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Domestic Abuse Act 2021 – What does it mean for Family Courts and the people using them? | The Transparency Project

Domestic Abuse Act 2021 – What does it mean for Family Courts and the people using them? | The Transparency Project | Legal In General | Scoop.it
The Domestic Abuse Bill became law on 29 April 2021 and is now known as the Domestic Abuse Act 2021. The Act is vast and wide ranging, and this post covers those parts of it which bear directly on the work of the family courts. There is lots more in it that we aren’t covering here. Although it is now law, not all of the sections of the Act are in force just yet. In fact, none of those we discuss in this post are in force – but they will be coming to a family court near you at some point in the near future. The Act applies mainly to England and Wales only. If you want to read the Act itself you can find it here. There are two main areas that are relevant for those interested in or involved with Family Courts : provisions about protection for victims and witnesses domestic abuse protection orders (DAPOs) We’ll deal with those in turn, and then cover a few other bits and bobs that might be useful to know about from a Family Court perspective. PROTECTION FOR VICTIMS, WITNESSES, ETC IN LEGAL PROCEEDINGS Sections 62 to 67 of the Act deal with these issues, and there are three aspects to the new laws : special measures prohibition on direct cross examination amendments to s91(14) of the Children Act 1989 Special measures Special measures in the Family Court are dealt with in section 63, and there are equivalent provisions for civil courts in section 64 (by civil courts we mean the County Court, which deals with mostly non-family work but is responsible for a few things that are connected to families). It’s important to remember that some family matters are not heard in a family court – disputes between former cohabitees about the ownership of property (known as ToLATA proceedings after the Trusts of Land and Appointment of Trustees Act) are technically civil proceedings and therefore dealt with in the County Court (though often by judges who also sit in the Family Court). It’s worth noting that as of 6 April 2021 the overriding objective in the Civil Procedure Rules (‘CPR’) (which apply to all cases in the County Court) has been amended to make it clear that ‘dealing with a case justly’ includes ensuring that the parties can participate fully, and that parties and witnesses can give their best evidence, and there is a new Practice Direction 1A which makes provision for how courts will give effect to the amended Overriding Objective in relation to vulnerable parties or witnesses. This brings the CPR broadly into line with the Family Procedure Rules (which apply to all cases in the Family Court), which already have equivalent provisions that you can read about in Jack’s post here (Although the Civil Overriding Objective is in fact more explicit on the issue of vulnerability than the one in the Family Rules). For our purposes, what all this means is that broadly the same situation applies to all family law cases, and that includes cohabitee property cases, even though they aren’t technically in the Family Court. Back to the Act : Section 64 creates a presumption where a party or witness is or is at risk of being a victim of domestic abuse from a member of their family or a witness or party in the proceedings, that the quality of their evidence and / or their participation as a party is likely to be diminished by reason of vulnerability. An exception may be made where the person who is vulnerable does not want to be treated as eligible for special measures. ‘Special measures’ are just defined as ‘such measures as may be specified by rules of court for the purpose of assisting a person to give evidence or participate in proceedings’. The Family Procedure Rules, and now the Civil Procedure Rules already cater for this (in the FPR by Rule 3A and PD3AA), so the difference is in the presumption that a victim of domestic abuse will need and be entitled to special measures, as opposed to them having to justify their eligibility. The provisions about special measures are not yet in force and a date for their commencement hasn’t yet been set. Prohibition on direct cross examination Again, there are similar provisions on this topic for Family Courts (section 65) and Civil Courts (section 66). Section 65 amends the Matrimonial and Family Proceedings Act 1984 (‘MFPA 1984’, the Act which was amended in 2014 to create and define the powers of the Family Court), adding new sections 31Q and onwards. The wording of these sections has been around for a number of years, because there have been attempts to pass them via various bills over several Parliaments. Those new sections will mean that where : a party has been convicted, cautioned or is charged with a ‘specified offence’, or is the subject of an on-notice protective injunction, or where ‘specified evidence’ is adduced that a party has carried out domestic abuse then there is a ban on the (alleged) victim and (alleged) perpetrator cross examining one another (there are some exceptions for spent offences). If for some reason the court hasn’t realised there is a conviction / protective injunction and allows the cross examination to go ahead this doesn’t make any decision null and void as a result. The Act tells us that ‘specified evidence’ will be defined in regulations. Those regulations haven’t been made yet so we don’t know exactly what will be required. It’s worth noting that the trigger for the ban is that the evidence is ‘adduced’. The evidence does not have to be tested or accepted as valid for the prohibition to kick in – so we can anticipate that the ‘specified evidence’ is probably going to have to come from a source or otherwise be likely to have some degree of reliability (for example to come from a specified professional and / or based on contemporaneous records or medical examination). The Act tells us that ‘specified offence’ will be defined in regulations. Those regulations haven’t been made yet, but based on drafts circulating in previous Parliaments