluation Office is a member of the UN Evaluation Group (UNEG) which brings together all the units responsible for evaluation in the UN system. Currently the UNEG has 43 members and 3 observers.[15]

UN co-ordination role

UNDP plays a significant co-ordination role for the UN’s activities in the field of development. This is mainly executed through its leadership of the UN Development Group and through the Resident Co-ordinator System.

United Nations Development Group

The United Nations Development Group (UNDG) was created by the Secretary General in 1997, to improve the effectiveness of UN development at the country level. The UNDG brings together the operational agencies working on development. The Group is chaired by the Administrator of UNDP. UNDP also provides the Secretariat to the Group.

The UNDG develops policies and procedures that allow member agencies to work together and analyse country issues, plan support strategies, implement support programmes, monitor results and advocate for change. These initiatives increase UN impact in helping countries achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), including poverty reduction.

32 UN agencies are members of the UNDG. The Executive Committee consists of the four "founding members": UNICEF, UNFPA, WFP and UNDP. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights is an ex-officio member of the Executive Committee.

Resident coordinator system

The Resident Coordinator (RC) system co-ordinates all organizations of the United Nations system dealing with operational activities for development in the field. The RC system aims to bring together the different UN agencies to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of operational activities at the country level. Resident Coordinators, who are funded, appointed and managed by UNDP, lead UN country teams in more than 130 countries and are the designated representatives of the Secretary-General for development operations. Working closely with national governments, Resident Coordinators and country teams advocate the interests and mandates of the UN drawing on the support and guidance of the entire UN family.It is now coordinated by the UNDG.[16]

ControversiesNSA surveillance
Further information: Global surveillance disclosure

Documents of Edward Snowden showed in December 2013 that British and American intelligence agencies surveillance targets with America's National Security Agency (NSA) included organisations such as the United Nations Development Programme, the UN's children's charity Unicef and Médecins Sans Frontières and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).[17]

Criticism

The UNDP has been criticised by members of its staff and the Bush administration of the United States for irregularities in its finances in North Korea. Artjon Shkurtaj claimed that he had found forged US dollars in the Programmes safe while the staff were paid in Euros. The UNDP denied any wrongdoing, and keeping improper accounts.[18]

Disarmament and controversy

In mid-2006, as first reported by Inner City Press[19] and then by The New Vision,[20] UNDP halted its disarmament programmes in the Karamoja region of Uganda in response to human rights abuses in the parallel forcible disarmament programmes carried out by the Uganda People's Defence Force.

Administrator

The UNDP Administrator has the rank of an Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations. While the Administrator is often referred to as the third highest-ranking official in the UN (after the UN Secretary General and the UN Deputy Secretary General), this has never been formally codified.

In addition to his or her responsibilities as head of UNDP, the Administrator is also the Chair of the UN Development Group.[21]

The position of Administrator is appointed by the Secretary-General of the UN and confirmed by the General Assembly for a term of four years.[22]

Helen Clark, former Prime Minister of New Zealand, is the current Administrator. She was appointed in late March 2009, succeeding Kemal Derviş.[23] The current government of New Zealand strongly supported her nomination, along with Australia, the Pacific Island nations and former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Gordon Brown.[24] The five countries on the UNDP board also have some influence over selection.[citation needed] Current board members are Iran (chair), Haiti, Serbia, the Netherlands and Tanzania.[citation needed]

Associate Administrator

During meetings of the UN Development Group, which are chaired by the Administrator, UNDP is represented by the Associate Administrator.[citation needed] The position is currently held by Maria Eugenia Casar, appointed on 7 May 2014.

Assistant Administrators

Assistant Administrators of the UNDP, Assistant United Nations Secretary Generals and Directors of the Regional Bureaus are Michael O’Neill (United Kingdom), for Bureau of External Relations and Advocacy; Magdy Martínez-Solimán [a.i.] (Spain), for Bureau of Development Policy; Jordan Ryan (United States), for Bureau of Crisis Prevention and Recovery; Jens Wandel (Denmark), for Bureau of Management;[25] Abdoulaye Mar Dieye (Senegal), for Africa; Sima Sami Bahous (Jordan), for Arab States; Haoliang Xu (China), for Asia & Pacific; Cihan Sultanoğlu (Turkey), for Europe & CIS and Jessica Faieta [a.i.] (Ecuador), for Latin America and the Caribbean.[26]

Previous Administrators

The first administrator of the UNDP was Paul G. Hoffman, former head of the Economic Cooperation Administration which administered the Marshall Plan.

Other holders of the position have included: Bradford Morse, former Republican congressman from Massachusetts; William Draper, venture capitalist and friend of George H.W. Bush who saw one of the UN system's major achievements, the Human Development Report, introduced during his tenure; Mark Malloch Brown, who was previously Vice President of External Affairs at the World Bank and subsequently became UN Deputy Secretary General.

Kemal Derviş, a former finance minister of Turkey and senior World Bank official, was the previous UNDP Administrator. Derviş started his four-year term on 15 August 2005.

Goodwill Ambassadors

UNDP, along with other UN agencies, has long enlisted the voluntary services and support of prominent individuals as Goodwill Ambassadors to highlight these causes. Their fame helps amplify the urgent and universal message of human development and international cooperation, helping to accelerate achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. They articulate the UNDP development philosophy and programmes of self-reliant opportunities and motivate people to act in the interest of improving their own lives and those of their fellow citizens.

Global AmbassadorsSee also
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UNDG Mandates (TCPR/QCPR)

UNDG Mandates (TCPR/QCPR) | Conflict, Security, UNSC, Defence, UN Reforms | Scoop.it
UNDG Mandates (TCPR/QCPR)

The UN Development Group derives many of its mandates from the Comprehensive Policy Review of operational activities for development of the United Nations system, a General Assembly resolution that serves as an important instrument for the monitoring and the assessment of UN development operations.

This General Assembly resolution responds to the mandate defined by: (i) the General Assembly which establishes key system-wide policy orientations for the development cooperation and country-level modalities of the United Nations system; and (ii) the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) which provides coordination and guidance to the UN system to ensure that those policies are implemented.

The resolution provides an opportunity to consider the role of UN development assistance from an integrated, long-term perspective. Previously, the resolution was negotiated every three years. In 2008 the General Assembly decided to make the resolution quadrennial, meaning that the next resolution will be negotiated in 2011. More information about the Comprehensive Policy Review is available here.

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Progress in the implementation of General Assembly resolution 62/208 on the triennial comprehensive policy review of operational activities for development of the United Nations system
by: ECOSOC
22 July 2009
Draft resolution (E/2009/L.18) submitted by the Vice-President of the Economic and Social Council. Adopted by consensus 22 July 2009.
Triennial Comprehensive Policy Review 2007
14 March 2008
General Assembly resolution 62/208: Triennial comprehensive policy review of operational activities for development of the United Nations system. Adopted 19 Dec. 2007 without a vote.
Triennial Comprehensive Policy Review 2004
17 August 2005
General Assembly resolution 59/250: Triennial comprehensive policy review of operational activities for development of the United Nations system. Adopted 22 Dec. 2004 without a vote.
Triennial Comprehensive Policy Review 2001
6 March 2002
General Assembly resolution 56/201: Triennial comprehensive policy review of operational activities for development of the United Nations system. Adopted 21 Dec. 2001 without a vote.
Triennial Comprehensive Policy Review 1998
25 February 1999
General Assembly resolution 53/192: Triennial comprehensive policy review of operational activities for development of the United Nations system. Adopted 15 Dec. 1998 without a vote.
Triennial Comprehensive Policy Review 1995
16 February 1996
General Assembly resolution 50/120: Triennial comprehensive policy review of operational activities for development of the United Nations system. Adopted 20 Dec. 1995 without a vote.
Triennial Comprehensive Policy Review 1992
11 May 1993
General Assembly resolution 47/199: Triennial comprehensive policy review of operational activities for development of the United Nations system. Adopted 22 Dec. 1992 without a vote.
Triennial Comprehensive Policy Review 1989
December 1989
General Assembly resolution 44/211: Triennial comprehensive policy review of operational activities for development of the United Nations system. Adopted 22 Dec. 1989 without a vote.
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Quadrennial Comprehensive Policy Review-QCPR - UN Economic and Social Council

Quadrennial Comprehensive Policy Review-QCPR - UN Economic and Social Council | Conflict, Security, UNSC, Defence, UN Reforms | Scoop.it
Quadrennial Comprehensive Policy Review-QCPR

Overview

The quadrennial comprehensive policy review (QCPR) is the primary policy instrument of the General Assembly to define the way the UN development system operates to support programme countries in their development efforts.

In the fall of 2012, the General Assembly will give new policy directions to improve UN system support to developing countries as a result of its first quadrennial review (QCPR) of UN operational activities for development.

Scope

The quadrennial comprehensive policy review (QCPR) deals with issues of funding UN operational activities for development, the functioning of the UN development system and the development effectiveness of the work of the UN system for development.  

Since 1980, the comprehensive policy review has been conducted every three years. In 2008, Member States decided to change the comprehensive policy review to a quadrennial cycle, notably to ensure that the review guides the development of strategic plans of UN system organizations.

Implementing the QCPR is binding for UN entities that report to GA, including 11 Funds and Programmes, 6 research & training institutions (UNICRI, UNIDIR, UNITAR, UNRISD, UNSSC, UNU) and 3 other entities (UNAIDS, UNISDR, UNOPS). The QCPR resolution also provides guidance to the specialized agencies. Some specialized agencies have decided to report to their governing bodies on the implementation of the GA guidance, as requested by the QCPR.

Issues and process

The QCPR process also provides an important opportunity to Member States to engage in a dialogue on how to adapt UN operational activities to the changing global development cooperation context.

The Secretary-General facilitates the QCPR process by providing Member States with impartial, balanced and forward-looking analysis on the implementation of existing policies.  Advanced, unedited versions of the two Secretary-General reports for the 2012 QCPR were issued in beginning of June to inform the 2012 substantive session of the Economic and Social Council:

  1. Analytical report on the implementation of the 2007 triennial comprehensive policy review (TCPR)
  2. Analytical report on funding of operational activities for development of the United Nations system for 2010

The two SG reports synthesize a substantial amount of analytical/evaluative evidence to support the assessment of the current state of operational activities for development of the UN system.  These analytical preparations comprised nine background studies and reports, four global online surveys, seven programme country visits, a detailed analysis of the UN development system’s funding architecture and extensive consultations with key stakeholders, all initiated by DESA and its partners as part of the QCPR preparatory process.

The nine background studies for the QCPR provide in-depth analysis in areas such as the Resident Coordinator system, the UNDAF process, the harmonization of business practices, results-based strategic planning and management, gender equality and women’s empowerment, transition countries, as well as examining emerging policy issues likely to impact the work of the UN development system in the 2013-2016 QCPR cycle.  These studies are supported by four surveys of programme countries, UN Resident Coordinators and country teams, UN Operational Management Teams and civil society organizations working closely with UN entities at the country level.

The SG’s funding report, in addition to providing a detailed breakdown of funding contributions and expenditures of the UN development system, broadens the analysis with more disaggregated reporting on issues such as predictability of funding flows, breakdown of non-core contributions by funding streams and cost recovery of non-core resources to the UN development system.

Other key analytical inputs to the 2012 QCPR will be the report of the independent evaluation of ‘delivering-as-one’ and a report commissioned by the SG on a comprehensive review of the existing institutional framework for system-wide evaluation of UN operational activities for development.

Building on the deliberations of the Operational Activities Segment of ECOSOC in July 2012, the Secretary-General will submit two follow-up reports for the QCPR to the General Assembly in mid-August and mid-September respectively, with recommendations to strengthen the coherence, effectiveness and efficiency of UN operational activities for development. The SG reports and the substantive materials of the QCPR preparatory process will serve as key reference points to the General Assembly in adopting a QCPR resolution that will establish policy directives for the UN development system covering the 2013-2016 QCPR cycle.

Further reading

GA resolution 62/208: Triennial Comprehensive Policy Review
GA resolution 64/289: System-wide coherence
ECOSOC resolution 2011/7: progress in the implementation of TCPR
Highlight of the QCPR Report 2012

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A Resolution for a Quiet Revolution taking the United Nations Sustain…

22/2013Discussion Paper A Resolution for a Quiet Revolution Taking the United Nations to Sustainable Development ‘Beyond Aid’ Pio Wennubst Timo M…
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Background on Security Council Reform

Background on Security Council Reform | Conflict, Security, UNSC, Defence, UN Reforms | Scoop.it

Since the UN General Assembly began debating Security Council reform in 1993, several models have been put forward as viable options and several countries have put themselves forward as candidates for permanent membership. This page provides background information on Security Council Reform.

The Security Council is not representative of the geopolitical realities of the modern world. Both Africa and Latin America lack a permanent seat on the Council, while Europe is overrepresented and Asia is underrepresented. These problems are not easily addressed because the Permanent Five members (P5) of the Council do not want to see their power diminished. As a result, little progress has been made since 1993 in spite of the number of proposals that have been suggested. The central issues in Council reform are membership, transparency and working methods, and the veto.

The P5 generally opposes any expansion of membership of the Council that would diminish their power though they occasionally support some countries bids. As negotiations are currently stalled over membership expansion, P5 countries have supported bids for membership by some countries. Most recently, the US gave its support to India. France has backed Africa for a permanent seat.

The "G4" countries have put themselves forward as the most serious candidates for permanent membership in the Council. Brazil, Germany, India and Japan have positioned themselves as leaders within the UN, but have failed to garner enough support - or quell the opposition - to ascend as permanent members.

Other blocs of states have put forward reform proposals. During the 1990's, the Coffee Club opposed adding countries as permanent members, and instead proposed that members be elected on a regional basis to create more parity in representation. This effort was re-energized in the mid-2000's by Italy under the name Uniting for Consensus, and it has been actively working towards regionally based reform.

Another group, self-identified as the Small Five (S-5), has put forward a series of proposals for Council reform as well. The S-5 (Costa Rica, Jordan, Lichtenstein, Singapore and Switzerland) advocates for more transparency and coordination between the Security Council and the General Assembly and Economic and Social committees. The proposal also included some guidelines on the use of the veto.

As a separate bloc, the African Union has put forward a suggestion to expand the Council, giving Africa and Latin America permanent seats and increasing representation for all regional areas. The expansion of the council would also include giving the power of the veto to new permanent members.

In December 2004, Secretary-General Kofi Annan proposed changes to the Security Council as part of the High Level Panel's Report on Threats, Challenges and Change. In March 2005, Annan reiterated the two suggested plans, known as Model A and Model B. Despite his attempts to push forward reform, neither plan was accepted by all of the factions in play.

While the issue of membership seems to hold observers' attention in the media, the issues of transparency and working methods and veto power are just as important. Currently, only permanent members have veto power and they are unlikely to give up this right. Lack of transparency in the Council's working methods place emphasis on how the Council goes about making decisions and the lack of information that they are required to provide to other parts of the UN. Furthermore, the subsidiary bodies of the Council do not include UN members unless they are members of the Council at the time. As a result, many countries that have not served, or are not currently serving, on the Council are being left out of the decision-making process.


