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Scoop.it!
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Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal 
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Scoop.it!
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With the Socialist Party unable to significantly capitalize on the disaffection with the government, smaller pseudo-left parties could hold the balance of power.
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Miliband must stand up to his corporate tormentors if he’s to win back support from the SNP and Greens
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ere is the first rule of politics: if you never vote for what you want, you never get it. We are told at every election to hold our noses, forget the deficiencies and betrayals and vote Labour yet again, for fear of something worse. And there will, of course, always be something worse. So at what point should we vote for what we want rather than keep choosing between two versions of market fundamentalism? Sometime this century? Or in the next? Follow the advice of the noseholders and we will be lost forever in Labour’s Bermuda triangulation.
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In an underdeveloped Balkan country in which corruption and cronyism largely constitute the driving forces of ''development'' and ''social progress,'' Greece's only hope of revival from its moral and social morass is a unified left.
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Ed Miliband’s recent proposal to hold regular Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs) with members of the public was met with derision from some commentators. In typical critical fashion, Telegraph blogger Dan Hodges said the proposal by the Labour leader was a “glaring example of precisely the sort of superficial gesture politics he decries” and “will only serve to drive a further wedge between our MPs and those who elect them”.
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Podemos has grown out of the indignado movement that in May 2011exploded against austerity and for “real democracy”. This was driven by occupations of town squares and mass citizen assemblies, providing a striking counter-point to the Spanish state’s bureaucratic and frequently corrupt “politics as usual”. ANOVA in Galicia and the Catalan left-nationalist Popular Unity Candidacies (CUP) were forerunners of Podemos as forces organising political representation “from below”.
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Are the Greens a progressive party? Are they enemies of the labour movement that need combatting alongside the Tories, UKIP, LibDems and the rest? I ask because, as Graun readers may have seen, Ian Sinclair posed the question last week; "why does the left ignore the Green Party?" It's a fair enough question to ask. Ian provided a list of policies most Labour types wish we would take on board. Wild ultra-leftist promises like renationalising rail and public utilities, which also happen to be backed by the public at large. All progressive, all would go some way to making Britain a better place to be. Yet the reasons why the left and the labour movement don't treat the Greens favourably is only partly thanks to the enduring image of sandal-wearing, lentil-snorting hippy-types. The main reason, which is occasionally articulated by the far left, is that the Greens are anti-modernist and mainly based on an "alien" class force - the petit bourgeoisie. Or so we're told. Is that really the case? Are the Greens an organisation the left should shun, despite their demonstrably centre-left political programme?
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Being elected Mayor of New York is a far bigger deal than being elected to the City Council in Seattle.
But Kshama Sawant’s victory there may, in the end, be the more historic achievement.
Sawant ran on the Socialist Alternative ticket – in express opposition to the Democratic Party of Barack Obama and the Clintons. That she won – at a time when “socialism” has become a term of reproach for both Democrats and Republicans, and when the media all but ignore third parties and independent candidacies – is attributable not just to her political skills, but to the fact that public support for the two-party system and for capitalism itself is now extraordinarily low.
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In the last week on Ox Stu, George Gillett has argued that distributing wealth according to academic ability is every bit as unfair as distributing according to family background. Joe Miles has pointed out that all distributions of wealth are fundamentally arbitrary. He argued that we should confine ourselves to the more modest goal of ensuring equality before the law. Nathan Akehurst’s response was to argue that equality before the law means very little if financial inequality keeps the power to manipulate the law in the hands of a few. Formal freedoms should not be confused with real ones.
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December 12, 2013 -- Revalvaatio -- Murray Smith is a Scottish socialist who has been involved in leftist politics in various Western European countries since the 1960s. Since 2009 he has lived in Luxemburg, where he takes part in the activities of the left party déi Lenk and was elected to be the party’s representative in the European Left Party’s executive bureau in 2010.
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This month Vermont’s Bernie Sanders, the Senate’s only self-described socialist, made a tour of four Southern states that stoked talk of a presidential run. In an interview this week with Salon, Sanders set forth his thinking about why he might take that plunge, and offered assessments of contenders Hillary Clinton and Elizabeth Warren. He also blasted Wal-Mart’s business model, Republicans’ healthcare tactics, and a level of inequality that he warned has brought America to the cusp of oligarchy. A condensed version of our conversation follows.
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I support a Bernie Sanders campaign for president. I support it whether he decides to run as an Independent or within the Democratic primaries. I support it no matter what criticism he receives from more radical leftists for particular positions he has taken. I support it because I've believed for months that Bernie Sanders is easily the one person who, by running for president in 2016, can do the most to excite and inspire tens of millions of people in this country, give the kind of leadership needed to generate an independent and progressive, multi-issue mass movement for systemic change.
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David Cameron lurched about the despatch box at this week’s Prime Minister’s questions like a toddler drunk on the power of watching a sibling taking the rap for his crimes. He accused veteran Labour MP Michael Meacher of suffering the psychedelic effects of ‘a night out with Reverend Flowers’, the disgraced, drug taking former Chairman of the Co-op Bank. A quick look at the funding, relationships and patronage of the UK political system reveals: Westminster village is on a perpetual night out with Rev. Flowers.
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The polling suggests that Miliband could go much further and still keep the public onside. Forget a mere freeze on bills followed by a "reset" of the broken energy market: 69% of the public want to see the energy companies renationalised. A similar number would like the railways back in public hands. Any action on petrol prices would enjoy huge approval: along with home heating, it's the daily cost voters complain of most. While he's at it, Miliband can draw comfort from the knowledge that a 50p top rate of tax commands 68% support, with equal enthusiasm for Labour's proposed mansion tax on £2m-plus properties.
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THE nightmare scenario for Germany's centre-right looks as follows: Come Monday morning, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) of chancellor Angela Merkel will, as expected, begin negotiating with its opponents, the Social Democrats (SPD), to form a coalition because their pairing will be the only mathematically and politically plausible way to form a parliamentary majority. The SPD's candidate, Peer Steinbrück, kicks off the bargaining but then honourably bows out, leaving the field to others in his party. Mrs Merkel remains chancellor. But--and now the nightmare starts--only for about half a term.
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Curated by jean lievens
Economist, specialized in political economy and peer-to-peer dynamics; core member of the P2P Foundation
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