it is likely they will include violent offences, sexual offences, offences of domestic abuse / coercive control and possibly harassment and / or breaches of domestic abuse protective orders (it would probably be possible to check back through Hansard to see if there is any further detail available about the intended list of specified offences but that would have been very time consuming). In addition to the automatic prohibitions, which the judge has no say in, there is a catch all provision in what will be section 31U of the MFPA 1984, which gives the court a power to prohibit a party from cross-examining even if none of the above applies but where it appears to the court that either : the quality of evidence given by the witness is likely to be diminished if the cross-examination is conducted by the party in person, and it would be likely to be improved if the prohibition was imposed; OR the cross-examination by one party in person would be likely to cause significant distress to the witness or another party and that distress is likely to be more significant than if the cross examination were conducted some other way. This last ‘more significant’ requirement is to filter out cases where the cause of the distress is unconnected to the identity of the person asking questions. The court can exercise its power under section 31U to make a discretionary prohibition order either because it has been asked to do so, or because the judge has decided herself that it would be appropriate even though nobody has asked. Before making a decision the judge has to consider the views of the witness / proposed questioning party; the nature of the questions likely to be asked, having regard to the issues in the case; any behaviour findings in these or other proceedings against either the witness or proposed questioning party; any behaviour by the party at any stage of the case, both generally and in relation to the witness / party; and any relationship (of whatever nature) between the witness and the party. In addition, the judge can make a direction if it would not be ‘contrary to the interests of justice’ to do so – that means that the judge can’t make a prohibition direction if overall it would make things unfair in some other way. The court can change its mind on the request of a party part way through, but it has to give reasons if it does so. The power under this section might be used in cases of domestic abuse that for some reason don’t quite fit in the mandatory sections, but it could also capture cases where a party or witness is vulnerable for some other reason, for example because they are particularly emotionally fragile due to a mental health difficulty and would manage cross examination by a neutral professional much better than from their ex partner. So what happens when there is a prohibition in place? How does cross examination happen? A good question. This is dealt with in what will be section 31W MFPA 1984 ‘Alternatives to Cross Examination’. There is a staged process : The court must consider whether (ignoring this section) there is a satisfactory alternative means for the witness to be cross-examined or of obtaining evidence that the witness might have given under cross-examination in the proceedings. If the court decides that there isn’t, the court must invite the prohibited party to arrange for a qualified legal representative to act for them for the purpose of cross-examining the witness, and set a date by which they must notify the court of whether they have done so. If at the end of that period the court has been notified there is no qualified legal representative appointed or there has been no notification and it appears to the court that no qualified legal representative is to act for this purpose the court must consider whether it is necessary in the interests of justice for the witness to be cross-examined by a qualified legal representative appointed by the court to represent the interests of the party. If the court decides that it is, the court must appoint a qualified legal representative (chosen by the court) to cross-examine the witness in the interests of the party. Where the court appoints a lawyer then the lawyer is not responsible to the party. Their role is limited to cross examining, rather than advice or full representation throughout the hearing. Lawyers will be overjoyed to hear that the Lord Chancellor is in charge of fixing the rates of payment for this work and for issuing guidance to lawyers about their role in such cases. The fees will be paid from ‘central funds’ rather than legal aid. Once again, these provisions are not yet in force and a date has not yet been set. It remains to be seen how well these new arrangements work in practice. It is probably not ideal for a party to have a lawyer swoop in and ask questions of their choosing, probably with no mechanism in place for them to take instructions or properly understand the case put by the ‘client’, beyond reading their witness statement. It may well make for less effective cross examination, does not enable a party to direct the advocate as to the points s/he wishes to be put (albeit this is always a matter for the judgment of the advocate, the party has even less input here), and it does not offer full protection to a vulnerable witness or party because the party cannot be prohibited from causing distress at other points in the trial through their submissions (either by the content and tone of them or the sound of their voice) or their behaviour, although other special measures might mitigate some of those difficulties. Moreover, it is quite likely that the rates of pay and ethically compromising position an advocate under this scheme would be placed under will make this work quite unattractive to lawyers. It is quite possible that the rates of pay will mean that the cab rank rule does not apply. For all those reasons, there might be difficulties securing advocates of sufficient experience and expertise to carry out this work. There remain some real question marks about how much of a fair trial this will afford to either party. On all these points only time will tell. Amendments to s91(14) of the Children