 

 

 

GPF PerspectiveGPF Comment on Security Council Reform
The debate on Security Council reform has been raging for over 15 years in the UN General Assembly. Recently, the discussions moved into a formal intergovernmental negotiation and the temperature has been rising. At odds are the "G-4" aspirants who hope to gain new permanent seats and the opposition grouping known as "Uniting for Consensus." This GPF page provides an analysis and posts a number of key documents from the latest round.
Towards a Democratic Reform of the UN Security Council (July 13, 2005)
James Paul and Céline Nahory argue that adding more permanent members to the Security Council would enlarge a discredited oligarchy rather than build for a democratic future. They also oppose the addition of elected members, arguing that an expanded Council would be too large to function effectively and not substantially more representative. Instead, they propose a process of stronger regional representation as a future-oriented approach that can develop in stages and without the headache of Charter change. (Global Policy Forum)
GPF Paper by James Paul on Security Council Reform (February 1995)

 

Additional BackgroundUN Security Council Reform Current Developments (Summer 2009)
This report provides a current background of positions on Security Council Reform. It covers the major hurdles that have yet to be overcome as well as the positions of the main blocs working on the issue. (Istituto Affari Internazionali)
Small Five Elements for Reflection (April 2009)
This document compiled by the S5 explains the working methods reforms they support to create more transparency and efficiency in the Council. (Permanent Mission of Switzerland to the UN)

Razali Reform Paper

 

Models and ProposalsUniting for Consensus Proposal on Security Council Reform (April 2009)
This is the updated Uniting for Consensus (UfC) proposal that is an extension of the 2005 UfC tabled draft resolution. (Permanent Mission of Italy to the United Nations)
Small-5 Group on Reform of Working Methods of Security Council (April 7, 2009)
Ambassador Peter Maurer of Switzerland presented this brief statement on behalf of the Small-5 Group (Liechtenstein, Singapore, Switzerland, Jordan and Costa Rica). He emphasized that reform of the Council should be extended beyond membership change to include reform of the Council's working methods. The S-5 wants change in the way the Council meets, the way it conducts its business, the way it interacts with the General Assembly and the means by which it is transparent and responsive to the international community. The S-5, which has been working for several years, has submitted a formal proposal and requests Council action on it.(Permanent Mission of Switzerland to the UN)
Competing Model: A Security Council with 20 Members (February 1, 2006)
A non-profit policy research organization called Center for UN Reform Education has put forward an alternative model to the many proposals introduced in the past on Security Council expansion. The plan, called Model X, enlarges the Council to 20 members by adding five four-year renewable term seats - as opposed to the 9 or 11 new members previously proposed. Also, Model X groups the member states in a way that Africa, Asia, Europe, Americas and the Pacific would each have five seats, thereby ensuring more balanced representation from each continental region. So far, the Council's great powers have stalled any attempts towards Security Council reform.
Tabled Uniting for Consensus Draft Resolution on Security Council Reform (July 21, 2005)
In response to draft resolutions tabled by the G-4 and the African Union, Uniting for Consensus has tabled its alternative proposal. The draft resolution proposes adding 10 non-permanent members immediately eligible for re-election to the Security Council, leaving formalities of re-election and rotation to regional groups.
Tabled African Union Draft Resolution on Security Council Reform (July 14, 2005)
Also responding to the G-4 resolution, the African Union has tabled its proposal calling for 11 additional members on the Security Council, with Africa gaining two permanent seats and five non-permanent seats. The AU also recommends that new permanent members gain all existing privileges - including veto power.
Tabled G-4 Draft Resolution on Security Council Reform (July 6, 2005)
Brazil, Germany, India and Japan have tabled their draft "framework" resolution calling for Security Council enlargement to 25 members, including six additional permanent seats. In a desperate attempt to secure permanent membership, the Group of Four (G-4) had accepted to forego their right of veto for at least 15 years. The less contentious proposals on the Council's working methods have more of a chance to succeed than membership expansion plans. Also see previous versions of June 8 and May 13.
Italy's Regional Model (April 2005)
Opposing new permanent members - and Germany in particular - Italy proposes to add 10 permanent regional seats that each group would manage independently with its own principles and mechanisms to ensure regional representation rather than a national occupation of their seats.
United for Consensus' Green Model (April 2005)
In the Green Model, United for Consensus proposes to expand the Security Council with an additional 10 elected seats. All 20 elected members would serve in the Council for two year terms and be eligible for re-election.
United for Consensus' Blue Model (April 2005)
The Blue Model foresees longer-term seats while at the same time adding regular two-year elected seats to the current ones. Longer-term seats would be elected for three or four years and might run for re-election.
Excerpt of Kofi Annan's Report on UN Reform: In Larger Freedom (March 21, 2005)
In his report on UN reform, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan only touches very briefly upon Security Council reform, and does not recommend specific action on this vital aspect of UN reform. Annan urges member states to consider both models A and B, as outlined by the High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, and calls on states to reach a decision on Security Council enlargement before the summit in September 2005. (United Nations)

 

OtherReports of the General Assembly Open-Ended Working Group
Provides all of the annual reports here for the Open-Ended Working Group Working on Security Council Reform in the General Assembly.

 

Security Council Reform - An Overview of Member States' Positions (December 8, 2008)
This chart by the Center for UN Reform Education outlines the positions of various UN member states on issues relating to Council reform, including regional seats, veto reform, and preferences for timing of intergovernmental negotiations.


 
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United Nations Development Group

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United Nations Development Group
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
United Nations Development GroupAbbreviationUNDGFormation1997TypeGroupLegal statusActive
Head
Helen Clark
Parent organization
ECOSOCWebsitewww.undg.org

The United Nations Development Group (UNDG) is a consortium from the result of UN reform, created by the Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1997, to improve the effectiveness of UN development activities at the country level.

Its strategic priorities are to respond to the Triennial comprehensive policy review (TCPR) - which became in 2008 the Quadrennial comprehensive policy review (QCPR) - and global development priorities, as well as to ensure the UN development system becomes more internally focused and coherent. The UNDG strategic priorities give direction to UNDG members efforts at the global, regional and country level to facilitate a step change in the quality and impact of UN support at the country level.[1] The QCPR of the operational system of the United Nations is a process and a United Nations General Assembly resolution by which the members of the United Nations General Assembly review the coherence effectiveness and funding of UN development programmes, funds, and specialised agencies of the UN operational system for development.

UNDG brings together 32 UN agencies and groups, plus five observers working on various and/or similar development issues from the UNDP to the ILO.[2]

Currently, the UNDG is one of the main UN actors involved in the development of the Post-2015 Development Agenda.[citation needed]

Contents
History

By 1997, there were calls within the United Nations to draw all UN agencies working on development issues together; for the many UN Development Programmes, Funds, and Specialised Agencies were encroaching upon each other's activities. An initial proposal was to merge the UNICEF, the World Food Programme and the UNFPA into the UNDP. Finally, then Secretary General Kofi Annan worked to form the UNDG and won praise from then UNDP Administrator James Speth.

Members of the UNDG[2]Observers[2]

.United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNISDR)

Leadership and organizationLeadership

The United Nations Economic and Social Council and the United Nations General Assembly provide oversight and mandates for the UNDG.[3][4] The UNDG is overseen by the Economic and Financial Committee (Second Committee) of the General Assembly. The UNDG has provided reports such as the Comprehensive statistical analysis of the financing of operational activities for development of the UN system for 2006 and the Comprehensive statistical analysis of the financing of operational activities for development of the UN system for 2007 to the General Assembly.[5]

The UNDG's chairperson is the UNDP's Administrator. Since its inception, the following have been the Chair of the UNDG:[6]

Executive Committee

The Executive Committee comprises the four founding agencies—the UNDP, the UNFPA, the UNICEF and the WFP (The High Commissioner for Human Rights is an Ex-Officio member of the Committee).[7]

UNDG Advisory Group

Under Kemal Derviş' leadership, an "Advisory Group", which provides the UNDG Chair with advice and guidance on managing the operational dimensions of the UNDG and the Resident Coordinator System, was established.[3][8] In 2009, the non-rotational members of the advisory group were: the FAO, ILO, UNDP, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNICEF, UNHCR, WFP, WHO and UNIDO. The rotational members (for a period of one year, as of 1 August 2009) were: the UNAIDS, DESA and the Economic Commission for Europe (representing all five Regional Commissions).[9]

OrganizationDevelopment Coordination Office

The UN Development Operations Coordination Office (DOCO) is a key component within the UNDG, promoting social and economic progress by providing support. It was key part of UNDG's formation in 1997, uniting the UN system and improve the quality of its development assistance. Coordination leads to more strategic UN support for national plans and priorities, makes operations more efficient, reduces transaction costs for governments, and ultimately helps people attain the Millennium Development Goals and other internationally agreed development objectives.[10]

For more about DOCO's work, see its official page.

See also
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Delivering as One

Delivering as One

Delivering as One is the name of a report and an initiative. The report was issued by a United Nations panel established by the then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, in 2005. The report explored how the United Nations system could work more coherently and effectively across the world in the areas of development, humanitarian assistance and the environment.

Delivering as One
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Delivering as One is the name of a report and an initiative. The report was issued by a United Nations panel established by the then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, in 2005. The report explored how the United Nations system could work more coherently and effectively across the world in the areas of development, humanitarian assistance and the environment. The panel issued its report in November 2006, and sets out a program of reform of the international humanitarian system. It focues on four main principiles: One Leader, One Budget, One Programme and One Office.[1]

As a result, countries — both Government and UN partners — have undertaken efforts to work together more effectively and efficiently. The United Nations launched the “Delivering as One” pilot initiative in 2007 to respond to the challenges of a changing world and test how the UN family can provide development assistance in a more coordinated way in eight countries. When the Secretary-General launched Delivering as One, the governments of eight countries—Albania, Cape Verde, Mozambique, Pakistan, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uruguay, and Viet Nam—volunteered to become “Delivering as One” pilots. The pilot countries agreed to work with the UN system to capitalize on the strengths and comparative advantages of the different members of the UN family. Together they are experimenting with ways to increase the UN system’s impact through more coherent programmes, reduced transaction costs for governments, and lower overhead costs for the UN system. The Four principles The eight pilots are making reforms based on four principles: One Leader One Budget One Programme One Office These changes respond to varied needs while drawing on all parts of the UN system, whether based in the country or not. The exercise has already helped to align our programmes and funding more closely to national priorities. It has strengthened government leadership and ownership. It is ensuring that governments have access to the experience and expertise of a wider range of United Nations organizations to respond to their national priorities. Several issues we work on have seen increased emphasis, most notably being support to the productive sector, employment, trade, protection of the environment, adaptation to climate change, the global food crisis, and the financial crisis. This improvement has emerged from a process where UN agencies that aren’t physically present in the pilot countries have been able to spend more time advising their governments without having to set up costly offices.[2]

This effort is mostly led by the group the United Nations Development Group, a group of 32 United Nations specialised agencies working on International Development issues.[3]

See also
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Center for War/Peace Studies

Center for War/Peace Studies | Conflict, Security, UNSC, Defence, UN Reforms | Scoop.it
Welcome to the Center for War/Peace Studies

We are in the process of rebuilding and revitalizing our digital home to help us more effectively pursue our policy goals and to bring our message to a wider audience. Please join us as we develop and grow.

Our mission is to establish a federation of nations, with channels for making decisions together that are well enough developed that countries will be able to implement jointly measures sufficient for maintaining the peace, protecting human rights, sustaining the environment, and promoting prosperity.

CWPS envisions a federation of nations supported by people across the world so that there can be a global constituency for effective world governance.
About Us

The Center for War/Peace Studies (CWPS) is devoted to the establishment of global cooperation for the elimination of war and needless human suffering.

CWPS originated with the vision of making the United Nations more democratic and more effective as an agency for world governance. While recognizing that some matters must be managed by nation states, CWPS believes in international management of challenges requiring global solutions such as conflicts between nations, sustainable development, and nuclear disarmament.

CWPS envisions a federation of nations supported by people across the world so that there can be a global constituency for effective world governance.

As the states formed the federation of the United States to address multi-state issues, nation states must establish a strong federation of nations to confront international problems. The capacity of people and cultures to evolve as their environment changes will be the basis for this progress. The deterioration in world security, climate, and economy over the past decades make the mission of CWPS essential to the survival of humankind and the instruments to achieve this mission are study, analysis, and dialogue. We appeal for your commitment to this vision so that the world can overcome 21st Century crises.

CWPS has, over the past 40 years, advocated reforms to create a more effective United Nations organization. CWPS Ambassador at Large Myron Kronisch, together with other members of the Board of Directors, have met, since 2006 in New York City at fifty-five U.N. Missions to promote weighted voting in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The General Assembly would serve as a global legislature where action would be taken with weighted voting. The Security Council would be reformed to include twelve seats: eight multi-state regions and four single state regions. Every one of the 193 member states would have direct or indirect representation on the Security Council with gradual elimination of the veto over a period of five years. CWPS will continue to meet with diplomats in New York and at their Foreign Ministries to discuss this proposal: a U.N. federation of all 193 nations. This ongoing CWPS campaign to advance reforms in the United Nations is designed to create support among member states for constructive change.

CWPS Human Rights Initiative

CWPS believes that the protection of human rights is essential to the achievement of international peace as well as peace within nation states. People are entitled to equal protection of the law regardless of their identity and CWPS strongly supports the defense of human rights. The human rights of women are violated throughout the world and CWPS advocates for the United States and other nations to approve treaties aimed at eradicating these violations. The United Nations must pressure societies that deny women education, protection from domestic violence and rape, equal opportunities for employment, and the right to vote to change their laws. CWPS will collaborate with other supporters of human rights to work toward progress in defending human rights including the human rights of women. This advocacy will include support for the United States to ratify The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. This initiative acknowledges the centrality of women in families across the globe where the welfare of female adults determines the fate of the whole family. The inability of women to earn a living wage can prevent children from having an education, health care, and the opportunity to realize their dreams. The inability of women to be safe from domestic violence and rape can mean the destruction of the family unit. The inability of women to vote can mean that the interests of women and families are ignored by policy makers.

The oppression of any human being threatens the human rights of everyone because it represents the erosion of respect for human rights. When the human rights of women are violated, there is also the threat that everyone’s rights can also be violated because of the breach of the covenant to respect human rights. The achievement of universal social justice, including social justice for women, is indispensable to progress in advancing civilization.

College and University Outreach

CWPS is initiating a program of public forums on world governance at institutions of higher education in the New York Metropolitan area coupled with organizing college students to support global initiatives for peace and the enforcement of international law. This Mobilization for Peace is predicated upon the concerns and commitment of college students and faculty who are prepared to seriously address global issues for the advancement of humankind. The effectuation of nuclear disarmament, peaceful conflict resolution between nations, and sustainable development are examples of the issues that require attention. CWPS rejects the delegation of important global issues exclusively to the governments of nations when we are all stakeholders who should have a voice in decision making. CWPS envisions activism on the part of all residents of Earth on global issues that affect our lives. Our goal is to reignite the idealism and commitment that existed in millions of people around the world who supported world federalism in the decade after World War II.

Book Publication

Another major CWPS project is a book being written by Tad Daley, Ph.D, on the abolition of war through the establishment of a world republic. Dr. Daley was the author of Apocalypse Never: Forging the Path to a Nuclear Free World which was published by Rutgers University Press in 2010. This first book by Dr. Daley was very positively reviewed by former White House Chief of Staff John Podesta, Emmy Award winner Martin Sheen, retired U.S. Army Lt. General Robert Gard, Academy Award winner Michael Douglas, Pentagon Papers protagonist Daniel Ellsberg, and Pulitzer Prize winner Martin Sherwin. Dr. Daley has stated that, “It is my ambition today to write a popular book, aimed at engaging a broad general audience, about the history and future of an ancient idea that someday the human race might establish what the late University of Chicago president Robert Maynard Hutchins called ‘A Federal Republic of the World’ – in order to bring about the abolition of war, the elimination of national military forces, and global solutions to a large universe of global challenges that will be designed not to benefit individual interests, but instead the common human interest and the global public good.”

Center for War/Peace Studies
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Amendments to the United Nations Charter

Amendments to the United Nations Charter

Amendments to the United Nations Charter can be made by a procedure set out in Chapter XVIII of the UN Charter. The UN Charter has been amended five times since 1945.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Amendments to the United Nations Charter can be made by a procedure set out in Chapter XVIII of the UN Charter. The UN Charter has been amended five times since 1945.[1]

Contents
Amendment process

Article 108 provides:

Amendments to the present Charter shall come into force for all Members of the United Nations when they have been adopted by a vote of two thirds of the members of the General Assembly and ratified in accordance with their respective constitutional processes by two thirds of the Members of the United Nations, including all the permanent members of the Security Council.

Because Charter amendments require the consent of all five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council—defined in Article 23 of the Charter as "The Republic of China, France, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the United States"—it is impossible for other UN member states to force the permanent five to give up their Security Council 'veto power', by means of a Charter amendment. Many reformers have described this situation as a Catch-22. According to Global Policy Forum, "the P-5 are content with the present arrangements and oppose any changes that might dilute or challenge their power or expand their 'club.' China has already announced it will block permanent membership for Japan, and the United States has suggested that it will only support Council reform that commands an implausibly 'broad consensus'".[2]

Article 109 provides for the convening of a "General Conference of the Members of the United Nations" to consider amendments. In 1955, the UN General Assembly established a committee to meet and report on this possibility annually. The committee did so until 1967.[3] The requirement that a "proposal to call such a conference shall be placed on the agenda" of the 1955 General Assembly reflects the intent of the UN Charter's framers that the original charter would only be a provisional document, until the establishment of a more perfect union within a decade or two. Many organizations have launched lobbying efforts and petition drives in an attempt to invoke the provisions of Article 109.[4]

According to the Commission on Global Governance's 1995 report Our Global Neighborhood, "Article 109 of the UN Charter envisaged Charter revision. A mandatory revision was one idea canvassed at San Francisco, in the context of the objections to the provision for a veto by countries that were not great powers".[5]

Amendments

The changes to the UN Charter, made by means of five amendments, were:[6]

  • 31 August 1965: Expansion of the UN Security Council from 11 to 15 members, with the supermajority required for action being increased from 7 to 9 votes.[7]
  • 31 August 1965: Expansion of UN Economic and Social Council from 18 to 27 members.[8]
  • 12 June 1968: Article 109 was amended.
  • 24 September 1973: Expansion of the UN Economic and Social Council from 27 to 54 members by an amendment to Article 61 of the Charter, which was adopted by the General Assembly in 1971 and became operative on 24 September 1973.

