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Center for Research on Globalization The Struggle for South Africa's Liberation: Success and Failure Center for Research on Globalization This paper was presented at a seminar at the University of Johannesburg on Wednesday, August 5, 2015.
Latest news from South Africa, World, Politics, Entertainment and Lifestyle. The home of The Times and Sunday Times newspaper.
Cape Town - Looking at what uber has done to the taxi industry and at how Air Bnb has shaken up the hotel business, companies would be wise not to dismiss Dion Chang too quickly when he warns: “If your industry has not yet been disrupted, it is only a matter of time!”
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Events that took place on June 25-26, 1955, in Kliptown, South Africa, represented a turning point in the national liberation struggle in that apartheid-dominated state.
CounterCurrents.org Xenophobia In South Africa: Driven By Apartheid Legacy Of White Monopoly ...
Xenophobia in South Africa
We speak with two close colleagues and friends of the pioneering author, filmmaker and media reform activist Danny Schechter, who died last week of pancreatic cancer at the age of 72, and play excerpts from different points in his career.
It is no exaggeration to put it to you without hesitation that black people are still severely marginalised in our country, sadly 20 years post-democracy.
That NUMSA's call has received so much attention can be explained by the reality of South African society 20 years after the fall of apartheid.
On Tuesday, 1 July, hundreds of thousands of metalworkers went out on strike in the engineering and metals sectors, bringing the industry to a complete standstill. The strike involves small, medium and large companies, with more than 220,000 workers at about 10,500 workplaces. Some of the big companies that are affected includes Bell Equipment, Dorbyl, Murray and Roberts, Scaw Metals and Reunert.
The reality is that the ANC’s victory came from a distinct minority of “the people”, says Dale T McKinley.
He says the ANC has deviated from the prescripts of the Freedom Charter on ownership and control of the economy. But this is a matter of interpretation.
Almost 29 years ago at the height of mass struggles by workers, youth, women, students and communities, despite repression, detention without trial, a state of emergency, killings and assassinations of activists and leaders, the workers of South Africa declared; “A giant is born”. And so the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), by the blood, sacrifices and sweat of many generations before it, was launched.
Watching the events to commemorate Nelson Mandela’s death was to watch history being re-written. Mandela the terrorist was forgotten. International leaders of every stripe struggled to bask in his aura of courage and forgiveness as if they’d always been at his side. The jagged and tumultuous and contested path of the internal forces to end apartheid was not part of the narrative nor was the multi-facetted international anti-apartheid movement visible in the story. Yet the profound disappointments with what the liberation movement in power has delivered could not be written out of the script. Boos interrupted the peons of praise for Mandela each time President Jacob Zuma rose to speak. The spontaneous protest against Zuma’s most recent scandal, squandering $20-million of state funds to build a palatial home at Inkandla, could not be kept hidden. Watching president-in-waiting Cyril Ramaphosa, ex-mineworkers’ leader turned powerful business tycoon, maneuvering adroitly at Zuma’s side, filled me with foreboding for the years ahead.
After striking miners were killed in what is known as the “Marikana massacre” of April 16, 2012, tremendous working-class indignation, organization and political consciousness has emerged. The article below was produced in December of 2013 to reflect on the process of rebuilding the fighting capacity of South African unions and the political organization of the working class. Despite the previous heroic role of the African National Congress (ANC) and the recently departed Nelson Mandela, the ANC has become the main ruling party of the South African capitalists, overseeing drastic neoliberal measures and the most unequal society in the world.
Piet Swanepoel explores the later former president's links with the Anglo-American Establishment
The icon is dead. Long live what? The world was treated in December 2013 to a celebration of Nelson Mandela's funeral that was incredible. The elegies were never-ending. More heads of state and government, past and present, came to pay homage than any other funeral in history. There were to be sure some dissenting voices among commentators, but really very few. There was no doubt quite a bit of hypocrisy in the celebration, but there were also expressions of genuine grief and real appreciation for an extraordinary person. It was the last hurrah for someone that South Africans called Tata Madiba.
This is a reply to Slavoj Zizek’s article “Mandela’s Socialist Failure” published online in The Stone (a New York Times maintained philosophy blog) on December 6, 2013. In eight pithy paragraphs Zizek endeavors to expose the real legacy of Mandela as opposed to his current “beatification.” The Catholic Church used to have someone play the role of Devil’s Advocate to denigrate the reputation of a person nominated to become a saint. Zizek has taken it upon himself to see to it that Mandela’s “beatification” does not progress to full fledged “sainthood.”
On Thursday December 5, 2013 the people of South Africa lost one of the foremost freedom fighters and revolutionary who made his mark on humans everywhere. Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela was born in South Africa in 1918 and matured as Africans in South Africa rose to the challenges posed by the most brutal social and economic system of that moment, the system called apartheid. Mandela has now joined the ancestors and he has left his mark beside those great humans (such as Mahatmas Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr, Rosa Parks, Umm Kulthum, Che Guevara and Rosa Luxemburg) whose greatness emerged from the movements that created them. The forms of struggle that emerged from South Africa inspired the refinement of the philosophy of Ubuntu. This is a philosophy that says one’s humanity is being enriched by another’s and that as humans we are linked to a wider universe and spiritual world. Mandela had said clearly of Ubuntu, “The spirit of Ubuntu – that profound Africa sense that we are human beings only through the humanity of other human beings – is not a parochial phenomenon, but has added globally to our common search for a better world.”
South Africa boasts a constitutional democracy founded on a dual yet complimentary approach to governance. The first pillar involves elected representative governance and the second, participatory democracy.
“Since trade ignores national boundaries and the manufacturer insists on having the world as a market, the flag of his nation must follow him, and the doors of the nations which are closed against him must be battered down. Concessions obtained by financiers must be safeguarded by ministers of state, even if the sovereignty of unwilling nations be outraged in the process. Colonies must be obtained or planted, in order that no useful corner of the world may be overlooked or left unused”.
Who is a “democrat” today? The simple answer would be most of us. It would seem street protesters in Greece, Brazil and Egypt as well as Barack Obama, Jacob Zuma and Julius Malema are all democrats. Is this really the case?
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Curated by jean lievens
Economist, specialized in political economy and peer-to-peer dynamics; core member of the P2P Foundation
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