Act 1989 (‘Barring orders’) S91(14) of the Children Act 1989 is the piece of law which, in appropriate cases, allows the court to say ‘enough’ and to prevent a parent coming back to court to make further applications without first obtaining permission from the court to do so. These are often informally known as ‘barring orders’, although they aren’t in fact a complete bar to another application. s91(14) is typically – but not always – used where there have been repeated vexatious or unmeritorious applications or protracted proceedings. You can read a bit more about the existing case law on s91(14) via the judgment linked in this post by Julie Doughty and in Re P (an old but still applicable case which gave guidance on s91(14)). Section 67 of the Domestic Abuse Act 2021 will amend section 91(14) so that where the court is satisfied that the making of an application would put the child or another ‘relevant individual’ (the victim of domestic abuse) at risk of harm it may make a s91(14) order. That clearly now empowers the court to make such an order even if there has not been a history of vexatious, unmeritorious applications or protracted proceedings. Although this was always possible under the case law, s91(14) orders have very often been the subject of successful appeals, so this clarity will empower and embolden victims or childrens’ guardians to make such applications, and will give judges confidence that if they do so they are within the law. The Act also amends s91(14) so that where a parent makes an application for permission whilst a s91(14) order is in force, the court must consider whether there has been a material change of circumstances since the order was made when it decides whether to grant leave or not. That means that applications which do not demonstrate a material change in circumstances are more likely to be summarily disposed of by the court, without the respondent (in this scenario probably the victim of domestic abuse) being troubled by it. That is a slightly different approach to the one set out in Re P, which described the test on an application for leave as follows : “On an application for leave, the applicant must persuade the judge that he has an arguable case with some chance of success. That is not a formidable hurdle to surmount. If the application is hopeless and refused the other parties and the child will have been protected from unnecessary involvement in the proposed proceedings and unwarranted investigations into the present circumstances of the child.” It was put slightly differently in (Re A (Application for Leave) [1998] 1 FLR 1, CA, where the Court of Appeal said ‘The application should demonstrate there is a need for renewed judicial investigation’. Arguably, it was always the case that to satisfy the test in Re P, a parent was probably going to have to show some change in circumstances anyway, but this makes it explicit. The amendments also make clear that a s91(14) order can be applied for by a party, the child’s representatives or can be made by the court even if nobody has applied. One of the common reasons for this sort of order being appealed, often successfully, is a failure to ensure a fair process by giving advance warning that the making of such an order is under consideration – even though judges can make an order without an application from one of the parties, they will still need to ensure a fair process, because a s91(14) order is an interference with the Article 6 (fair trial) and the right o access to court, and Article 8 (family life) rights of the party affected by it. The amendments relating to s91(14) are not yet in force and no date has been specified. So for the time being s91(14) remains unchanged. DOMESTIC ABUSE PROTECTION ORDERS Sections 22-46 of the Act deal with new Domestic Abuse Notices and Domestic Abuse Protection Orders. These are a little bit like a hybrid of two sorts of orders that are already available, with a few bells and whistles that neither provide. Under the existing law, police officers can issue Domestic Violence Notices and can present a case to the Magistrates Court to secure a Domestic Violence Protection Order. The Domestic Abuse Notice / Orders will operate in a similar way – the police can issue a notice, can go to the Magistrates and effectively drive the protection of vulnerable victims of abuse without placing the responsibility on them, and hopefully giving them space to think about their options and make a break. Where the new DAPO scheme differs from the existing DVPO scheme (apart from the name) is that a DAPO can last indefinitely rather than the current maximum of 28 days for a DVPO, a suspected breach of a notice or order is arrestable (the officer just needs reasonable grounds to believe there is a breach and does not need a warrant), a breach of a DAPO will be a criminal offence, punishable by a maximum sentence of 5 years in prison. These last two reflect the current position in the case of the other sort of existing order : non-molestation orders, which are available from the Family Court. The DAPO scheme also operates across courts – as well as police being able to take the lead on a victim’s behalf, a victim who is already involved in family (or relevant civil) proceedings with the perpetrator can seek a DAPO through the Family Court. Alternatively, a Family (or civil) judge who is already dealing with a case between the parties can make an order of their own motion. So, these will be a flexible new tool for Family Courts to use. The court can make a DAPO where on balance of probabilities (more likely than not) it finds that there has been ‘abusive’ behaviour, the parties are ‘personally connected’ and it is ‘necessary and proportionate to protect the victim from domestic abuse, or the risk of domestic abuse’. That is similar to the requirements for a non-molestation order, and there are provisions for things the court must consider (such as the welfare of any relevant child) which are also very similar to the Family Law Act 1996, which deals with non-molestation orders. What is different to non-molestation orders and DVPOs is that the court can impose a mandatory requirement – i.e. it can