These amendments were adjustments to take into account increases in the UN membership, which has almost quadrupled since 1945.

Structural changes adopted without amendment

Major changes to the Charter-defined structure of the UN have also been made without formal amendment of the text:

  • The requirement in Article 27 that "Decisions of the Security Council on all other matters [not procedural] shall be made by an affirmative vote of nine members including the concurring votes of the permanent members..." has been reinterpreted in practice to include abstentions within the definition of 'concurring votes'.
  • The Soviet Union's permanent seat in the UN Security Council was assumed by Russia. See Russia's membership in the United Nations.
  • The Taipei-based Republic of China's permanent seat in the Security Council was assumed by the Beijing-based People's Republic of China when the General Assembly adopted Resolution 2758. See China and the United Nations
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Reform of the United Nations Security Council

Reform of the United Nations Security Council

This article Please help to improve the section, or discuss the issue on the is incomplete. talk page. (September 2012) Reform of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) encompasses five key issues: categories of membership, the question of the veto held by the five permanent members, regional representation, the size of an enlarged Council and its working methods, and the Security Council-General Assembly relationship.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaThis article is incomplete. Please help to improve the section, or discuss the issue on the talk page. (September 2012)The United Nations Security Council.

Reform of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) encompasses five key issues: categories of membership, the question of the veto held by the five permanent members, regional representation, the size of an enlarged Council and its working methods, and the Security Council-General Assembly relationship. Member States, regional groups and other Member State interest groupings developed different positions and proposals on how to move forward on this contested issue.[1]

The reform of the Security Council requires the agreement of at least two-thirds of UN member states, and that of all the permanent members of the UNSC enjoying the veto right.[2]

Contents1 History2 General Assembly Task Force3 Increasing membership3.1 2005 Annan plan3.2 Uniting for Consensus4 New permanent member proposals4.1 Brazil4.2 Germany4.3 India4.4 Japan4.5 Membership of a Muslim-majority nation4.6 Africa5 Veto reform6 Overall positions on reforming the Security Council6.1 United States6.2 United Kingdom and France6.3 Russia6.4 India6.5 Brazil6.6 South Africa6.7 Portugal7 References8 Further reading9 External linksHistory

Even though the geopolitical realities have changed drastically since 1945, when the set-up of the current Council was decided, the Security Council has changed very little during this long period. The winners of Second World War shaped the Charter of the United Nations in their national interests, dividing the veto-power pertinent to the permanent seats amongst themselves.[3] With the enlargement of the United Nations membership and increasing self-confidence among the new members, going hand in hand with processes of decolonization, old structures and procedures were increasingly challenged. The imbalance between the number of seats in the Security Council and the total number of member States became evident and the only significant reform of the Security Council came to pass in 1965 after the ratification of two-thirds of the membership, including the five permanent members of the Security Council (that have a veto right on Charter changes).[4] The reform included an increase of the non-permanent membership from six to 10 members.[5] With Boutros Boutros-Ghali elected as Secretary-General in 1992, the reform discussions of the UN Security Council were launched again as he started his new term with the first-ever summit of the Security Council and thereafter published "An Agenda for Peace". His motivation was to restructure the composition and anachronistic procedures of the UN organ recognizing the changed world.[5]

By 1992, Japan and Germany had become the second and third largest financial contributors to the United Nations and started to demand a permanent seat. Also Brazil (fifth largest country in terms of territory) and India (second largest country in terms of population) as the most powerful countries within their regional groups and key players within their regions saw themselves with a permanent seat. This group of four countries formed an interest group later known as the G4.

On the other hand their regional rivals were opposed to the G4 becoming permanent members with a veto power. They favored the expansion of the non-permanent category of seats with members to be elected on a regional basis. Italy, Pakistan, Mexico and Egypt started to form an interest group, known as the "Coffee Club" and later "Uniting for Consensus".

Simultaneously, the African Group started to demand two permanent seats for themselves, on the basis of historical injustices and the fact that a large part of the Council’s agenda is concentrated on the continent. Those two seats would be permanent African seats, that rotate between African countries chosen by the African group.[6]

The existing permanent members, each holding the right of veto on Security Council reform, announced their positions reluctantly. The United States supported the permanent membership of Japan and India and a small number of additional non-permanent members. The United Kingdom and France essentially supported the G4 position, with the expansion of permanent and non-permanent members and the accession of Germany, Brazil, India and Japan to permanent member status, as well as an increase the presence by African countries on the Council. China supported the stronger representation of developing countries, voicing support for the Republic of India.[7] Russia, India's long time friend and ally has also endorsed the fast-growing power's candidature to assume a seat of a permanent member on the Security Council.[8]

General Assembly Task Force

The General Assembly Task Force on Security Council Reform[9] has delivered a Report (on the question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council) recommending a compromise solution for entering intergovernmental negotiations on reform.[10]

The report builds on existing transitional/intermediary approaches to suggest a "timeline perspective". The "timeline perspective" suggests that Member States begin by identifying the negotiables to be included in short-term intergovernmental negotiations. Crucial to the "timeline perspective" is the scheduling of a mandatory review conference—a forum for discussing changes to any reforms achieved in the near-term, and for revisiting negotiables that cannot be agreed upon now.[11]

Increasing membership2005 Annan plan

On 21 March 2005, the then UN Secretary General Kofi Annan called on the UN to reach a consensus on expanding the council to 24 members, in a plan referred to as "In Larger Freedom". He gave two alternatives for implementation, but did not specify which proposal he preferred.[12]

The two options mentioned by Annan are referred to as Plan A and Plan B:

Plan A calls for creating six new permanent members, plus three new nonpermanent members for a total of 24[13] seats in the council.Plan B calls for creating eight new seats in a new class of members, who would serve for four years, subject to renewal, plus one nonpermanent seat, also for a total of 24.

In any case, Annan favored making the decision quickly, stating, "This important issue has been discussed for too long. I believe member states should agree to take a decision on it—preferably by consensus, but in any case before the summit—making use of one or other of the options presented in the report of the High-Level Panel".[14]

The summit mentioned by Annan is the September 2005 Millennium+5 Summit, a high level plenary meeting that reviewed Annan's report, the implementation of the 2000 Millennium Declaration, and other UN reform-related issues.[15]

Uniting for ConsensusMain article: Uniting for Consensus

On 26 July 2005, five UN member countries, Italy, Argentina, Canada, Colombia and Pakistan, representing a larger group of countries called Uniting for Consensus, proposed to the General Assembly another project[16] that maintains five permanent members and raises the number of non-permanent members to 20. On 11 April 2005 China "embraced"[clarification needed] this initiative.[17]

On May 2011, 120 UN members states participated in a Uniting for Consensus meeting in Rome.[18][19]

New permanent member proposals“The U.N. Security Council reform, being debated since two decades is too long overdue and the necessary expansion must be made considering how much the world has changed.”

—Ban Ki-Moon[20]

The G4 nations: Brazil, Germany, India, and Japan. The G4 support one anothers' bids for permanent membership, though they are strongly opposed by certain regional rivals.[21]

One proposed change is to admit more permanent members. The candidates usually mentioned are Brazil, Germany, India, and Japan. They comprise the group of G4 nations, mutually supporting one another's bids for permanent seats. The United Kingdom, France and Russia support G4 membership in the U.N. Security Council.[22] This sort of reform has traditionally been opposed by the Uniting for Consensus group, which is composed primarily of nations who are regional rivals and economic competitors of the G4. The group is led by Italy and Spain (opposing Germany), Mexico, Colombia, and Argentina (opposing Brazil), Pakistan (opposing India), and South Korea (opposing Japan), in addition to Turkey, Indonesia and others. Since 1992, Italy and other members of the group have instead proposed semi-permanent seats or the expansion of the number of temporary seats.[23]

Most of the leading candidates for permanent membership are regularly elected onto the Security Council by their respective groups: Japan and Brazil were elected for nine two-year terms each, and Germany for three terms. India has been elected to the council seven times in total, with the most recent successful bid being in 2010 after a gap of almost twenty years since 1991–92.

As of 2013, the current "P5" members of the Security Council, along with the G4, account for eight of the world's ten largest defense budgets, according to SIPRI. They also account for 9 of the 10 largest economies by both nominal GDP and Purchasing Power Parity GDP.

BrazilBrazil's first indigenously built oil platform, operated by petroleum giant Petrobras, one of the world's largest corporations by revenue and market cap.Main article: Brazil and the United Nations

 Brazil is the largest country in Latin America in terms of population, GDP and land area. It has the fifth largest population, seventh largest GDP, eleventh largest defence budget, and has the fifth largest land area. It is one of only five countries that ranks among the top ten globally in terms of physical size, population, and GDP – the others being the United States, Russia, the People's Republic of China, and India all permanent members of the UNSC except for India, which is in G4. Furthermore, with Africa and Oceania, South America is one of three inhabited continents without permanent representation on the Security Council.

Brazil has been elected ten times to the Security Council. It has contributed troops to UN peacekeeping efforts in the Middle East, the former Belgian Congo, Cyprus, Mozambique, Angola, and more recently East Timor and Haiti.[24] Brazil is one of the main contributors to the UN regular budget.[25] Prior to the UN's founding in 1946, Franklin D. Roosevelt lobbied for Brazil to be included on the Security Council, but the UK and the Soviet Union refused.[26]

The United States sent strong indications to Brazil that it was willing to support its membership; albeit, without a veto.[27] In June 2011, the Council on Foreign Relations recommended that the US government fully endorse the inclusion of Brazil as a permanent member of the Security Council.[28] Brazil has received backing from other permanent members: Russia,[29] the United Kingdom[30] and France,[31] and from the Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP),[32] Chile,[33] Indonesia, Finland,[34] Slovenia,[35] Australia,[36] South Africa,[37] Guatemala,[38] Vietnam[39] and the Philippines,[40] as well as from the other G4 nations, who mutually support each other.[41]

Quick Comparison of G4 and P5 MembersPopulationGDP1UN funding2Defense
budget1Active
militaryNuclear
arsenal BrazilG4203,750,000 (5th)$2,243 (7th)2.934% (10th)$34.7 (10th)318,480 (14th) NO GermanyG480,783,000 (16th)$3,730 (4th)7.141% (3rd)$44.2 (8th)182,620 (28th) NO3 IndiaG41,265,570,000 (2nd)$1,937 (10th)0.666% (27th)$36.3 (9th)1,325,000 (3rd) YES JapanG4127,070,000 (10th)$4,898 (3rd)10.833% (2nd)$51.0 (7th)247,764 (21st) NO ChinaP51,367,730,000 (1st)$9,181 (2nd)5.148% (6th)$122.2 (2nd)2,285,000 (1st) YES FranceP566,100,000 (20th)$2,806 (5th)5.593% (4th)$52.4 (6th)215,019 (24th) YES RussiaP5146,300,000 (9th)$2,096 (9th)2.438% (11th)$68.2 (3rd)766,000 (5th) YES UKP564,105,654 (22nd)$2,678 (6th)5.179% (5th)$57.0 (5th)191,410 (27th) YES USP5320,213,000 (3rd)$16,768 (1st)22.00% (1st)$600.4 (1st)1,369,532 (2nd) YES1US$ billions 2Percent contributed to total UN budget 3Takes part in NATO nuclear weapons sharing agreement

The greatest impediments to its candidacy are the regional oppositions of both Mexico and Argentina, two important countries in Latin America.[42]

GermanyMain article: Germany and the United Nations

 Germany is the third largest contributor to the U.N. regular budgets next to Japan, and as such, argues for a permanent Security Council seat. Germany has been elected to the Security Council as a non-permanent member three times as a unified state, as well as three times when it was divided (twice for the West, once for the East).

The Frankfurt Stock Exchange, operated by Deutsche Börse, is among the world's largest exchanges.

France has explicitly called for a permanent seat in the UN for its close EU partner: "Germany's engagement, its ranking as a great power, its international influence—France would like to see them recognised with a permanent seat on the Security Council", French president Jacques Chirac said in a speech in Berlin in 2000.[43] The former German Chancellor, Gerhard Schröder, also identified Russia, among other countries, as a country that backed Germany's bid.[22] Former President Fidel V. Ramos of the Philippines also expressed his country's support for Germany's bid, together with Japan's.[44] Italy and Netherlands on the contrary, suggest a common European Union (E.U.) seat in the Council instead of Germany becoming the third European member next to France and the UK. The former German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer said that Germany would also accept a common European seat, but as long as there is little sign that France and the UK will give up their own seats, Germany should also have a seat.[22]

The German campaign for a permanent seat was intensified in 2004. Schröder made himself perfectly clear in August 2004: "Germany has the right to a seat."[45] Its bid is supported by Japan, India, Brazil, France, the United Kingdom and Russia, among other countries. Current German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who had initially been quiet on the issue, re-stated Germany's bid in her address to the UN General Assembly in September 2007. In July 2011, Merkel's trip to Kenya, Angola, and Nigeria was thought to be motivated, in part, by the goal of seeking support from African countries for Germany's bid for a permanent seat on the Security Council.[46]

IndiaMain article: India and the United Nations

 India which joined the U.N. in 1945 is the second largest and one of the largest constant contributors of troops to United Nations Peacekeeping missions.[47] Foreign Policy magazine states that, "India's international identity has long been shaped by its role in U.N. peacekeeping, with more than 100,000 Indian troops having served in U.N. missions during the past 50 years. Today, India has over 8,500 peacekeepers in the field, more than twice as many as the U.N.'s five big powers combined."[48] In supporting India's bid for a permanent seat on an enlarged Security Council last November, US President Barack Obama cited "India's long history as a leading contributor to United Nations peacekeeping mission".[48] India has been elected seven times to the UN Security Council. Most recently India was elected to serve in UNSC from 2011 to 2012 as it had received 188 of the 190 total votes.[49][50]

The country currently has the world's second largest population and is the world's largest liberal democracy. It is also the world's tenth largest economy by nominal GDP and third largest by purchasing power parity. Currently, India maintains the world's third largest active armed force and is a nuclear weapon state. India and Japan are only two states among G4 that have an independent capability to place satellites in orbit, including production of the necessary launch vehicle.[51] The International Herald Tribune has stated: "Clearly, a seat for India would make the body more representative and democratic. With India as a member, the Council would be a more legitimate and thus a more effective body..." Thomas Friedman of the New York Times, said: "Sometimes I wish that the five permanent members of the UN Security Council could be chosen ... with a vote by the fans ... Then the perm-five would be Russia, China, India, Britain and the United States. That’s more like it. India is the world’s biggest democracy, the world's largest Hindu nation and the world's second-largest Muslim nation."[52]

India's bid for permanent member of UNSC is backed by permanent members namely France,[53] Russia,[54] the United Kingdom[55] and United States,[56] although the United States initially opposed India's candidacy on grounds of nuclear proliferation, as India has acquired nuclear weapons and not signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.[57] On 15 April 2011, China officially expressed its support for an increased Indian role at the United Nations, without explicitly endorsing India's Security Council ambitions.[58][59] However, recently China has expressed its support for Indian candidacy as a permanent member of the Security Council if India revoked its support for Japanese candidacy,[60] thus making India the only candidate that has received support from all permanent members and most other nations as well. Countries that explicitly and openly support India for UNSC permanent seat are – Armenia,[61] Australia,[62] Bahamas,[63] Bangladesh,[64] Belarus,[65] Belgium,[66] Belize,[67] Benin,[68] Bolivia,[69] Brunei,[70] Bulgaria,[citation needed] Cambodia,[71]Chile,[72] Croatia,[73] Cuba,[74] Cyprus,[75] Czech Republic,[76] Denmark,[77] Dominican Republic,[78] Ethiopia,[79] Finland,[80] Ghana,[81] Guyana,[82] Hungary,[83] Iceland,[84] Israel,[85] Jamaica,[86] Laos,[87] Lesotho[88] Liberia,[89]Libya (under the Gaddafi government),[81] Kazakhstan,[90] Kyrgyzstan,[91] Malawi,[92] Malaysia,[93] Maldives,[94] Micronesia,[95] Mongolia,[96] Morocco,[81] Myanmar,[97] Nigeria,[98] Norway,[99] Oman,[citation needed] Palau,[95] Peru,[100] Poland,[101] Portugal,[102] Romania,[citation needed] Rwanda,[103] Qatar,[104] Senegal,[105] Singapore,[106]Slovakia,[107] Suriname,[108] Swaziland,[109] Syria,[110][broken citation] Tajikistan,[111] Tanzania,[112] Trinidad and Tobago,[113] Tuvalu,[114] Ukraine,[115] the United Arab Emirates,[116] Uzbekistan,[117] Vietnam,[118] and Zambia.[119]

The African Union also supports India's candidacy for permanent member of UNSC.[120]

India is the only country with support vote of every member of United Nations except Pakistan which officially opposes this move.

