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Tunisia's democratic transition experience has sparked the interest of all countries, particularly those in the Arab and African regions, said Head of the International Co-operation Section at the International Criminal Court (ICC) Amady Ba. 
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Tunisia has been a bright spot in the Arab world and, over the long term, its new secular democracy can offer a model for other countries in the region.
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A host of factors and failures have combined to outweigh Ennahda's successes in the transitional period, seeing its popularity shrink since its electoral victory in 2011.
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When 88-year old Beji Caid el-Sebsi, who previously worked with former president of Tunisia, Habib Bourguiba, and ousted president, Zine el-Abidine ben Ali, won the 2014 parliamentary elections in Tunisia, where the turnout was less than three years ago, Western media outlets and secular-liberal circles experienced a naive sense of excitement. It would not be wrong to suggest that statements and analyses to the effect of "seculars can win elections too" lacks sophistication. It is, however, not difficult to grasp this sense of excitement. After all, secularists in the Middle East and North Africa had lost power through elections and reclaimed their influence through military coups since the 1990s.
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From
nawaat
After relatively short post-revolutionary transition period, Tunisian democracy is slowly standing up on its own feet. The 30 years of statesmanship from Habib Bourguiba, which brought Tunisia independence from French colonial rule in 1956, has left the legacy of authoritarianism deeply rooted in Tunisian society. His successor, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who served as Prime Minister in Bourguiba’s government, brought another 24 years of political and social repression with little hope for change… But after many generations of political opportunism and self-interest, Tunisian people, tired of struggling with high unemployment, inflation, corruption and lack of political and social rights, decided to take things in their own hands during the Jasmine Revolution of 2011.
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This paper focuses on the Tunisian Revolution that occurred in January 2011. The revolution was dubbed by many on television, on the Internet, and in the blogosphere, as the “Twitter Revolution.” I focus on how social media serves as an effective tool in the political climate of Tunisia, but in analyzing critiques of the Twitter title in conjunction with survey responses from 50 Tunisians, I argue that the “Twitter” title is Orientalist as it emphasizes the role of Western-made technologies, rather than the role of Tunisians themselves.
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On 27 January 2014 Tunisia's National Constituent Assembly (NCA) adopted a new democratic constitution for the country by an overwhelming majority, following a peaceful and inclusive process, supported by UNDP, which saw engagement and dialogue from a wide political spectrum across the country.
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The year 2013 was a difficult year for Tunisia and for Arabs and their hopes of liberation. Tunisians placed high hopes on the revolutions they sparked in 2010. They placed high hopes on their ability to create a new model of peaceful change, one that could achieve a revolution that takes neither a step back into repression nor strays into violence. They placed high hopes on the national dialogue launched by political leaders, trade unions and civil society organisations in September to take the democratic transition out of the crisis into which it was driven by the assassinations of two political leaders in six months.
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Curated by jean lievens
Economist, specialized in political economy and peer-to-peer dynamics; core member of the P2P Foundation
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on money and what it is
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Not TINA (There Is No Alternative) but TAPAS: THERE ARE PLENTY OF ALTERNATIVES
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