order a person to actively do something, rather than just telling them they must not do something (typically: must not come to the house, must not contact, must not use or threaten violence). In particular, it can tell them they must attend a course, or must wear an electronic tag (we will need to wait and see whether or not a mechanism is found for the family court to exercise this power – its typically only something ordered in the criminal courts, so it might turn out that if this is required an application is best made in the Magistrates court – but again, we’ll have to wait and see). It’s worth noting that these powers apply only to ‘relevant’ civil proceedings, and those will be defined by regulations – that might mean that the powers are limited in practice to cases where the parties are current or former cohabitants or where the subject matter of the case is connected to family breakdown e.g. ToLATA proceedings – but we don’t yet know. What is curious about this new framework is that although the Domestic Abuse Act 2021 will repeal the old DVPO scheme, it doesn’t repeal those parts of Part IV Family Law Act 1996 which deal with non-molestation orders, even though the DAPO will do everything a non-molestation order could do and more. This leaves a slightly weird situation where there are two parallel choices available to those who seek protection from the Family Court – it’s possible that there will need to be some changes to legal aid to fund DAPO applications, but who knows whether the amendments will be to make funding available for both types of application, or will switch funding to DAPOs and remove it for non-molestation orders – or vice versa! In trying to unpick this conundrum we’ve come across this Factsheet produced during the passage of the Bill. It tells us that: “The Bill will repeal existing Domestic Violence Protection Orders. Other protective orders, such as Non-Molestation Orders and Restraining Orders, will remain in place so that they can continue to be used in cases which are not domestic abuse-related, such as cases of stalking or harassment where the perpetrator is not a current or former intimate partner or a family member.” This is confusing, because non-molestation orders are only available in cases where the perpetrator and victim are ‘associated persons’ which broadly equates to them being a current or former intimate partner or family member. We can’t really work out when a DAPO would be unavailable but a non-molestation order would be. We don’t entirely understand the distinction between cases of stalking and harassment and domestic abuse cases because stalking and harassment is often part of domestic abuse or takes place post-separation in a domestic abuse case. But in those cases where there is stalking or harassment between people who are not ‘associated persons’, the correct and only remedy would be an injunction under the Protection from Harassment Act 1997 – so again, keeping non-molestation orders doesn’t seem to obviously add anything and leaving them in place seems to somewhat undermine the intention stated in the factsheet that ‘DAPOs will become the ‘go to’ protective order in cases of domestic abuse’. However, the factsheet promises that ‘Statutory guidance on the orders will cover how DAPOs fit within the existing protective order landscape and scenarios in which they should be considered’ so no doubt all will become clear in due course. These provisions are – yes you’ve guessed it – not yet in force, and we don’t have a date for their commencement yet. Incidentally, we notice that there is another new piece of Scottish legislation just out, called the Domestic Abuse (Protection) (Scotland) Act 2021 which looks as if it may contain similar or equivalent provisions for Scotland, but that is beyond the scope of this blog which only addresses the position in England & Wales. MISCELLANEOUS POINTS Section 80 of the Act also introduces a prohibition on medical professionals charging a fee to provide evidence of domestic abuse, which is often a problem for those who need such evidence in order to obtain legal aid. Section 57 imposes a duty on local authorities to publish a strategy in relation to services for the victims of domestic abuse and their children. This is not directly relevant to family courts, but may be a useful document for parents’ lawyers to refer to in public law proceedings where domestic abuse has been a feature and a carer or potential carer remains vulnerable and in need of support. It may enable legal representatives and other professionals to identify and access appropriate services, perhaps of relevance in potential removal cases or at final hearing when the court is carrying out an ‘holistic analysis’ of the realistic options for children in light of the support and services which are available to them. Section 83 requires the Secretary of State to publish a report about the extent to which individuals, when they are using contact centres in England, are protected from the risk of domestic abuse or, in the case of children, other harm. That provision isn’t going to have any immediate effect since the deadline for publishing that report is 29 April 2023. UPDATES AND CLARIFICATIONS We’ve not followed all the twists and turns of the Bill as it has gone through Parliament and it’s not been practical for us to trawl Hansard for answers to some of the queries we’ve raised that might be lurking there. It may be that those who have will know some of the answers – if we are provided with any clarification, or if any becomes available through regulations or statutory guidance we will either update this post or publish a fresh one. We have a small favour to ask!  The Transparency Project is a registered charity in England & Wales run largely by volunteers who also have full-time jobs. We’re working hard to secure extra funding so that we can keep making family justice clearer for all who use the court and work within it. We’d be really grateful if you were able to help us by making a small one-off (or regular!) donation through our Just Giving page. Thanks for reading! Feature pic : Big Ben Flickr by Graeme Tozer Creative Commons – thank you.