Pakistan is the only nation which specifically opposes India's candidacy.[121]

JapanMain article: Japan and the United Nations

 Japan, which joined the UN in 1956, is the second largest contributor to the UN's regular budget.[122] Its payments had surpassed the sum of those of the United Kingdom, France, China and Russia combined for nearly two decades before 2010. Japan has been one of the largest Official Development Assistance donor countries. Thus, Japan, along with India, are considered the most likely candidates for two of the new permanent seats. China has stated that it was ready to support India's move for a permanent seat on the UNSC if India did not associate its bid with Japan.[123] This may be contrary to the Indian stand since Japan and India are both members of the G4 and support each other's candidature. Japan has been elected to the Security Council for ten terms as a non-permanent member.

Tokyo is the world's largest city and its most productive, accounting for roughly a fifth of Japan's output.

While U.S. Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, speaking at Sophia University in Tokyo, said, "Japan has earned its honorable place among the nations of the world by its own effort and its own character. That's why the United States unambiguously supports a permanent seat for Japan on the United Nations Security Council."[124] Her predecessor, Colin Powell, had objected to Japanese permanent membership because Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan forbids the country from going to war unless in self-defense.[125]

This section's representation of one or more viewpoints about a controversial issue may be unbalanced or inaccurate.
Please improve the article or discuss the issue on the talk page. (October 2013)

Some other Asian nations have expressed support for Japan's application, including Mongolia, Thailand, Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Bangladesh, the Philippines,[126] and Vietnam[22]—all major recipients of loan and/or foreign investment from Japan. The other G4 countries, Germany, Brazil, and India, who are also bidding for Security Council seats, along with France and the United Kingdom, also back Japan's bid.[22] Australia, the Cook Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji, Kiribati, the Marshall Islands, Nauru, New Zealand, Niue, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, the Solomon Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu support Japan since Japan agreed to increase financial aid to the region, even though some of these countries are very concerned with Japanese whaling in the region.[127]

For instance, Katsuyuki Kawai, then secretary for foreign affairs, member of the Japanese parliament, and special envoy to Nepal, was sent to Kathmandu to lobby for the Nepalese government's support for Japanese membership in the UNSC. Kawai met with King Gyanendra and told the press, "If Japan loses its bid this time, Japanese people will think the support Japan has been providing to the world for the last 60 years has been futile." Japan donates significantly to Nepal.[128]

Membership of a Muslim-majority nation

Since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the partitions of the Middle East by the victors of the First World War, the predominantly Muslim Middle East has been an area of persistent international conflict, and the periodic flare-ups in the region have been the subject of many UN Security Council debates and resolutions. Therefore, the prospect of introducing a permanent Islamic member to the security council is highly sensitive, especially if such a member were to be granted the power of veto. Outside the Muslim world, commentators have raised concerns that a veto-wielding Islamic member could use it to restrict the UN's ability to act forcefully in the Middle East or on the boundaries of the Islamic world, rendering the UN impotent in those regions.

At the same time, the draft G4 reform proposals may leave over 1.7 billion Muslims worldwide (which is not limited only in the Middle East, and includes areas from West Africa to Southeast Asia) without any permanent representation on the UN security council. This is a highly controversial issue within the Islamic world and might adversely impact the UN's credibility in portions of the Middle East and in the Islamic world. In June 2005, the foreign ministers of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) called for a permanent Muslim seat on the UN Security Council.[129]

Recent resistance to the reform draft proposals emanating from the G4 states can be attributed in part to this highly sensitive issue. The US and several Western states[which?] have objected to any proposal that gives new members any veto powers,[22] and, within the African Union, Egypt has led resistance to a proposal by Nigeria to adopt a version of the G4 proposals that removes the right of veto for new members,[22] and may enable the creation of a reformed council that does not have any permanent members with a predominantly Muslim identity.

Another reason given in opposition to the inclusion of an Islamic nation is the religious aspect to which it is linked.[22] Other religious nations might also request to be provided with permanent membership in the name of religion, nations with large populations of Buddhists.[22]

Africa

It has also been suggested that an African nation be given a seat on the Security Council, with Egypt, Nigeria and South Africa the most likely contenders.[130]

Currently, no country in Africa has a permanent seat on the Security Council. Although no one nation from Africa has formally been put forward as a candidate for membership on the Security Council, Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia,[131] South Africa, and Nigeria are seen as the strongest choices. Algeria has gained a great deal of respect for its neutrality over the years and its great commitment to African development; Egypt has the biggest military on the continent, was one of the founding members of the United Nations and enjoys great influence in Africa and in the Arab world; Ethiopia was also one of the founding members of the United Nations and holds the seat of the African Union Commission; South Africa has the second largest economy on the continent; and Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa and consistently contributes large numbers of troops to UN peacekeeping operations.[citation needed]

Veto reformMain article: United Nations Security Council veto power

The UNSC "power of veto" is frequently cited as a major problem within the UN. By wielding their veto power (established by Chapter IV of the United Nations Charter), any of the UNSC's five permanent members can prevent the adoption of any (non-"procedural") UNSC draft resolution not to their liking. Even the mere threat of a veto may lead to changes in the text of a resolution, or it being withheld altogether (the so-called "pocket veto"). As a result, the power of veto often prevents the Council from acting to address pressing international issues and affords the "P5" great influence within the UN institution as a whole.

For example, the Security Council passed no resolutions on most major Cold War conflicts, including the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, the Vietnam War, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Resolutions addressing more current problems, such as the conflict between Israel and Palestine and Iran's suspected development of nuclear weapons, are also heavily influenced by the veto, actual or threatened.[citation needed] Additionally, the veto applies to the selection of the UN's Secretary-General, as well as any amendments to the UN Charter, giving the P5 great influence over these processes.

Discussions on improving the UN's effectiveness and responsiveness to international security threats often include reform of the UNSC veto. Proposals include: limiting the use of the veto to vital national security issues; requiring agreement from multiple states before exercising the veto; and abolishing the veto entirely. However, any reform of the veto will be very difficult. Articles 108 and 109 of the United Nations Charter grant the P5 veto over any amendments to the Charter, requiring them to approve of any modifications to the UNSC veto power that they themselves hold.

Overall positions on reforming the Security CouncilUnited States

According to a formal statement by the U.S. Department of State:

The United States is open to UN Security Council reform and expansion, as one element of an overall agenda for UN reform. We advocate a criteria-based approach under which potential members must be supremely well qualified, based on factors such as: economic size, population, military capacity, commitment to democracy and human rights, financial contributions to the UN, contributions to UN peacekeeping, and record on counterterrorism and nonproliferation. We have to look, of course, at the overall geographic balance of the Council, but effectiveness remains the benchmark for any reform.

— Bureau of Public Affairs, 20 June 2005[57]

According to a formal statement by President of the United States Barack Obama in an address to a Joint Session of the Parliament of India:

We salute India’s long history as a leading contributor to United Nations peacekeeping missions. And we welcome India as it prepares to take its seat on the United Nations Security Council. As two global leaders, the United States and India can partner for global security—especially as India serves on the Security Council over the next two years. Indeed, the just and sustainable international order that America seeks includes a United Nations that is efficient, effective, credible and legitimate. That is why I can say today, in the years ahead, I look forward to a reformed United Nations Security Council that includes India as a permanent member. The United Nations exists to fulfill its founding ideals of preserving peace and security, promoting global cooperation, and advancing human rights. These are the responsibilities of all nations, but especially those that seek to lead in the 21st century. And so we look forward to working with India—and other nations that aspire to Security Council membership—to ensure that the Security Council is effective; that resolutions are implemented, that sanctions are enforced; that we strengthen the international norms which recognize the rights and responsibilities of all nations and all individuals.

— Barack Obama, 9 November 2010[132]

United Kingdom and France

The United Kingdom and France hold similar views on reform to the United Nations Security Council. According to a formal statement made by 10 Downing Street:

Reform of the UNSC, both its enlargement and the improvement of its working methods, must therefore succeed. We reaffirm the support of our two countries for the candidacies of Germany, Brazil, India and Japan for permanent membership, as well as for permanent representation for Africa on the Council. We regret that negotiations towards this goal remain in deadlock and are therefore ready to consider an intermediate solution. This could include a new category of seats, with a longer term than those of the current elected members and those terms would be renewable; at the end of an initial phase, it could be decided to turn these new types of seats into permanent ones. We will work with all our partners to define the parameters of such a reform. UNSC reform requires a political commitment from the member states at the highest level. We will work in this direction in the coming months with a view to achieving effective reform.

— Part of a joint UK-France Summit Declaration—27 March 2008[133]

Russia

As stated by then President of Russia Dmitry Medvedev at the General Debate of the 64th Session of the United Nations General Assembly:[134]

The UN must rationally adapt itself to new world realities. It should also strengthen its influence and preserve its multinational nature and integrity of the UN Charter provisions. The reform of the UN Security Council is an essential component of its revitalization. The time has come to speed up the search for a compromise formula of its expansion and increased efficiency of its work.

— Dmitry Medvedev, 23 September 2009

India

As per the official website of India's Permanent Mission to UN:[135]

Activities of the Security Council have greatly expanded in the past few years. The success of Security Council's actions depends upon political support of the international community. Any package for restructuring of the Security Council should, therefore, be broad-based. In particular, adequate presence of developing countries is needed in the Security Council. Nations of the world must feel that their stakes in global peace and prosperity are factored into the UN's decision making. Any expansion of permanent members' category must be based on an agreed criteria, rather than be a pre-determined selection. There must be an inclusive approach based on transparent consultations. India supports expansion of both permanent and non-permanent members' category. The latter is the only avenue for the vast majority of Member States to serve on the Security Council. Reform and expansion must be an integral part of a common package.

— India's Permanent Mission to UN

According to a formal statement by then Prime Minister of India Manmohan Singh at the General Debate of the 59th Session of the United Nations General Assembly:[136]

It is common knowledge that the United Nations is often unable to exert an effective influence on global economic and political issues of critical importance. This is due to its what may be called as "democracy deficit", which prevents effective multilateralism, a multilateralism that is based on a democratically-evolved global consensus. Therefore, reform and restructuring of the United Nations system can alone provide a crucial link in an expanding chain of efforts to refashion international structures, imbuing them with a greater degree of participatory decision-making, so as to make them more representative of contemporary realities. The expansion of the Security Council, in the category of both permanent and non-permanent members, and the inclusion of countries like India as permanent members, would be a first step in the process of making the United Nations a truly representative body.

— Dr. Manmohan Singh, 23 September 2004

Brazil

As stated by then President of Brazil Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva at the General Debate of the 63rd Session of the United Nations General Assembly:[137]

The United Nations has spent 15 years discussing the reform of its Security Council. Today’s structure has been frozen for six decades and does not relate to the challenges of today’s world. Its distorted form of representation stands between us and the multilateral world to which we aspire. Therefore I am much encouraged by the General Assembly’s decision to launch negotiations in the near future on the reform of the Security Council.

— Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, 23 September 2008

South Africa

According to a formal statement by South Africa's International Relations Minister Maite Nkoana-Mashabane speaking in the South African parliament in Cape Town:[138]

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) urgently requires reform to rectify inequitable power relations. We reiterate that the reform of the UNSC is urgent and would go a long way in rectifying inequitable power relations within the Security Council.

— Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, 1 June 2011

Portugal

As stated by former Prime Minister of Portugal José Sócrates :[139]

The 15-member Security Council must be enlarged so that it is more representative, transparent and efficient. In our view it is illogical that countries like Brazil or India that have today an irreplaceable economic and political role are still not permanent members of the Security Council. Africa also deserves consideration to take due account of the remarkable political and economic progresses that we have witnessed in that vast continent.

— José Sócrates, September 2010

References

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Statements by Year on Security Council Reform 1996

Statements by Year on Security Council Reform 1996 | Conflict, Security, UNSC, Defence, UN Reforms | Scoop.it
1996
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UN Documents on Security Council Reform

UN Documents on Security Council Reform | Conflict, Security, UNSC, Defence, UN Reforms | Scoop.it
UN Documents
2011 | 2010 | 2009 | 2007 | 2006 | 2005 | 2004 | 2002


2011Small Five Tabled Resolution on Security Council Working Methods (April 2011)
The Small Five (S5) introduced a new resolution aimed at reforming Security Council working methods. It is an updated version of the draft resolution from 2005. (Permanenet Mission of Switzerland to the UN)
Letter from Ambassador Tanin including the Revised Text on Security Council Reform (February 23, 2011)
Ambassador Tanin presents the most up to date revisions on the working paper for Security Council reform. It includes the incorporated changes proposed by member-states up to the deadline of February 15, 2011. (Center for UN Reform Education)
2010Letter From the Chair of the Intergovernmental Negotiations on Security Council Reform (November 29, 2010)
This letter from Ambassador Tanin gives an update on the status of the text based negotiation on Security Council reform. (United Nations)

Letter from the Chair of the Intergovernmental Negotiations on Security Council Reform (May 26, 2010)
This letter from Ambassador Tanin gives an overview for the next round of negotiations on Council reform and provides the revised text based on member state input on the original text. (United Nations)

Letter and Text from the Chair of the Intergovernmental Negotiations on Security Council Reform (May 10, 2010)
The letter explains the included text, which was constructed based on input submitted by member states, and that the process of Council reform will continue based upon this text. (United Nations)

Letter from the Chair of the Intergovernmental Negotiations on Security Council Reform (March 11, 2010)
This letter from Ambassador Tanin states that he has received opinions from a large number of member states on Security Council reform and is willing to continue meeting with them while preparing the negotiating text. (United Nations)

Letter from the Chair of the Intergovernmental Negotiations on Security Council Reform (February 5, 2010)
This letter describes that the next step in the process is transparent text based negotiations. Included with the letter are the texts available on positions and proposals for Council reform. Ambassador Tanin also invites that all member states to submit proposals by writing to be used for the negotiation text. (United Nations)

Letter from the Chair of the Intergovernmental Negotiations on Security Council Reform (January 13, 2010)
Following the first round of talks in the intergovernmental negotiations, this letter summarizes the progress made and the intent of a second round of talks focusing on convergences. It also includes the letter signed by 138 member states to demonstrate their “active and constructive engagements with the process.” (Permanent Mission of Afghanistan to the United Nations)

2009
Letter From the Chair of the Intergovernmental Negotiations on Security Council Reform (November 16, 2009)
This letter from Afghan Ambassador Zahir Tanin explains that the fourth round of negotiations on Security Council reform will focus on positions and proposals “on the table” in December 2009. (Permanent Mission of Afghanistan to the United Nations)

Press Conference by General Assembly Facilitator on Security Council Reform (July 20, 2009)
A third round of negotiations on Security Council reform is scheduled to begin on August 27, 2009. Zahir Tanin, the ambassador of Afghanistan and facilitator of the negotiations, has presented an overview. He announced that there is a consensus among all states on continuing the process. Tanin said that he saw "a light at the end of tunnel" after the first two sessions, but "there is a long way to go." (United Nations)
Overview of the first round of Intergovernmental Negotiations on Security Council Reform, presented by Ambassador Zahir Tanin of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (May 18, 2009)
2007Report of the Facilitators for Security Council Reform to the General Assembly (June 26, 2007)
In their report to the President of the General Assembly, the facilitators, Ambassadors Heraldo Muñoz of Chile and Christian Wenaweser of Liechtenstein, propose a temporary approach to expedite Security Council reform. This transition period should include a new category of membership with longer-term seats, either renewable or not. The agreement would include a mandatory review in a set number of years. The facilitators do not recommend how many new seats should be added, nor how long the transitional phase should last, but insist that the process move from consultations to concrete intergovernmental negotiations.
Report of the Facilitators for Security Council Reform to the General Assembly (April 19, 2007)
The ambassadors of Tunisia, Cyprus, Croatia, Chile and the Netherlands facilitated a UN General Assembly report on Security Council reform. The report proposes temporarily expanding Security Council membership as part of a transitional approach to reform. Making available more Security Council seats would increase countries' chances of achieving Security Council membership.
2006
Note by the President of the Security Council (July 19, 2006)
In a significant move, the Security Council adopted a note by the President, attempting to clarify its procedures and practice. Following months of work by the Council's Informal Working Group on Documentation and Other Procedural Matters, the note codifies the terminology used in different Council sessions (including Arria Formula meetings with NGOs); lists steps at making the Council's work more transparent; and aims at improving the flow of information from the Council. The note picks up some proposals made by Costa Rica, Jordan, Liechtenstein, Singapore and Switzerland, who introduced a draft resolution calling for greater transparency in the Council's work in March 2006.
Draft Resolution on Reforming the Working Methods of the Security Council (March 20, 2006)
Switzerland together with Singapore, Jordan, Costa Rica and Liechtenstein tabled a draft resolution in the General Assembly (GA) proposing 19 measures to improve the working methods of the Security Council. Acknowledging that the Security Council is the master of its own procedures, the initiative serves as an invitation by the GA to the Security Council to open a dialogue with all UN member states. This is a revised version of the resolution put forward by group in November 2005 after consulting with other governments about the document.
2005
Small Five Draft Resolution (November 10, 2005)
This is the draft resolution proposal put forward by the S5 that emphasizes working methods reform.

