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Scoop.it!
Seventy-five years after his death, Trotsky emerges ever more clearly as a world historical figure who not only influenced the course of the 20th century, but whose writings and ideas remain an essential guide for orienting the working class today. 
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Scoop.it!
Scoop.it!
The leader of the International Marxist Tendency has written an attack on anarchism from his Trotskyist perspective. He makes some correct criticisms of some versions of anarchism, in relation to those who reject revolution or political organization. But he attempts to defend the idea of a "workers' state" by limited quotes from Lenin and by mistating the history of the Russian revolution.
Scoop.it!
Scoop.it!
FOR SOME time, Cuban writer Leonardo Padura has been exploring his disenchantment with many of the realities of his beloved county through his novels about detective Mario Conde. But it is in his The Man Who Loved Dogs, just published in English, where his social and political reflections about socialism and freedom--in Cuba and beyond--reach their greatest depth.
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This year’s Leipzig Book Fair experienced a new record attendance with 175,000 visitors over four days last week. When one includes the series of meetings and literary events taking place in the city of Leipzig itself, this total rises to 237,000.
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IMMEDIATELY AFTER the accession of Hitler, Trotsky wrote that the issue presenting itself to the masses was no longer Bolshevism versus Fascism but Fascism versus Democracy. Our subsequent critique of the Popular Front might make it appear that we had perversely abandoned this view when Moscow adopted it. That would be a complete misunderstanding. We rejected the whole conception of the Popular Front precisely because it was impotent to combat fascism. The struggle for the democracy vital to the workers could not be waged in a bourgeois alliance for the maintenance of a corrupt parliamentary regime and decaying capitalist social order. The Popular Front was a gigantic piece of political blackmail. The liberal bourgeoisie of France said to the workers: we shall collaborate with you and keep de la Roque and Doriot out, we shall let you have your unions and political parties, provided only that you quit the militant struggle against private property and the wage system, against militarism and imperialism. Otherwise we shall have to let the fascists restore order.
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Trotsky argued that because a social revolution had been completed in the USSR, the underlying productive and social relations had been transformed making the workers the ruling-class, all that was required was a political revolution that brought control of the political regime directly under the control of the workers, removing it from the hands of the Bonapartist apparatus. The more entrenched the position of the bureaucracy was to become, the more such a revolution would appear like a social revolution, because it would need to be more thoroughgoing, ripping out the social roots of the bureaucracy itself.
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The so-called “Leninist” orthodoxy is history, and the campaign that Stalin and his ideologists launched for decades against “Luxemburgism”, which they identified since 1931 with their most hated nightmare, “Trotskyism”, has fallen into oblivion. So we are free to examine the Marxist theories on the structure of the Russian society and the prospects of a revolutionary uprising against the rule of the Czar – written a century ago –, in order to explore the capacity of these theories to present an explanation of the state of affairs – one hundred years ago – and a prognosis of its future development (in and after 1917). [1]
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The infancy and childhood of the movement was fortunate in having the intellectual leadership of one of the greatest minds of all time, Karl Marx. It was doubly fortunate in having in Marx’s collaborator, Friedrich Engels, a genius in his own right, whose true stature always remained obscured in the public mind as a result of his modest subordination to the towering height of Marx. The period of the formation of the Second International under the sound, experienced guidance of Engels, his last great service to the working class, coincided with the rise of the Marxist movement in Russia. The latter was soon to replace the intellectually declining movement of Western Europe as the center of uncorrupted Marxist thought and as the source of a revolutionary socialist renaissance on a world scale. Vigorous young Russian Marxism produced two men to fill the international leadership left vacant after the death of Marx and Engels – Vladimir Ilyich Lenin and Leon Trotsky.
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Leading representatives of the Partei für Soziale Gleichheit (PSG) of Germany and the Socialist Equality Party of Britain spoke at a November 30 meeting in Berlin to mark the 75th anniversary of the founding of the Fourth International. Among those who gathered in a lecture hall at the Technical University to mark one of the central historical events of the 20th century was a delegation from France.
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“Socialism,” “Class Struggle,” “Class Solidarity,” all the brave words with capital letters that once aroused and inspired the awakening pre-war generations, were now only pronounced for holiday effect on May Day. Workers considered it “old stuff” that gave forth a stale odor. Nor could it have other than a false ring when mouthed by “Socialist” ministers busy ministering to a sick capitalism. These concepts were replaced in the worker’s thought with a growing skepticism, given vent by a shrug of the shoulders and a defeatist, “What else can one do?”
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In September 1938, 30 Trotskyists met in Paris and declared that the 'World Party of Socialist Revolution” was now in existence, the fourth Marxist International, in the direct line of succession from Marx and Lenin.
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Curated by jean lievens
Economist, specialized in political economy and peer-to-peer dynamics; core member of the P2P Foundation
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