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There are currently fourteen inquiries being undertaken under the Inquiries Act 2005. The most recent of these is the Covid-19 Inquiry, which has generated a great deal of press attention. In the wake of this, the House of Lords has just set up a new select committee to examine the law and practice of public inquiries. But where have public inquiries stemmed from, and how can they be reformed? Public inquiries are a vital fixture of our constitution and play an important role in the government’s response to major crises. They are triggered by matters of public concern with common characteristics being large scale loss of life, serious health and safety issues, or failure in regulation. While they provide an important rebuilding of public confidence, and a level of accountability, they are primarily factfinders and aim to offer a full and fair account of what happened. They can bring catharsis and have the advantage of being flexible in contrast to litigation, offering inquisitorial rather than adversarial procedures. This flexibility provides for a more compassionate, human-focused procedure, such as when victims of the mid-Staffordshire NHS Trust were able to have free counselling during the inquiry. Similarly, the Post Office Inquiry ran a human impact phase to hear direct testimonies of those affected. Historically, inquiries had been conducted by parliamentary committees; however, their lack of independence caused difficulties, and in 1921 this power was moved to public tribunals. The Inquiries Act 2005 introduced measures to make inquiries faster, procedurally more effective, and less costly, but at the cost of giving more power to the ministers. The Act moved responsibility for establishing an inquiry from Parliament to ministers, equipped with an additional degree of control over their operation. Section 14 gives the minister the power to end an inquiry, after consulting with the chairperson. Section 19 provides the minister as well as the chairperson with the ability to restrict the attendance and evidence disclosure in an inquiry, and section 25 the authority to arrange for the publication of the report, which he or she can defer to the chairperson. The minister therefore has a substantial degree of control, which appears unnecessary given the high levels of seniority and experience the chairs have. Reform of the Inquiries Act should therefore address this ministerial control, as recognised by the 32 reforms recommended by the Select Committee. These included a recommendation that the minister’s power to issue a restriction notice under section 19 should be abrogated, and that the chairperson should be the sole decision-maker in the withholding of the Inquiry’s material from publication. It recommended that the requirement to send warning letters to all those facing criticism in the report should be left to the sole discretion of the chair. It suggested the setup of a central inquiries unit to deal with inquires and their implementation. These reforms could make inquiries more streamlined and create an enhanced level of trust in the chairperson. The transparency of inquiries is also essential to their success. Inquiries have strong powers of compulsion under Section 21, which forced the disclosure of Boris Johnson’s WhatsApp messages for the Covid Inquiry. But this power is challenged when the inquiry is exposing past political behaviour. Section 35 makes it an offence to fail to comply with a formal notice requiring the production of evidence. However, this applies for the duration of an Inquiry rather than retrospectively. Messages that have been long-ago deleted aren’t caught by this legislative framework, and politicians have been able to delete messages without censure, a deficiency that should be tightened. The increase in public inquiries and the greater transparency that they provide to the public could conceivably lead to a change in behaviour from people in positions of power. Another difficulty with inquiries is their inability to mandate their recommendations. The government is ultimately responsible for enforcing them, but there are no consequences for failure to do so, or outright rejection. Nonetheless, past inquiries have provoked significant change in regulation. After the Francis Inquiry report recommended NICE publish guidance on the safe staffing of nurses, it did so. Similarly, the Leveson Inquiry recommendations led to a Royal Charter on press regulation to be granted with the oversight of a Press Recognition Panel, incorporating key recommendations from its report. Public inquiries should be celebrated as core constitutional instruments that bring truth, catharsis and apportion blame for those who have suffered major miscarriages of justice. The Inquiries Act has made progress by defining the role of the chair, but the level of ministerial involvement remains controversial. A greater focus and trust in the chair would instil public confidence and absolute independence.