Tabled Uniting for Consensus Draft Resolution on Security Council Reform (July 21, 2005)
In response to draft resolutions tabled by the G-4 and the African Union, Uniting for Consensus has tabled its alternative proposal. The draft resolution proposes adding 10 non-permanent members immediately eligible for re-election to the Security Council, leaving formalities of re-election and rotation to regional groups.
Tabled African Union Draft Resolution on Security Council Reform (July 14, 2005)
Also responding to the G-4 resolution, the African Union has tabled its proposal calling for 11 additional members on the Security Council, with Africa gaining two permanent seats and five non-permanent seats. The AU also recommends that new permanent members gain all existing privileges including veto power.
Tabled G-4 Draft Resolution on Security Council Reform (July 6, 2005)
Brazil, Germany, India and Japan have tabled their draft "framework" resolution calling for Security Council enlargement to 25 members, including six additional permanent seats. In a desperate attempt to secure permanent membership, the Group of Four (G-4) had accepted to forego their right of veto for at least 15 years. The less contentious proposals on the Council's working methods have more of a chance to succeed than membership expansion plans. Also see previous versions of June 8 and May 13 .
China: UN Council Resolution Dangerous (June 1, 2005)
In June 2005, Brazil, Germany, India and China (the "G4") will ask the General Assembly (GA) to vote on a draft resolution, which calls for Security Council expansion and gives the G4 permanent membership. The resolution meets strong opposition from China, which called it "dangerous" and has "hinted it would use its veto." According to Chinese UN Ambassador Wang Guangya, this resolution will "split UN membership" and prevent member states from discussing other UN reform issues. Nevertheless, China has indicated that if the GA and the other Security Council permanent members accept the G4 proposal, Beijing "would take into account the feelings of others." (Associated Press)
Excerpt of Kofi Annan's Report on UN Reform: In Larger Freedom (March 21, 2005)
In his report on UN reform, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan only touches very briefly upon Security Council reform, and does not recommend specific action on this vital aspect of UN reform. Annan urges member states to consider both models A and B, as outlined by the High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, and calls on states to reach a decision on Security Council enlargement before the summit in September 2005. (United Nations)
2004Excerpt of the High Level Panel's Report on Threats, Challenges and Change (December 2004)
Among broad recommendations for reform of the UN, this excerpt of the High Level Panel's Report focuses specifically on Security Council reform. In order to increase the Council's effectiveness and credibility and "enhance its capacity to act in the face of threats," the Panel puts forward two options for expansion without veto powers. Model A foresees enlargement with both permanent and elected members, whereas model B proposes enlarging the Council with only temporary elected members. The Panel also recommends the introduction of a system of "indicative voting" and encourages an increase in the Council's transparency and accountability. (United Nations)
2002Procedural Developments in the Security Council - 2001 (June 6, 2002)
This UN Secretariat report shows developments in the procedures and working methods that the Security Council has undertaken in 2001 to promote transparency, openness and efficiency. The document provides interesting data on the work of the Council.
 
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M7 Attacks The West at UN Summit: “Leave African Problems To Us” | ChimpReports

M7 Attacks The West at UN Summit: “Leave African Problems To Us” | ChimpReports | Conflict, Security, UNSC, Defence, UN Reforms | Scoop.it
By: Sam Waswa
May 4,2015
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#PRA Yoweri Museveni

President Museveni on Monday delivered a strong worded key address at the high-level thematic debate on strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and regional and sub-regional organizations.

Below is his full speech.

This year, 2015, marks the 70th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. When the UN was created, many of our countries did not exist as independent countries.

In Africa, Ethiopia and Liberia were the only sovereign countries on the continent. While there have been some modest reforms in the UN since its creation in 1945, most of the fundamental structures that were created after World War II by the victorious powers, such as the powers conferred upon the Permanent Five countries in the Security Council, remain unchanged.

Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations provides for cooperation between the UN and Regional Organizations. Despite this, it reserves the right for the UN Security Council to authorize enforcement action. However, the crucial decisions of international peace and security, within the Security Council, are mostly taken by the veto-wielding members.

This is a big mistake and has already caused a lot of harm to Africa, like in the case of Libya where Africa’s opinion was ignored; hence, the present massive human hemorrhage in that area.

If the Security Council members that took military action in Libya had listened to the voice of Africa, the present chaos in Libya, Nigeria, Mali, the people who are dying in the Mediterranean Sea from the African shores trying to get to Europe, could have been avoided. In fact, Gaddaffi’s Libya used to employ many workers from Africa.

In any case, it was very presumptuous for the five permanent members to claim that they are responsible for global security. Out of the global human population that is now 7 billion people, the 5 permanent members represent only about 1.9 billion people. How and why should they monopolize the “responsibility” for global security? This is a structural deficiency in the architecture for global security.

To talk about strengthening cooperation, between the UN and regional and sub-regional organizations, one has got to start by re-examining the structures of the whole UN itself and change some of the old fashioned ones to conform to the current realities.

Uganda strongly believes that for genuine cooperation to occur between the UN and regional and sub-regional organizations, reform of the UN in general, Security Council in particular, is imperative.

This, in the long run, will help us, collectively, to prevent the use of the UN for national or group interests of the powerful members to undermine the efforts of regional organizations and of peace in the world.

In the meantime and as we strive to reform the UN into a modern and relevant organization that serves all its members based on sovereign equality as embedded in its Charter, the starting point for cooperation is that we need to reaffirm the Principle of Complementarity envisaged in Chapter VIII of the Charter as the basis for building and strengthening cooperation between the UN and regional and sub-regional organizations.

The United Nations should, therefore, respect processes that are undertaken by the regional organizations especially in areas of conflict resolution. While we abhor impunity, the UN approach that usually, superficially and without proper contextualization, emphasizes justice in instances of conflict resolution at the expense of long term peace, is manifestly self-defeating.

In this regard, the UN should not just blindly pursue the option of placing sanctions on individuals or referring them to the ICC without holding consultations with the regions affected as this often undermines the very process of resolving the conflict in question.

On the other hand, where the UN has worked in consonance with regional or sub-regional organizations, there have been tangible positive results as is the case in Somalia and Burundi.

Many of the conflicts are results of distortions and mistakes of long duration endogenously and exogenously authored and perpetuated. Therefore, last minute high-handed interventions without a thorough understanding of the dynamics of the situation are wrong and injurious to the hapless populations of the concerned areas.

Secondly, we need to harmonize our understanding of what complementarity entails. This, in our opinion, means the recognition that both the UN and regional organizations have various strengths and weaknesses and hence the need to complement rather than supplement each other’s roles in the areas of conflict prevention, mediation, resolution, peacekeeping and peace-building.

Thirdly, from Uganda’s and, indeed Africa’s, perspective, complementarity also entails sharing the burden of maintaining international peace and security, consultative decision-making and respect for regional processes, as well as division of labor based on comparative advantage.

Mr. President,

Many on the African continent and elsewhere have come around to agreeing with what Uganda and other African patriots have been advocating for, for long: African solutions for African problems. The international community, including the UN, can only support and should, therefore, respect regional processes.

You are all aware of the long period it takes the UN to deploy in a crisis situation. The process from initial consultations, to a “zero” draft resolution, through several rounds of negotiations on actual drafts to a final resolution authorizing any form of action, can take agonizingly long to come through.

That is if one or more of the Permanent Members with veto power does not use it to block the process. Some crises situations are such that an immediate and robust response is required. This can best be done by countries in the region.

Such a situation occurred in December 2013 in South Sudan and the UN Security Council is still debating the issue up to now!!!! If we in the region had not acted when we did quickly, the region could possibly have had genocide.

The neighboring countries could have stopped the genocide of Rwanda in 1994. We could not do it because the UN was obstructing us.

Uganda, therefore, strongly supports the establishment of the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC) which is an African owned initiative for rapid military intervention as and when the need arises, to quickly respond to crisis situations on the African continent.

We believe support to this mechanism will strengthen the international community’s resolve to deal with crises that threaten international and regional peace and security.

In situations where actual deployment by the UN has been taken as in Eastern DRC, the mandate of the mission is often so restricted that you end up with a “sitting duck” mission with troops in a “peace-keeping” role with no peace to keep.

What we need in Africa is support from international community in terms of funding and equipment so that we can do the job ourselves. It is true that due to the phenomenon of colonialism and neo-colonialism in Africa, many of our countries still face challenges of ensuring peace for their nationals because they do not build capacity.

Therefore, in cases where the national army and security forces fail to guarantee peace, the region can step in and only be supported by the international community, including the United Nations. I refer to this arrangement as the Trinity; that is to say the internal stakeholders, the region and the international community.

Where this has happened as in DRC with the internationally supported Intervention Brigade from contiguous African States, the results have been positive to some extent. Support for an African rapid response force would go a long way in strengthening cooperation between the UN, regional and sub-regional organizations.

Mr. President,

I have already referred to the support to the regions by the UN. The major challenge in addressing regional and sub-regional issues whether in peace and security, humanitarian response or regional integration and economic development, is inadequate resources. Most of the African countries have instituted reforms which have seen the region as a whole registering some of the fastest economic growth.

However, in the long run, we shall need partnerships with the international community, including the UN, to develop our own capacities.

To demonstrate our resolve to address these challenges, Uganda strongly supports the African Union’s commitment to increase the proportion of the cost of AU peace operations covered by its Member States. This is in addition to contributing about 45% of the UN’s uniformed peacekeepers.

On the other hand, since the UN has the duty to support regional organizations as provided for in the Charter, Uganda supports the use of UN assessed contributions to support regional-led peace operations, based on the fact that the UNSC retains the primacy for the maintenance of international peace and security. This is because Uganda believes that the use of funding mechanisms like Trust Funds, while helpful in the short run, are unreliable and unpredictable since they are based on voluntary contributions.

We also believe that strengthening cooperation between the UN and Regional and Sub-regional Organizations, will greatly benefit the implementation of Post-2015 Development Agenda.

On account of the leverage they have with their respective constituent member countries, regional and sub-regional organizations provide useful fora for policy coordination and harmonization on various ongoing important multilateral processes, including the Post 2015 Development Agenda, climate change, the WTO Doha Round, among others.

They are also central in coordinating the implementation of the outcomes from these multilateral processes at their appropriate levels.

Regional and sub-regional organizations are at the centre of promoting cooperation and integration in areas such as trade and investment, infrastructure development, critical sectors including agriculture, energy, water, security, etc. as well as fostering private sector partnerships.

I cannot end my comments without making two final points. One point is the question of ideological disorientation. This entails the misdiagnosis of social, political or economic issues and acting on the basis of the misdiagnosis, especially with the use of force ─ regular or irregular.

In the past that ideological disorientation manifested itself in imperialism and colonialism. They caused so much damage to societies and peoples. The colonized peoples rose up and, after great sacrifices, defeated the overt aspects of imperialism and colonialism.

Today, the dominant form of ideological disorientation is sectarianism of religion, tribe or, even, clans and chauvinism of gender and, sometimes, of race.

This ideology of sectarianism and chauvinism is a pseudo ─ ideology that tries to promote the issue of identity in such a manner that it eclipses the very people’s legitimate interests of economic exchange, interaction and shared prosperity.

Most of the time, they even mis-define identity on opportunistic, an irrational basis where the actors wish to remain “big fishes in small ponds” as one of our leaders once said. Many of the conflicts in the world are authored, promoted and fueled by this ideological disorientation.

We cannot only deal with the consequences but not look at the causes. Some parts of the international community have been able to blacklist what they call anti-Semitism.

Why can’t something be done about sectarianism and chauvinism? How can we hobnob with sectarianisms and chauvinists and then talk about global peace when these pseudo ─ ideologies are the causes of the very conflicts we are talking about?

The second point is the discipline and, indeed, orientation of the international forces, the regional forces or the local forces the UN system uses or relies on to keep or enforce peace.

Uganda had become a failed State by the 1970s and 1980s. We were only able to rescue it by assaulting ideological disorientation mentioned above and dealing most harshly with indisciplined soldiers that loot people’s property, rape and defile women, take sex-slaves or commit homicide.

If the UN system, the regional forces or those acting under us are not able to handle the question of discipline, we shall become part of the problem and not part of the solution.

I thank you.

Yoweri Kaguta Museveni
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United Nations Development Assistance Plan

United Nations Development Assistance Plan

The United Nations Development Assistance Plan (UNDAP) is a common business plan for the United Nations agencies and national partners, aligned to the priorities of the host country and the internationally agreed development goals. The UNDAP builds on the current joint programming processes for developing an UNDAF and UNDAF Action Plan.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
United Nations Development Assistance PlanAbbreviationUNDAP

The United Nations Development Assistance Plan (UNDAP) is a common business plan for the United Nations agencies and national partners, aligned to the priorities of the host country and the internationally agreed development goals. The UNDAP builds on the current joint programming processes for developing an UNDAF and UNDAF Action Plan.

Contents
Methodology

The UNDAP methodology was first used in Tanzania. The methodology was designed based on experiences from previous UNDAF cycle, the Delivering as One (DaO) experience and JAST[1] participation. It was also a response to the recommendations from the DaO Country Led Evaluation.

UNDAP aims to reduce duplication in planning requirements for UN agencies and national partners, and for some agencies to replace the current requirements of the UNDAF and agency-specific country programme planning documents. UNDAP aims to bring together agency specific planning requirements in a consistent and seamless manner, and ensure a ‘necessary and sufficient’ programme logic in the results chain and resource requirements.

The plan outlines linkages to regional and global initiatives at the sectoral level, forging greater synergy between UN plans in addition to support of larger multilateral and bilateral programmes. Annual reviews and adjustments ensure the continued relevance of the UNDAP; the plan and its implementation modalities ensure coherence and consistency from actions to results to reporting, yielding a synergistic effect.

Tanzania

Tanzania was the first country to use the UNDAP methodology. The four-year USD $777 million UNDAP for Tanzania was approved on 24 June 2011 by the Tanzanian Governments' Joint Steering Committee (JSC) and United Nations[2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10]

UNDAP 2011-15 Tanzania

As part of the UNDAP development and in line with the agreement reached by UNDP, UNFPA, UNICEF and WFP, a Common Country Programme Document (CCPD) has been prepared and submitted together with agency specific annexes. The CCPD is an extract of the contribution of the four agencies to the UNDAP.

Uruguay

A joint workshop was held in Uruguay in May 2010 to discuss the design of a UNDAP plan in relation to the UN Development Assistance Framework (UNDAF) agreemement between the Uruguayan Government and the United Nations.[11]

See also
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2012-2016 quadrennial comprehensive policy review (QCPR) of the General Assembly of UN operational activities for development

2012-2016 quadrennial comprehensive policy review (QCPR) of the General Assembly of UN operational activities for development | Conflict, Security, UNSC, Defence, UN Reforms | Scoop.it
2012-2016 quadrennial comprehensive policy review (QCPR) of the General Assembly of UN operational activities for development

1) About the 2012-2016 QCPR

2) Implementation of the 2012-2016 QCPR resolution

3) ECOSOC Operational Activities for Development Segment

4) 2012-2016 QCPR outcome and preparations

5) Archive of past TCPR resolutions

 

1) About the 2012-2016 QCPR

The General Assembly adopted on 21 December 2012 a landmark resolution (67/226) on the quadrennial comprehensive policy review (QCPR) of UN operational activities for development. The resolution is the culmination of two months of intensive intergovernmental negotiations underpinned by comprehensive analytical preparations supported by DESA and UN system entities. The QCPR is the mechanism through which the General Assembly assesses the effectiveness, efficiency, coherence and impact of UN operational activities for development and establishes system-wide policy orientations for the development cooperation and country-level modalities of the UN system in response to the evolving international development and cooperation environment.

 2) Implementation of the 2012-2016 QCPR resolution

2014

Reports

2013

Reports

Surveys

a) Survey of UN Resident Coordinators

b) Survey of Operations Management Teams

3) ECOSOC Operational Activities for Development Segment

2014 (24-26 February)

2013 (10-12 July)

2012 (13-17 July)

4) 2012-2016 QCPR outcome and preparations

Outcome

Reports

Negotiations and Information briefs

Below are written inputs provided by the secretariat in response to specific questions tabled by Member States during the QCPR negotiations:

1) The relationship between the GA resolution on the quadrennial comprehensive policy review of UN operational activities for development and the specialized agencies
2) Feasibility to develop a harmonized cost classification system
3) What does the term "interoperability" mean?
4) What is the relationship between the General Assembly and inter-agency bodies such as the CEB, UNDG/CEB and UNEG?
5) Human rights-based approach to development programming
6) Local procurement in programme countries
7) Standard Operating Procedures for Delivering as One approach

  • Mandates
  • Brief background information
  • Surveys

    a) Survey of programme country governments on UN operational activities for development

    b) Survey of UN Resident Coordinators and country team members

    Preparations for the 2012 QCPR included a survey of UN Resident Coordinators and country team members on selected priority issues relating to UN development operations at the country level.

    c) Survey of UN Operations Management Teams

    This survey will examine progress in harmonizing and simplifying business operations of UN entities at the country-level.

    d) Survey of civil society organizations

    Preparations for the 2012 QCPR will include a survey of a sample of Civil Society Organizations that work with the UN system at country level on selected priority issues relating to UN development operations at the country-level. The survey will be administered through collaboration with the Better Aid CSO network.

  • Analytical preparations

Substantive preparations for the 2012 QCPR will include a series of analytical studies which findings will be synthesized into the Secretary-General’s report on the implementation of GA resolution 62/208 on the TCPR. In addition, the Secretary-General will submit the annual report on funding for UN operational activities for development.

Here below are brief descriptions of the respective analysis/studies:

Analytical studies

Studies in partnership with others

  • Stakeholder consultations

Member States

Briefings and consultations

  • Consultation with Member States (5 December 2011)
  • Consultation with ECOSOC (8 February 2012)
  • Briefing to Group of 13 (28 October 2011)
  • Briefing to European Union (10 November 2011)
  • Briefing to WFP Executive Board (6 December 2011)
  • Briefing to Group of 77 and China (16 December 2011)
  • Consultations with Member States (UNIDO HQ, Vienna, 1 March 2012)
  • Briefing to EU delegation (16 April 2012)
  • Utstein donor group annual consultations (23 April 2012)
  • Briefing to G77 (7 May 2012)

PGA/FEF/DESA 3 seminar series on QCPR

UNITAR Training Sessions

a) UNITAR training programme (4 November 2011)

Presentation by Navid Hanif
Presentation by Kristinn Sv. Helgason

b) Six module course series

Informal workshop with national focal points (12 July 2012)

Informal dialogue on Secretary-General's QCPR recommendations (5 October 2012)

Informal workshop on recommendations of independent review of system-wide evaluation institutional frameworks (5 November 2012)

UN system

  • Inter-agency briefing (6 September 2011)
  • Inter-agency briefing (2 November 2011)
  • Inter-agency briefing (17 November 2011)
  • UNDAF Programming Network briefing (1 December 2011)
  • Resident Coordinator Induction Meeting (5 December 2011)
  • MDG Task Force briefing (15 December 2011)
  • UNDG-ECHA Working Group briefing (15 December 2011)
  • UN Resident Coordinator System WG briefing (16 December 2011)
  • Joint Funding and Business Operations Network briefing (20 December 2011)
  • Inter-agency briefing (13 January 2012)
  • Consultation with UNDG Joint Funding task team (13 January 2012)
  • Retreat on UNDAF study with UNDG UNDAF programming network (26 January)
  • Briefing to UNDG Gender Network (16 February 2012)
  • Inter-agency meeting to discuss progress in improving results-based strategic planning and management (17 February 2012)
  • UN Strategic Planning Network (22 February 2012)
  • UN Resident Coordinator Working Group special meeting on QCPR RC study (24 February 2012)
  • Inter-agency meeting (UNIDO HQ, Vienna, 1 March 2012)
  • Interagency briefing (15 March 2012)
  • HLCP  briefing on QCPR (WMO HQ, Geneva, 20 March 2012)
  • UNDG Principal's Meeting (12 April 2012)
  • UNDG Advisory Group meeting (17 April 2012)
  • Interagency meeting on business practices (26 April 2012)
  • Briefing to UNDG Joint Funding and Business Operations Working Group (4 May 2012)
  • Briefing to UNDG UNDAF Programming Network (14 May 2012)
  • Briefing to DESA Inter-regional Advisors (17 May 2012)
  • Briefing to UNDG joint funding task team (30 May 2012)
  • Strategic Planning Network (31 May 2012)
  • Briefing to UNDG Working Group on Resident Coordinator System Issues (18 July 2012)
  • Briefing to UNDG MDG Task Force (18 September 2012)

Civil Society Organizations

    • Briefing to NGOs (23 January 2012)
  • Country missions
  • Thailand, Lao PDR (1-6 March)
  • Ethiopia (5-7 March)
  • Bolivia (14-16 March)
  • Peru (19-22 March)
  • Turkey (4-6 April)
  • Georgia (10-12 April)
  • Review of existing institutional framework for system-wide evaluation

Terms of reference

Workplan

Note by the Secretary-General on the report of the independent consultants undertaking a comprehensive review of the existing institutional framework for system-wide evaluation of UN operational activities for development

Final report

JIU response

UNEG response

Consultations
Briefing to Member States on progress in review of existing institutional framework for system-wide evaluation of UN operational activities for development (5 October 2011)

Briefing to UN entities on progress in review of existing institutional framework for system-wide evaluation of UN operational activities for development (5 October 2011)

Consultation with Member States on the draft report of the review of existing institutional framework for system-wide evaluation of UN operational activities for development (17 April 2012)

5) Archive of past TCPR resolutions

 

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Post 2015: What it Means for the United Nation Development System

Summary No longer are development agendas framed primarily by traditional aid structures: the post-2015 agenda will involve not just governments, but also the …
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Quadrennial comprehensive policy review

Quadrennial comprehensive policy review

The Quadrennial comprehensive policy review ( QCPR) of the operational system of the United Nations is a process and a United Nations General Assembly resolution by which the 193 members of the United Nations General Assembly (UN GA) review the coherence effectiveness and funding of the 27 UN development programmes, funds, and specialised agencies of the UN operational system for development.

Quadrennial comprehensive policy review
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Quadrennial comprehensive policy review (QCPR) of the operational system of the United Nations is a process and a United Nations General Assembly resolution by which the 193 members of the United Nations General Assembly (UN GA) review the coherence effectiveness and funding of the 27 UN development programmes, funds, and specialised agencies of the UN operational system for development. This review was conducted on a triennial basis until 2007. Since 2008 it has been conducted on a quadrennial basis.[1]

Typically, the Quadrennial comprehensive policy review covers the following subjects:[2]

  • The funding of operational activities of the UN for development including the core funding of its agencies, funds and programmes
  • The role of the UN development system in building capacity and fostering development in developing countries
  • The responsibility of the UN development system in the global fight against poverty
  • The responsibility of the UN development system in promoting South-South cooperation and the development of national capacities
  • The importance of placing gender equality and women’s empowerment at the center of the agenda of the UN development system
  • Guidance to the UN development system on its operations in countries in transition from relief to development
  • Instructions to improve the functioning of the UN development system, and particularly the simplification and harmonization of its business practices

The substantive basis for this review is a report by the Secretary-General of the United Nations which is produced by the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA) during the summer preceding the UN GA negotiations. This report is then debated in the second committee of the UN GA.[3] The negotiation of the resolution has historically been chaired by the economic and development counselor of the Permanent Mission of Switzerland to the United Nations (Olivier Chave 2001 and 2004, Thomas Gass 2007, Pio Wennubst 2012).[4]

The implementation of the Quadrennial comprehensive policy review is carried out through the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC).

Further reading

- Post 2015: What It Means for the United Nations Development System, Pio Wennubst and Timo Mahn, Briefing Paper 13/2013, German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

- A Resolution for a Quiet Revolution: Taking the United Nations to Sustainable Development ‘Beyond Aid’, Pio Wennubst and Timo Mahn, Discussion Paper 22/2013, German Development Institute /Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE)

External links
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Security Council Reform

Security Council Reform | Conflict, Security, UNSC, Defence, UN Reforms | Scoop.it

The Security Council's membership and working methods reflect a bygone era.  Though geopolitics have changed drastically, the Council has changed relatively little since 1945, when wartime victors crafted a Charter in their interest and awarded "permanent" veto-wielding Council seats for themselves.

Since 1993, the UN General Assembly has hotly debated Council reform but has not been able to reach agreement.  A handful of states aspire to "permanent" status for themselves, while many other countries reject such claims. This site posts information and documents about the reform process, including analysis of the state-of-play and statements by nations and negotiating blocs.  In the background section, we have posted GPF's own policy paper on the problems, dynamics and options for truly Democratic Reform of the Security Council in additional to more general information about Security Council reform.

To enrich the current information, we offer a large archive on reform discussions in previous years.  These materials are divided into four sections. The Membership section looks at the addition of both permanent members and elected members.  Such changes require amendments to the UN Charter, a lengthy and onerous process. The section on Working Methods considers the procedures of the Council and the way it conducts its work.  Unlike membership changes, these reforms do not require Charter change and the Council itself can implement them. The section on the Veto looks closely at this key issue and whether it could (and should) be eliminated or curtailed. The Regional Representation section examines the arguments for and against supranational organizations, like the EU, as potential candidates for Council membership.

There are many general documents, articles and statements throughout the respective pages. Documents produced by the UN can be found on the UN Documents page and include the documents, reports, draft resolutions and official statements from the Council reform process.

The reform of the Council is part of the broader issue of UN Reform, to build a more effective and democratic global institution.  This includes the reform of other bodies like the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council, as well as improvement in the organization's management and finance.

Background on Security Council ReformGeneral Articles and DocumentsUN DocumentsStatementsMembership including Expansion and Representation
This page examines proposals for changes in the Council's membership, including additional permanent and/or additional elected members. The membership issue includes discussions about how to make the Council more representative and more legitimate. Membership change requires a difficult process of changing the UN Charter.
Regional Representation
This section specifically discusses regional representation as a method of Council reform.
Transparency including Working Methods and Decision-Making Process
The Council has taken some steps to increase its efficiency and transparency in recent years. However, reform of the Council's working methods remains a work in progress. These reforms do not require Charter amendment, so in theory they are easy to implement. But the P-5 usually oppose them. This page contains articles about proposed reforms to the Council's working methods, as well as efforts to increase its transparency and improve its relationship with other UN organs.
Veto
In the Council debates, many governments express their opposition to the veto and call for its restriction or elimination. This section presents extensive information about the veto including data, articles and analyses of veto power, including the often-used but little-known "hidden veto."
UN Reform
Also see GPF's section on UN Reform, which follows different initiatives, such as the Millennium Summit and Its Follow-Up, the work of different Panels and Working Groups, as well as the reform proposals of Secretary General Kofi Annan. The site also covers the various topics of UN Reform beyond the Security Council, including reform of the General Assembly, the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) and the Human Rights Commission.
Conferences on Security Council ReformThis page provides links to information conferences hosted by GPF on Security Council reform and other materials associated with the conferences.Links and Resources
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Four Nations Initiative

Four Nations Initiative

The Four Nations Initiative, also known by the acronym 4NI, is a cooperation project started in 2005 as an initiative by Chile, South Africa, Sweden and Thailand. The initiative was created to contribute to the efforts to reform governance and management systems and structures of the UN Secretariat, departing from the perspective of the UN Member States.

Four Nations Initiative
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Four Nations Initiative, also known by the acronym 4NI, is a cooperation project started in 2005 as an initiative by Chile, South Africa, Sweden and Thailand. The initiative was created to contribute to the efforts to reform governance and management systems and structures of the UN Secretariat, departing from the perspective of the UN Member States.

The Four Nations Initiative, active from early 2006 until October 2007, consists of a Steering Committee with representatives from all four countries, and a Secretariat based in Stockholm.

UN Secretariat reform is an important topic and was high on the agenda during the tenure of Secretary-General Kofi Annan. There have been many reform efforts, notably the Secretary-General's reports Investing in the United Nations and Mandating and delivering, both from March 2006, and the Comprehensive review of governance and oversight in the UN, June 2006.

The Four Nations Initiative differs from the above-mentioned reform initiatives by being driven by Member States themselves. It is also characterised by its focus on a consultations process trying to create as large as possible scope for consensus before actually submitting reform proposals. The Initiative plans to submit final proposals by September 2007 but a preliminary report is already available on the 4NI website (Towards a Compact - report of preliminary proposals by the Steering Committee of the Four Nations Initiative).

References
  • Brief Introduction to the Four Nations Initiative, 2006, Information paper by the 4NI Secretariat
  • Comprehensive review of governance and oversight in the UN, 2006, Report of the Steering Committee on governance and oversight, UN Document A/60/883.Add.1-6
  • Investing in the United Nations, 2006, Report of the Secretary-General, UN Document A/60/692
  • Mandating and delivering, 2006, Report of the Secretary-General, UN Document A/60/733
  • Towards a Compact, 2007, Report of preliminary proposals by the Steering Committee of the Four Nations Initiative
External links
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World government

World government - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

In early 19th century Mormon theology, Joseph Smith taught that a theodemocracy would guide and direct the Kingdom of God ( Zion) on the earth during the end times. On March 11, 1844, Smith organized a Council of Fifty, who were to work under the direction of the Priesthood authorities of his church, along with a Council of Friends.

World governmentFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia"Global state" redirects here. For the computing concept, see Global state (computing)."United States of Earth" redirects here. For the government in the television show Futurama, see Politics in Futurama."World empire" and "World state" redirect here. For the video game, see World Empire. For the world state in Brave New World, see The World State.This article is about the political concept. For conspiracy theories about world government, see New World Order (conspiracy theory). For other uses, see World government (disambiguation).This article's introduction section may not adequately summarize its contents. To comply with Wikipedia's lead section guidelines, please consider modifying the lead to provide an accessible overview of the article's key points in such a way that it can stand on its own as a concise version of the article. (discuss). (October 2014)

World government is the notion of a common political authority for all of humanity, yielding a global government and a single state. Such a government could come into existence either through violent and compulsory world domination or through peaceful and voluntary supranational union.

Currently there is no worldwide executive, legislature, judiciary, military, or constitution with jurisdiction over the entire planet. The United Nations is limited to a mostly advisory role, and its stated purpose is to foster cooperation between existing national governments rather than exert authority over them.

Contents1 History1.1 Francisco de Vitoria1.2 Hugo Grotius1.3 Immanuel Kant1.4 Joseph Smith1.5 Karl Krause1.6 Alfred Tennyson1.7 Bahá'u'lláh1.8 International Peace Congress1.9 Ulysses S. Grant1.10 International organizations1.11 League of Nations1.12 World communism1.13 Nazi Germany1.14 Atlantic Charter1.15 Harry Truman1.16 World Federalist Movement1.17 United Nations1.18 Garry Davis1.18.1 World Passport1.19 Legal Realism (1954)1.20 End of the Cold War (1991)2 Current global governance system3 Existing regional unions of nations3.1 European Union3.2 NATO3.3 CARICOM3.4 African Union3.5 ASEAN3.6 Shanghai Cooperation Organisation3.7 Commonwealth of Independent States3.8 Arab League3.9 Union of South American Nations3.10 South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation3.11 Organisation of Islamic Cooperation3.12 Turkic Council4 Proposed United Nations Parliamentary Assembly5 See also6 Resources6.1 Published works6.2 Organizations6.3 Initiatives7 Notes8 References9 External linksHistoryFrancisco de VitoriaMain article: Francisco de Vitoria

Early father of international law, Spanish philosopher Francisco de Vitoria (c. 1483 – 1546) is considered the "founder of global political philosophy." De Vitoria conceived of the res publica totius orbis, or the "republic of the whole world." This came at a time when the University of Salamanca was engaged in unprecedented thought concerning human rights, international law, and early economics based on the experiences of the Spanish Empire.