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Home > News Mr Justice Cohen retires Mr Justice Cohen retired from the High Court (Family Division) with effect from 9 May 2021, but will be authorised to act as Judge of the High Court until up to and including 2 January 2024 and will therefore continue to sit effectively full time. Sir Jonathan Cohen was called to the Bar (L) in 1974, took Silk in 1997 and was elected a Bencher in 2004. He was appointed an Assistant Recorder in 1993, a Recorder in 1997, a Member of the Mental Health Review Tribunal in 2000 and authorised to sit as a Deputy High Court Judge in 2005. He was appointed a High Court Judge (Family Division) in 2017. 16/5/21
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Family Law Week: Domestic Abuse Act 2021 commencement schedule

Home > News Domestic Abuse Act 2021 commencement schedule The Home Office has issued a schedule of the commencement dates of the provisions of each section of the Domestic Abuse Act 2021. For the schedule, click here. 16/5/21
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'I've secured my first pupillage interview... any advice?'

'I've secured my first pupillage interview... any advice?' | Legal In General | Scoop.it
Budding barrister seeks help...
Kuba Bartczak's curator insight, May 31, 4:02 PM
W swoim przemówieniu na konferencji AI Conference 2024, Sir Geoffrey Vos, Master of the Rolls i szef sądownictwa cywilnego w Anglii i Walii, podkreślił kluczową rolę sztucznej inteligencji (AI) w transformacji pracy prawników i sędziów. Zwrócił uwagę, że AI nie jest zjawiskiem nowym ani przerażającym, lecz narzędziem technologicznym, które już od lat funkcjonuje w codziennym życiu, na przykład w smartfonach. Vos zauważył, że generatywna AI, taka jak ChatGPT, DALL·E czy Sora, staje się coraz bardziej powszechna i może znacząco wpłynąć na sposób wykonywania obowiązków zawodowych przez prawników.([The Times][1]) Podkreślił, że AI może wspierać prawników w analizie dużych zbiorów danych, podsumowywaniu materiałów prawnych oraz prowadzeniu badań, co zwiększa efektywność pracy. Jednakże Vos zaznaczył, że kluczowe decyzje prawne powinny pozostać w gestii ludzi, aby zachować integralność procesu sądowego. Wskazał również na potrzebę edukacji i adaptacji środowiska prawniczego do nowych technologii, aby uniknąć pozostania w tyle za postępem. Vos ostrzegł przed potencjalnymi zagrożeniami związanymi z niewłaściwym wykorzystaniem AI przez osoby o złych intencjach, co podkreśla konieczność wprowadzenia odpowiednich zabezpieczeń i nadzoru. Zakończył swoje wystąpienie apelem o aktywne zaangażowanie prawników i sędziów w proces integracji AI z systemem prawnym, aby zapewnić jego skuteczność i sprawiedliwość w erze cyfrowej. [1]: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/call-for-human-right-to-have-legal-case-heard-by-a-person-not-ai-lq5vb3k22?utm_source=chatgpt.com "Call for human right to have legal case heard by a person, not AI"
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Monday morning round-up

Monday morning round-up | Legal In General | Scoop.it
The top legal affairs news stories from this morning and the weekend...