Hugo GrotiusMain article: Hugo GrotiusTitle page of the 1631 second edition of De jure belli ac pacis.

De jure belli ac pacis (On the Law of War and Peace) is a 1625 book in Latin, written by Hugo Grotius (1583 – 1645) and published in Paris, on the legal status of war. It is now regarded as a foundational work in international law.[1] Grotius was a philosopher, theologian, playwright, and poet. He is known for coming up with the idea of having an international law, and is still acknowledged today by the American society of International Law.

Immanuel KantPainted portrait of Immanuel Kant.

Immanuel Kant wrote the essay "Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch (Zum ewigen Frieden. Ein philosophischer Entwurf.) (1795)". In his essay, Kant describes three basic requirements for organizing human affairs to permanently abolish the threat of present and future war, and, thereby, help establish a new era of lasting peace throughout the world. Specifically, Kant described his proposed peace program as containing two steps.

The "Preliminary Articles" described the steps that should be taken immediately, or with all deliberate speed:

"No Secret Treaty of Peace Shall Be Held Valid in Which There Is Tacitly Reserved Matter for a Future War""No Independent States, Large or Small, Shall Come under the Dominion of Another State by Inheritance, Exchange, Purchase, or Donation""Standing Armies Shall in Time Be Totally Abolished""National Debts Shall Not Be Contracted with a View to the External Friction of States""No State Shall by Force Interfere with the Constitution or Government of Another State,"No State Shall, during War, Permit Such Acts of Hostility Which Would Make Mutual Confidence in the Subsequent Peace Impossible: Such Are the Employment of Assassins (percussores), Poisoners (venefici), Breach of Capitulation, and Incitement to Treason (perduellio) in the Opposing State"

Three Definitive Articles would provide not merely a cessation of hostilities, but a foundation on which to build a peace.

"The Civil Constitution of Every State Should Be Republican""The Law of Nations Shall be Founded on a Federation of Free States""The Law of World Citizenship Shall Be Limited to Conditions of Universal Hospitality"Joseph SmithMain article: Theodemocracy

In early 19th century Mormon theology, Joseph Smith taught that a theodemocracy would guide and direct the Kingdom of God (Zion) on the earth during the end times. On March 11, 1844, Smith organized a Council of Fifty, who were to work under the direction of the Priesthood authorities of his church, along with a Council of Friends. This group of three organizations was expected to rule as a world government just prior to the Millennium.[2][3][4]

Karl KrauseThis section requires expansion. (October 2009)

In 1811, German philosopher Karl Krause, suggested, in an essay titled "The Archetype of Humanity", the formation of five regional federations: Europe, Asia, Africa, America and Australia, aggregated under a world republic.

Alfred Tennyson

In 1842, the English poet Lord Alfred Tennyson, published the oft-quoted lines "Locksley Hall": For I dipt into the future, far as human eye could see / Saw a Vision of the world, and all the wonder that would be /... / Till the war-drum throbb'd no longer / and the battle-flags were furled / In the Parliament of man, the Federation of the world. / There the common sense of most shall hold / a fretful realm in awe / And the kindly earth shall slumber / lapt in universal law.

Bahá'u'lláh

In the second half of the 19th century, Bahá'u'lláh founded the Bahá'í Faith, a religion which identified the establishment of world unity and a global federation of nations as a key principle.[5] He envisioned a set of new social structures based on participation and consultation among the world's peoples, including a world legislature, an international court, and an international executive empowered to carry out the decisions of these legislative and judicial bodies. Connected principles of the Bahá'í religion include universal systems of weights and measures, currency unification, and the adoption of a global auxiliary language.[6]

According to Shoghi Effendi, great-grandson of Bahá'u'lláh and Guardian - spiritual leader and authoritative interpreter - of the Bahá'í community from 1921 until his death in 1957, "The unity of the human race, as envisaged by Bahá’u’lláh, implies the establishment of a world commonwealth in which all nations, races, creeds and classes are closely and permanently united, and in which the autonomy of its state members and the personal freedom and initiative of the individuals that compose them are definitely and completely safeguarded. This commonwealth must, as far as we can visualize it, consist of a world legislature, whose members will, as the trustees of the whole of mankind, ultimately control the entire resources of all the component nations, and will enact such laws as shall be required to regulate the life, satisfy the needs and adjust the relationships of all races and peoples. A world executive, backed by an international Force, will carry out the decisions arrived at, and apply the laws enacted by, this world legislature, and will safeguard the organic unity of the whole commonwealth. A world tribunal will adjudicate and deliver its compulsory and final verdict in all and any disputes that may arise between the various elements constituting this universal system". [7]

In his many scriptures and messages addressed to the most prominent state leaders of his time, Bahá'u'lláh called for world reconciliation, reunification, collective security and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Many of the most fundamental Bahá'í writings address the central issue of world unity, such as the following: "The earth is but one country and mankind its citizens".[8] The World Christian Encyclopedia estimated 7.1 million Bahá'ís in the world in 2000, representing 218 countries[9]

International Peace CongressMain article: International Peace CongressThis section requires expansion. (October 2009)

Starting in 1843, International Peace Congresses were held in Europe every two years, but lost their momentum after 1853 due to the renewed outbreak of wars in Europe (Crimea) and North America (American Civil War).

Ulysses S. GrantThis section requires expansion. (October 2009)

Ulysses S. Grant commented, "I believe at some future day, the nations of the earth will agree on some sort of congress which will take cognizance of international questions of difficulty and whose decisions will be as binding as the decisions of the Supreme Court are upon us".[10]

International organizationsMain article: International organizationsEmblem of the International Committee of the Red Cross.

International organizations started forming in the late 19th century – the International Committee of the Red Cross in 1863, the Telegraphic Union in 1865 and the Universal Postal Union in 1874. The increase in international trade at the turn of the 20th century accelerated the formation of international organizations, and, by the start of World War I in 1914, there were approximately 450 of them. Support for the idea of establishing international law grew during that period as well. The Institute of International Law was formed in 1873 by the Belgian Jurist Gustave Rolin-Jaequemyns, leading to the creation of concrete legal drafts, for example by the Swiss Johaan Bluntschli in 1866.[citation needed] In 1883, James Lorimer published "The Institutes of the Law of Nations" in which he explored the idea of a world government establishing the global rule of law. The first embryonic world parliament, called the Inter-Parliamentary Union, was organized in 1886 by Cremer and Passy, composed of legislators from many countries. In 1904 the Union formally proposed "an international congress which should meet periodically to discuss international questions".

League of NationsMain article: League of NationsSee also: Fourteen Points

The League of Nations (LoN) was an inter-governmental organization founded as a result of the Treaty of Versailles in 1919–1920. At its largest size from 28 September 1934 to 23 February 1935, it had 58 members. The League's goals included upholding the Rights of Man, such as the rights of non-whites, women, and soldiers; disarmament, preventing war through collective security, settling disputes between countries through negotiation, diplomacy, and improving global quality of life. The diplomatic philosophy behind the League represented a fundamental shift in thought from the preceding hundred years. The League lacked its own armed force and so depended on the Great Powers to enforce its resolutions and economic sanctions and provide an army, when needed. However, these powers proved reluctant to do so. Lacking many of the key elements necessary to maintain world peace, the League failed to prevent World War II. Hitler withdrew Germany from the League of Nations once he planned to take over Europe. The rest of the Axis powers soon followed him. Having failed its primary goal, the League of Nations fell apart. The League of Nations consisted of the Assembly, the Council, and the Permanent Secretariat. Below these were many agencies. The Assembly was where delegates from all member states conferred. Each country was allowed three representatives and one vote.

World communism

Although world communism's long-term goal is a worldwide communist society that is stateless, which would entail an absence of any government, many anti-communists (especially during the Cold War) have considered it naive to think that the world revolution advocated by international communists would not lead to world domination by a single government or an alliance of several, yielding a de facto world government of a totalitarian nature.

The heyday of international communism was the period from the end of World War I (the revolutions of 1917–23) through the 1950s, before the Sino-Soviet split.

Nazi GermanyFurther information: New Order (Nazism) and Lebensraum

The ruling Nazi Party of 1933-1945 Germany envisaged the ultimate establishment of a world government under the complete hegemony of the Third Reich.[11] In its move to overthrow the post-World War I Treaty of Versailles Germany had already withdrawn itself from the League of Nations, and it did not intend to join a similar internationalist organization ever again.[12] In his desire and stated political aim of expanding the living space (Lebensraum) of the German people by destroying or driving out "lesser-deserving races" in and from other territories dictator Adolf Hitler may have devised an ideological system of self-perpetuating expansionism, in which the expansion of a state's population would require the conquest of more territory which would in turn lead to a further growth in population which would then require even more conquests.[11] In 1927 Rudolf Hess relayed to Walter Hewel Hitler's belief that world peace could only be acquired "when one power, the racially best one, has attained uncontested supremacy". When this control would be achieved, this power could then set up for itself a world police and assure itself "the necessary living space.... The lower races will have to restrict themselves accordingly".[11]

Atlantic CharterMain article: Atlantic CharterWinston Churchill's edited copy of the final draft of the Atlantic Charter.

The Atlantic Charter was a published statement agreed between the United Kingdom and the United States. It was intended as the blueprint for the postwar world after World War II, and turned out to be the foundation for many of the international agreements that currently shape the world. The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the post-war independence of British and French possessions, and much more are derived from the Atlantic Charter. The Atlantic charter was made to show the goals of the allied powers during World War II. It first started with the United States and Great Britain, and later all the allies would follow the charter. Some goals include access to raw materials, reduction of trade restrictions, and freedom from fear and wants. The name, The Atlantic Charter, came from a newspaper that coined the title. However, Winston Churchill would use it, and from then on the Atlantic Charter was the official name. In retaliation, the Axis powers would raise their morale and try to work their way into Great Britain. The Atlantic Charter was a stepping stone into the creation of the United Nations.

This section requires expansion. (October 2009)Harry Truman

U.S. President Harry S. Truman commented: "We must make the United Nations continue to work, and to be a going concern, to see that difficulties between nations may be settled just as we settle difficulties between States here in the United States. When Kansas and Colorado fall out over the waters in the Arkansas River, they don't go to war over it; they go to the Supreme Court of the United States, and the matter is settled in a just and honorable way. There is not a difficulty in the whole world that cannot be settled in exactly the same way in a world court". -- President Truman's remarks in Omaha, Nebraska on June 5, 1948, at the dedication of the War Memorial.[13] The cultural moment of the late 1940s was the peak of World Federalism among Americans.

World Federalist MovementMain article: World Federalist MovementThis article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (March 2013)

The years between the conclusion of World War II and 1950, when the Korean War started and the Cold War mindset became dominant in international politics, were the "golden age" of the world federalist movement. Wendell Wilkie's book One World, first published in 1943, sold over 2 million copies. In another, Emery Reves' book The Anatomy of Peace (1945) laid out the arguments for replacing the UN with a federal world government and quickly became the "bible" of world federalists. The grassroots world federalist movement in the US, led by people such as Grenville Clark, Norman Cousins, Alan Cranston and Robert Hutchins, organized itself into increasingly larger structures, finally forming, in 1947, the United World Federalists (later renamed to World Federalist Association, then Citizens for Global Solutions), claiming membership of 47,000 in 1949.

Similar movements concurrently formed in many other countries, leading to the formation, at a 1947 meeting in Montreux, Switzerland, of a global coalition, now called World Federalist Movement. By 1950, the movement claimed 56 member groups in 22 countries, with some 156,000 members.

United NationsMain article: United NationsEmblem of the United Nations.

World War II (1939–1945) resulted in an unprecedented scale of destruction of lives (over 60 million dead, most of them civilians), and the use of Weapons of Mass Destruction. Some of the acts committed against civilians during the war were on such a massive scale of savagery, they came to be widely considered as crimes against humanity itself. As the war's conclusion drew near, many shocked voices called for the establishment of institutions able to permanently prevent deadly international conflicts. This led to the founding of the United Nations in 1945, which adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. Many, however, felt that the UN, essentially a forum for discussion and coordination between sovereign governments, was insufficiently empowered for the task. A number of prominent persons, such as Albert Einstein, Winston Churchill, Bertrand Russell and Mohandas K. Gandhi, called on governments to proceed further by taking gradual steps towards forming an effectual federal world government. The United Nations main goal is to work on international law, international security, economic development, human rights, social progress, and eventually world peace. The United Nations replaced the League of Nations in 1945, after World War II. Almost every internationally recognized country is in the U.N.; as it contains 193 member states out of the 196 total nations of the world. The United Nations gather regularly in order to solve big problems throughout the world. There are six official languages: Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish. The United Nations is also financed by some of the wealthiest nations. The flag shows the Earth from a map that shows all of the populated continents.

Garry Davis

In France, 1948, Garry Davis began an unauthorized speech calling for a world government from the balcony of the UN General Assembly, until he was dragged away by the guards. Mr. Davis renounced his American citizenship and started a Registry of World Citizens, which claimed to have registered over 750,000 people in less than two years. Opinion polls carried out by UNESCO in 1948-1949 found world government favored by a majority of respondents in six European countries and rejected in three other countries (Australia, Mexico and the United States).[citation needed] On September 4, 1953, Davis announced from the city hall of Ellsworth, Maine the formation of the "World Government of World Citizens" based on 3 "World Laws" — One God (or Absolute Value), One World, and One Humanity.[14] Following this declaration, mandated, he claimed, by Article twenty one, Section three of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, he formed the United World Service Authority in New York City as the administrative agency of the new government. Its first task was to design and issue a "World Passport" based on Article 13, Section 2 of the UDHR. To date, over 800,000 of these documents have been issued to individuals worldwide. They have been recognized de facto by over 180 countries.[15]

World Passport

The World Passport is a 45-page document issued by the World Service Authority, a non-profit organization,[16] citing Article 13, Section 2, of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. World Passports have reportedly been accepted on a de facto case-by-case basis by over 174 countries and, at one time or another, on an explicit, legal or de jure basis by Burkina Faso, Ecuador, Mauritania, Tanzania, Togo and Zambia. The latest edition of the World Passport, issued January 2007, is an MRD (machine readable document) with an alphanumeric code bar enabling computer input plus an embedded "ghost" photo for security, printing overcovered with a plastic film. The passport is in 7 languages: English, French, Spanish, Russian, Arabic, Chinese and Esperanto. Two covers are available: "World Passport", and "World Government Passport" (for registered World Citizens), ("passport" is in 7 languages on both covers). Duration is 8 years, 5 years or 3 years. Other documents issued by WSA are a World Birth Certificate (Art. 1, UDHR), a World Political Asylum Card (Art. 14, UDHR), a World Marriage Certificate, (Art. 16, UDHR) and a World Identity Card, (Art 21,3, UDHR). Each passport is numbered and each page has the World Citizen logo in the background. There are two pages for affiliation with companies, organizations, and firms. There are nineteen visa pages in the passport. In the back cover there are spaces for personal information such as a person’s home address.[17]

Legal Realism (1954)Main article: E. Adamson Hoebel

Legal anthropologist E. Adamson Hoebel concluded his treatise on broadening the legal realist tradition to include non-Western nations:[18] “Whatever the idealist may desire, force and the threat of force are the ultimate power in the determination of international behavior, as in the law within the nation or tribe. But until force and the threat of force in international relations are brought under social control by the world community, by and for the world society, they remain the instruments of social anarchy and not the sanctions of world law. The creation in clear-cut terms of the corpus of world law cries for the doing. If world law, however, is to be realized at all, there will have to be minimum of general agreement as to the nature of the physical and ideational world and the relation of men in society to it. An important and valuable next step will be found in deep-cutting analysis of the major law systems of the contemporary world in order to lay bare their basic postulates – postulates that are too generally hidden; postulates felt, perhaps, by those who live by them, but so much taken for granted that they are rarely expressed or exposed for examination. When this is done – and it will take the efforts of many keen intellects steeped in the law of at least a dozen lands and also aware of the social nexus of the law – then mankind will be able to see clearly for the first time and clearly where the common consensus of the great living social and law systems lies. Here will be found the common postulates and values upon which the world community can build. At the same time the truly basic points of conflict that will have to be worked upon for resolution will be revealed. Law is inherently purposive".

End of the Cold War (1991)

While enthusiasm for multinational federalism in Europe incrementally led, over the following decades, to the formation of the European Union, the onset of the Cold War (1946–1991) eliminated the prospects of any progress towards federation with a more global scope. The movement quickly shrank in size to a much smaller core of activists, and the world government idea all but disappeared from wide public discourse.

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, interest in a federal world government and, more generally, in the global protection of human rights, was renewed. The most visible achievement of the world federalism movement during the 1990s is the Rome Statute of 1998, which led to the establishment of the International Criminal Court in 2002. In Europe, progress towards forming a federal union of European states gained much momentum, starting in 1952 as a trade deal between the German and French people led, in 1992, to the Maastricht Treaty that established the name and enlarged the agreement that the European Union (EU) is based upon. The EU expanded (1995, 2004, 2007, 2013) to encompass, in 2013, over half a billion people in 28 member states. Following the EU's example, the African Union was founded in 2002 and the Union of South American Nations in 2008.

Current global governance systemFlag of the United Nations.Flag of the World Health Organization.

As of 2015, there is no functioning global international military, executive, legislature, judiciary, or constitution, with jurisdiction over the entire planet.

The Earth is divided geographically and demographically into mutually exclusive territories and political structures called states which are independent and sovereign in most cases. There are numerous bodies, institutions, unions, coalitions, agreements and contracts between these units of authority, but, except in cases where a nation is under military occupation by another, all such arrangements depend on the continued consent of the participant nations. Thus the use of violence is unprohibited throughout the realm and is only checked by the threat of retaliatory actions. Where no such threat exists a nation may freely use violence against another.[citation needed]

Among the voluntary organizations and international arrangements are:

International law Encompassing international treaties, customs and globally accepted legal principles. With the exceptions of cases brought before the ICC and ICJ (see below), the laws are interpreted by national courts. Many violations of treaty or customary law obligations are overlooked.United Nations (UN) The primary formal organization coordinating activities between states on a global scale and the only inter-governmental organization with a truly universal membership (193 governments). In addition to the main organs and various humanitarian programs and commissions of the UN itself, there are about 20 functional organizations affiliated with the UN's Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), such as the World Health Organization, the International Labour Organization, and International Telecommunications Union.[19] Of particular interest politically are the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization.
Militarily, the UN deploys peacekeeping forces, usually to build and maintain post-conflict peace and stability. When a more aggressive international military action is undertaken, either ad hoc coalitions (for example, the multinational force in Iraq) or regional military alliances (for example, NATO) are used.Interpol An international police forceInternational Criminal Court (ICC) A relatively recent development in international law, the ICC (or ICCt) is the first permanent international criminal court established to ensure that the gravest international crimes (war crimes, genocide, other crimes against humanity, etc.) do not go unpunished. The ICC treaty was signed by 139 national governments, of which 100 ratified it by October 2005.World Bank / International Monetary Fund (IMF) Formed together in July 1944 at the Mount Washington Hotel in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, United States to foster global monetary cooperation and to fight poverty by financially assisting states in need.World Trade Organization (WTO) Sets the rules of international trade. It has a semi-legislative body (the General Council, reaching decisions by consensus) and a judicial body (the Dispute Settlement Body). Another influential economical international organization is the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), with membership of 30 democratic members.G7 An association of those seven nations with the world's highest Gross domestic products. The leaders of the G7 countries meet annually in person to coordinate their policies in confronting global issues, such as poverty, terrorism, infectious diseases, and climate change.G20 An association of twenty developing and established nations and entities, including the European Union.

In addition to the formal, or semi-formal, international organizations and laws mentioned above, many other mechanisms act to regulate human activities across national borders. In particular, international trade in goods, services and currencies (the "global market") has a tremendous impact on the lives of people in almost all parts of the world, creating deep interdependency amongst nations (see globalization). Trans-national (or multi-national) corporations, some with resources exceeding those available to most governments, govern activities of people on a global scale. The rapid increase in the volume of trans-border digital communications and mass-media distribution (e.g., Internet, satellite television) has allowed information, ideas, and opinions to rapidly spread across the world, creating a complex web of international coordination and influence, mostly outside the control of any formal organizations or laws.

Existing regional unions of nationsMain article: Regional organizationMain article: Supranational union

The only union generally recognized as having achieved the status of a supranational union is the European Union.[20]

There are a number of other regional organizations that, while not supranational unions, have adopted or intend to adopt policies that may lead to a similar sort of integration in some respects.

African Union (AU)Arab LeagueAssociation of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)Caribbean Community (CARICOM)Central American Integration System (SICA)Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)Commonwealth of NationsCooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (CCASG)Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC)North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)Organization of American States (OAS)South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)Turkic Council (TurkKon)Union of South American Nations (UNASUR)Union State

Other organisations that have also discussed greater integration include:

Arab League into an "Arab Union"Caribbean Community (CARICOM) into a "Caribbean Federation"North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) into a "North American Union"Pacific Islands Forum into a "Pacific Union"Eurasian UnionEuropean UnionMap of European Union nations.

The most relevant model for the incremental establishment of a global federation may be the European Union (EU), which politically unites a large group of widely diverse (and some formerly hostile) nations spread over a large geographical area and encompassing over 500 million people. Though the EU is still evolving, it already has many attributes of a federal government, such as open internal borders, a directly elected parliament, a court system, an official currency (Euro) and a centralized economic policy.

The EU's example is being followed by the African Union, the Union of South American Nations, the Organization of Central American States, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. A multitude of regional associations, aggregating most nations of the world, are at different stages of development towards a growing extent of economic, and sometimes political, integration. The European Union consists of twenty-eight European states. It has developed a “single market” which allows people of different countries to travel from state to state without a passport. This also includes the same policies when it comes to trading. The European Union is said to have 26% of the world's money. Not all EU member states use the Euro; the United Kingdom, for example, retains the pound sterling. Where the Euro is in place, it allows easy access for the free circulation of trade goods. Tariffs are also the same for each country allowing no unfair practices within the union.

NATO

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization is an intergovernmental military alliance based on the North Atlantic Treaty which was signed on 4 April 1949. The organization constitutes a system of collective defence whereby its member states agree to mutual defense in response to an attack by any external party. NATO's headquarters are in Brussels, Belgium, one of the 28 member states across North America and Europe, the newest of which, Albania and Croatia, joined in April 2009. An additional 22 countries participate in NATO's "Partnership for Peace", with 15 other countries involved in institutionalized dialogue programs. The combined military spending of all NATO members constitutes over 70% of the world's defence spending.[21]

CARICOMMap of CARICOM nations.

The Caribbean Community (CARICOM), is an organization of 15 Caribbean nations and dependencies. CARICOM's main purpose is to promote economic integration and cooperation among its members, to ensure that the benefits of integration are equitably shared and to coordinate foreign policy. Its major activities involve coordinating economic policies and development planning; devising and instituting special projects for the less-developed countries within its jurisdiction; operating as a regional single market for many of its members CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME); and handling regional trade disputes.

Since the establishment of CARICOM by the mainly English Creole-speaking parts of the Caribbean region CARICOM has become multilingual in practice with the addition of Dutch speaking Suriname on 4 July 1995 (although the lingua franca in Suriname is Sranan Tongo, which is an English-based Creole like the languages spoken in much of the rest of CARICOM) and Haiti, where French and Haitian Creole are spoken, on 2 July 2002. In 2001, the heads of government signed a Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas in Trinidad and Tobago, clearing the way for the transformation of the idea for a Common Market aspect of CARICOM into instead a Caribbean Single Market and Economy. Part of the revised treaty among member states includes the establishment and implementation of the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ).

African UnionMap of African Union nations.

The African Union (AU) is an organisation consisting of fifty-four African states. Established on July 9, 2002, the AU was formed as a successor to the amalgamated African Economic Community (AEC) and the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). Eventually, the AU aims to have a single currency and a single integrated defence force, as well as other institutions of state, including a cabinet for the AU Head of State.[citation needed] The purpose of the union is to help secure Africa's democracy, human rights, and a sustainable economy, especially by bringing an end to intra-African conflict and creating an effective common market.

Projects for improved economic and political cooperation are also happening at a regional level with the Arab Maghreb Union, the Economic Community of West African States, the Economic Community of Central African States the Southern African Development Community and the East African Community.

ASEANMap of ASEAN nations.

ASEAN (/ˈɑːsiːɑːn/ AH-see-ahn), the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, is a geo-political and economic organization of 10 countries located in Southeast Asia, which was formed on August 8, 1967 by Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand[22] as a display of solidarity against communist expansion in Vietnam and insurgency within their own borders. Its claimed aims include the acceleration of economic growth, social progress, cultural development among its members, and the promotion of regional peace.[23] All members later founded the Asia Cooperation Dialogue, which aims to unite the entire continent.

Shanghai Cooperation OrganisationMap of members and observers of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is an intergovernmental organization which was founded on June 14, 2001 by the leaders of the People's Republic of China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. Except for Uzbekistan, these countries had been members of the Shanghai Five; after the inclusion of Uzbekistan in 2001, the members renamed the organization.

Commonwealth of Independent StatesMap of CIS nations and observers.

The Commonwealth of Independent States is comparable to a confederation similar to the original European Community. Although the CIS has few supranational powers, it is more than a purely symbolic organization, possessing coordinating powers in the realm of trade, finance, lawmaking, and security. It has also promoted cooperation on democratization and cross-border crime prevention. As a regional organization, CIS participates in UN peacekeeping forces.[24] Some of the members of the CIS have established the Eurasian Economic Community with the aim of creating a full-fledged common market.

Arab LeagueMap of Arab League members.

The Arab League is a regional organization of Arab states in Southwest Asia, and North and Northeast Africa. It was formed in Cairo on March 22, 1945 with six members: Egypt, Iraq, Transjordan (renamed Jordan after 1946), Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, and Syria. Yemen joined as a member on May 5, 1945. The Arab League currently has 22 members, which also include, Algeria, Bahrain, Comoros, Djibouti, Kuwait, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Somalia, Sudan, Tunisia and the United Arab Emirates. It has also been proposed to reform the Arab League into an Arab Union. The Arab League currently is the most important organization in the region.[citation needed]

Union of South American NationsMap of the Union of South American Nations.

The Union of South American Nations, modeled on the European Union, was founded between 2006 and 2008. It incorporates all the independent states of South America. These states are Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Paraguay, Peru, Suriname, Uruguay, and Venezuela.

South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation

The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is an economic and political organization of eight countries in Southern Asia. In terms of population, its sphere of influence is the largest of any regional organization: almost 1.5 billion people, the combined population of its member states. It was established on December 8, 1985 by India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Maldives and Bhutan. In April 2007, at the Association's 14th summit, Afghanistan became its eighth member.

Organisation of Islamic CooperationOrganisation of Islamic Cooperation
منظمة التعاون الاسلامي (Arabic)Organisation de la Coopération Islamique  (French)Headquarters Jeddah, Saudi ArabiaOfficial languagesArabicEnglishFrenchMembership57 member statesLeaders - Secretary-General Ekmeleddin İhsanoğluEstablishmentSeptember 25, 1969Website
http://www.oic-oci.org/

The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) is an international organisation with a permanent delegation to the United Nations. It groups 57 member states, from the Middle East, Africa, Central Asia, Caucasus, Balkans, Southeast Asia and South Asia. The organization claims it represents the Global Islamic World (ummah).[25] The official languages of the organisation are Arabic, English and French.

Since the 19th century, many Muslims have aspired to uniting the Muslim ummah to serve their common political, economic and social interests. Despite the presence of secularist, nationalist and socialist ideologies in modern Muslim states, they have cooperated to form the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. The formation of the OIC happened in the backdrop of the loss of Muslim holy sites in Jerusalem. The final cause sufficiently compelled leaders of Muslim nations to meet in Rabat to establish the OIC on September 25, 1969.[26][neutrality is disputed]

According to its charter, the OIC aims to preserve Islamic social and economic values; promote solidarity amongst member states; increase cooperation in social, economic, cultural, scientific, and political areas; uphold international peace and security; and advance education, particularly in the fields of science and technology.[26]

The former flag of the OIC (shown on the right) has an overall green background (symbolic of Islam). In the centre, there is an upward-facing red crescent enveloped in a white disc. On the disc the words "Allahu Akbar" (Arabic for "God is great") are written in Arabic calligraphy.

On August 5, 1990, 45 foreign ministers of the OIC adopted the Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam to serve as a guidance for the member states in the matters of human rights in as much as they are compatible with the Sharia, or Quranic Law.[27]

Turkic Council  Official members  Prospective future members  Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
 (only recognized by Turkey)

The Turkic Council is an international organization comprising Turkic countries. Since 1992, the Turkic Language Speaking Countries Summit has been organizing amongst the Turkic countries. On October 3, 2009, four of these countries signed the Nahcivan Agreement. The organizational center is İstanbul. Additionally, the Joint Administration of Turkic Arts and Culture was founded in Almaty in 1992 and the Turkic Countries Parliamentarian Assembly was founded in Baku in 1998. All of these organizations were coopted into the Turkic Council. The Turkic Council has an operational style similar to organization like the Arab League. The member countries are Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkey. The remaining two Turkic states, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan are not currently official members of the council. However, due to their neutral stance, they participate in international relations and are strongly predicted to be future members of the council. The idea of setting up this cooperative council was first put forward by Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev back in 2006.

Proposed United Nations Parliamentary AssemblyMain article: United Nations Parliamentary AssemblyEmblem of the United Nations Parliamentary Assembly.

A United Nations Parliamentary Assembly (UNPA) is a proposed addition to the United Nations System that would allow for participation of member nations' legislators and, eventually, direct election of United Nations (UN) parliament members by citizens worldwide. The idea was raised at the founding of the League of Nations in the 1920s and again following the end of World War II in 1945, but remained dormant throughout the Cold War. In the 1990s and 2000s, the rise of global trade and the power of world organizations that govern it led to calls for a parliamentary assembly to scrutinize their activity.[28] The Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly was formed in 2007 to coordinate pro-UNPA efforts, which as of July 2013 has received the support of over 850 Members of Parliament from over 90 countries worldwide, in addition to over 350 non-governmental organizations and 21 Nobel and Right Livelihood laureates and 16 Heads or former heads of state or government and foreign ministers.[29][30]

See alsoAnti-nationalismCosmopolitanismDemocratic globalizationDemocratic World FederalistsFederalismGlobal citizens movementGlobal civicsGlobal governanceGlobalizationHumanismInternational organizationInternational auxiliary languageInternationalism (politics)League of NationsLunar governmentMillennialismNew world order (politics)New World Order (conspiracy theory)Planetary Phase of CivilizationSuperclassSupranationalismTransnational citizenshipUnipolarityUnited NationsUtopiaWorld citizenWorld government in fictionWorld Service Authority
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Binding Triad

Binding Triad - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Binding Triad appeals to some world federalists because it could theoretically institute a world government with only one change to the U.N. Charter. However, further amendments would be needed to secure representative government. In addition, it is unclear what impact such a change would have on the role of the United Nations Security Council, which enacts and enforces its own resolutions.

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This article does not cite any references or sources. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (November 2010)

The Binding Triad is a proposal to amend the United Nations Charter to allow the United Nations General Assembly to pass binding resolutions with the approval of a supermajority of members. For a resolution to be binding, it would require the support of nations:

  • Comprising a majority of members of the United Nations.
  • Whose combined contributions in dues comprise a majority of the U.N. budget.
  • Whose combined populations comprise a majority of the world population.

The Binding Triad appeals to some world federalists because it could theoretically institute a world government with only one change to the U.N. Charter. However, further amendments would be needed to secure representative government. In addition, it is unclear what impact such a change would have on the role of the United Nations Security Council, which enacts and enforces its own resolutions.

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United Nations Reform Act of 2005

United Nations Reform Act of 2005 - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

On June 17, 2005, the United States House of Representatives passed H.R.2745, a bill to cut funds to the United Nations in half by 2008 if it did not meet with certain criteria laid out in the legislation.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
"H.R.2745" redirects here. For the star (EW Canis Majoris), see 27 Canis Majoris.

On June 17, 2005, the United States House of Representatives passed H.R.2745, a bill to cut funds to the United Nations in half by 2008 if it did not meet with certain criteria laid out in the legislation. The United States is estimated to contribute about 22% of the UN's yearly budget - this bill would have had a large impact on the UN. The George W. Bush administration and several former US ambassadors to the UN warned that it would have strengthened anti-American sentiment around the world and would have hurt UN reform movements.

It failed to pass Congress.

The author of the bill was House International Relations Committee Chairman Henry Hyde, a Republican from Illinois. It was approved by the House in a vote of 221-184. Supporters of the bill claim that more passive efforts to reform the UN have failed in the past, and it is now time to try a technique that shows the United States has "some teeth in reform."

While some were excited to see the United States proposing to reform the UN, many people held equally strong views that the House was making a mistake.

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