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Home Office fails to inform the families of asylum seekers who die in their care – The Justice Gap

Home Office fails to inform the families of asylum seekers who die in their care – The Justice Gap | Legal In General | Scoop.it
Home Office fails to inform the families of asylum seekers who die in their care By Nandini Pradeep 12 March 2024 | 9:27 am Human rights, Immigration, News By Nandini Pradeep 12 March 2024 | 9:27 am Home Office fails to inform the families of asylum seekers who die in their care The Home Office has admitted it does not routinely inform the families of asylum seekers who have died in their care. It is also restricting the release of information about these deaths publicly due to concerns that it might ‘endanger mental health.’ As of August 2023, 176 asylum seekers are thought to have died under the Home Office’s care at Home Office accommodation since 2020. The Civil Fleet, an organization that regularly applies for information requests from the Home Office, has reported that the Home Office has not provided information about the race and gender of five people who have died in the first six months of 2023 in Home Office accommodation. This is despite providing such information in previous years such as 2021, 2022 and early 2023. The reason given by the Home Office for failure to disclose this information is through reliance on Section 38(1)(a) and (b) of the Freedom of Information Act 2000, on the basis that its release ‘would, or would likely, endanger the physical or mental health of any individual’, or ‘endanger the safety of any individual’. The risk, according to the Home Office, is that this information may be used to identify and endanger the safety of asylum seekers and their families. The Civil Fleet has appealed the decision to the Information Commissioner’s office who has requested that the Home Office disclose this information by 4th April, or they may otherwise be found in contempt of court. The Home Office may appeal this decision; however, they have admitted there is no previous causal link between disclosure of this information and the identifying of the individual asylum seekers. Deborah Coles, the director of INQUEST, a charity investigating contentious deaths, has said: ‘The levels of obfuscation and denial from the Home Office are unparalleled across any other public body. They show utter contempt for people who die in their care and their families. There is clear disregard for their legal and moral responsibility.’ A Home Office spokesperson has responded to assure that they will continue to ‘ensure the needs and vulnerabilities of those residing in asylum accommodation are identified and considered, including those related to mental health and trauma.’ They have also expressed disappointment in the ICO ruling and have said they will be considering their next steps. The Home Office also faced fresh criticism yesterday following comments made by David Neal, the sacked independent borders inspector, who told the BBC that the Home Office was ‘dysfunctional’ and ‘in need of reform’. He revealed that, within 18 months, there had been four different officials in charge of emergency accommodation for asylum seekers, which he described as ‘absolute madness in terms of accountability.’ Neal has also described the conditions in asylum accommodation for children being brought ashore from small boats as worse than the facilities ‘for detained Taliban terrorists in Afghanistan.’ Whilst he said these concerns appeared to be taken seriously, they were not given sufficient attention as the (then) Home Secretary Priti Patel failed to meet him, and her successor, Suella Braverman, only met with him twice. Neal also claimed on the BBC’s Today Podcast that he did not gain access to higher-ups to report on issues that needed reform. 15 of Neal’s reports were originally held back from publication for 18 months, although 13 of which are now online. Mr. Neal was sacked for the release of sensitive information over the lack of sufficient radios at the Heathrow e-passport gates which reportedly lost him the trust of the Home Secretary. Author: Nandini Pradeep Nandini Pradeep is a third-year law student at UCL and formerly the Creative Editor of the Law Society Publications. She is interested in legal journalism, particularly the societal dimensions of law. Most Popular ‘Hope can be a cruel concept’ – Joint Enterprise and ‘Substantial Injustice’ Police officer drags and stamps on homeless refugee High levels of self-harm and girl forcibly stripped by male officers at HMYOI Wetherby – ... Demand for an independent inquiry after mistreatment of refugee children by Home Office staff Stay informed Sign up for our weekly newsletter Email Submit The Justice Gap is an online magazine about the law and justice run by journalists. read more... Our print magazine is Proof. Contributors include Michael Mansfield QC, Bob Woffinden, David Rose, Eric Allison and Ian Cobain. Buy Proof Magazine The latest issue (Why legal aid matters) includes Helena Kennedy QC and Martha Spurrier in conversation, David Conn on the legacy of Hillsborough - plus how to build your own law centre. Author: Nandini Pradeep Nandini Pradeep is a third-year law student at UCL and formerly the Creative Editor of the Law Society Publications. She is interested in legal journalism, particularly the societal dimensions of law. Related Posts Over 100 asylum seekers have died in Home Office…Legal challenge launched to ‘discriminatory’ Home…Home Office accused of 'bullying' asylum seekers by…Complex asylum cases handled by inexperienced staff,…Asylum Accommodation excluded from Social Housing…
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Best of the blogs

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Weekly round-up of the top legal blogosphere posts...
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February 28, 2024 2:06 PM
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LawNewsIndex: 28th February - Law News

LawNewsIndex: 28th February - Law News | Legal In General | Scoop.it
UK based daily legal news archive on Law, Lawyers, Law Firms, Justice, Jurisprudence, Legislation, Litigation, Legal Ethics & Human Rights...
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1 in 5 students use AI to help with training contract and pupillage apps

1 in 5 students use AI to help with training contract and pupillage apps | Legal In General | Scoop.it
Legal Cheek flash poll...
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February 27, 2024 4:10 PM
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Number of pupillage spots on offer hits a record high

Number of pupillage spots on offer hits a record high | Legal In General | Scoop.it
But number of applicants also up...
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LawNewsIndex: 26th February - Law News

UK based daily legal news archive on Law, Lawyers, Law Firms, Justice, Jurisprudence, Legislation, Litigation, Legal Ethics & Human Rights...
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LawNewsIndex: 27th February - Law News

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UK based daily legal news archive on Law, Lawyers, Law Firms, Justice, Jurisprudence, Legislation, Litigation, Legal Ethics & Human Rights...
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Legal Action Group | Court of Protection: update

Legal Action Group | Court of Protection: update | Legal In General | Scoop.it
Injunctions, DoLS and public protection, transparency/anonymity, cross-border checklists, collection/storage of sperm following catastrophic brain injury.
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Law and Guidance Podcast with Sally Penni MBE, Barrister at Law

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Law and Guidance Podcast Series with Sally Penni Barrister at Law. Discussing Legal concepts....
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Family Law Week: Current provision of Domestic Abuse Perpetrator Programmes

Home > News Current provision of Domestic Abuse Perpetrator Programmes Cafcass has issued with immediate effect, temporary guidance to support Family Court Advisers when making recommendations progressing cases in the current context where Domestic Abuse Perpetrator Programme (DAPP) provision is severely limited. Prior to the pandemic, Cafcass says, the family justice system was under enormous pressure with increases in numbers across all areas of public and private family law. After over a year of working with the constraints of the pandemic, the system finds itself with significant backlogs, in certain types of work. The provision of DAPPs in England has been adversely affected due to the necessary face-to-face delivery model and a number of DAPP providers have had to reduce or suspend their offer. Careful consideration has been given to the possible development of remote DAPPs using another safe alternative, however, there is not yet sufficient evidence to support the adoption of a remote model. Unfortunately, a backlog of several hundred cases has accrued.  Cafcass appreciates that this backlog has a considerable impact on parents and their children who need certainty about their contact arrangements. Leaders across the family justice system agree that there must be collective action to address this and consider alternative options where safe and in the interests of the child and a temporary process has been agreed.  This applies in England only as DAPPs are not available in Wales. The temporary process is outlined below: Cafcass has issued with immediate effect, temporary guidance to support Family Court Advisers when making recommendations progressing cases in the current context where DAPP provision is severely limited.  Cafcass is establishing a small, dedicated team to review the circumstances of families for whom a DAPP has been ordered, but not yet completed, prioritising first those for whom a DAPP has not yet commenced.  These case reviews will involve a Family Court Adviser reviewing the child's file, speaking with adults and children to re-assess the current risks and options, taking account of the new guidance.   The child will be given the opportunity to write to the court explaining the impact for them and their wishes and feelings. For cases that have been reviewed, Cafcass will request the court's permission to file a further report, and there may need to be a further hearing to consider this. These reports may recommend either: (a) that the case remains on the waiting list as no safe and beneficial arrangements for time with the child are possible without this provision, with appropriate ongoing oversight including a process of monthly review; or (b) that the application to court for the existing order for a DAPP can be discharged and an alternative plan (informed by the reassessment) can be put in place: this could be a final order of no contact, a final order for contact with a safety plan and other provision, or an interim order for 'a step-by-step approach to the progression of contact arrangements', with a further review and an addendum ordered. From 1 May 2021, Child Contact Interventions commissioned by Cafcass on behalf of the Ministry of Justice were replaced with the new Improving Child and Family Arrangements (ICFA) service.  The ICFA service is designed to be a more tailored and less prescriptive approach to meet the needs of individual children and their families. In areas where there is capacity to commence new individuals in face-to-face DAPP programmes, families identified at 3a above will take priority, under new arrangements for oversight, which are currently being developed.  Cafcass will only start making referral recommendations in reports for new cases once those families with delayed proceedings have been able to progress, unless a DAPP is seen to be the most suitable option. In this situation, the family will be added to the DAPP waiting list. Implementation of this temporary process will result in new referrals for DAPPs only being made in cases where it is truly necessary and having due regard to the delay this order will inevitably cause. Cafcass will keep the temporary arrangements under review and share the learning with the National Recovery Group.  It is anticipated that DAPP provision will be reinstated when the system has recovered. Cafcass Chief Executive Jacky Tiotto and Sir Andrew McFarlane, President of the Family Division said: "We recognise how incredibly important it is for children and their families to receive the services they need without delay. The consequences of the pandemic and the essential need for the Domestic Abuse Perpetrator Programme to take place in-person has meant this hasn't always been possible. "We are working with all involved in family justice to ensure that the people currently waiting to take part in the programme are prioritised and that we have measures in place to ensure that waiting times are kept to a minimum and regularly reviewed for children and their families." For the temporary guidance to support Family Court Advisers when making recommendations, click here and follow the link at point 1. 16/5/21
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