Early conceptions of digital democracy as a virtual public sphere or civic commons have been replaced by a new technological optimism for democratic renewal based upon the open and collaborative networking characteristics of social media. This article provides an introduction to a special issue of the international journal Information, Communication & Society which attempts to present a grounded analysis on these claims drawing upon evidence-based research and analysis. A more cautious approach is suggested for the potential of social media to facilitate more participative democracy whilst acknowledging its disruptive value for challenging traditional interests and modes of communicative power.
Democracy is always in the making: a never-ending project that requires constant rethinking and development. There are many ways of understanding and practising democracy, and this essay is concerned with those that put citizens at the heart of democratic life.
Although the attention of the British public has long been distracted by Media Disinformation campaigns there are still occasions when the press publish a small fragment of an issue of constitutional importance.
To participate in the drafting is a way to diffuse political consciousness and pro-activism, to boost ongoing social conflicts, to lift the veil on latent ones and at the same time to make them connect.
Social media sites provide users with outlets for entertainment, sharing, and games. But can social networking sites influence, or even encourage, digital democracy? Social Media and Democracy: Innovations in Participatory Politics, edited by Brian D. Loader and Dan Mercea, looks at the relationship between social media, democracy, and citizenship.1
The particular character of what Hugo Chávez called the Bolivarian process lies in the understanding that social transformation can be constructed from two directions, “from above” and “from below.” Bolivarianism—or Chavismo—includes among its participants both traditional organizations and new autonomous groups; it encompasses both state-centric and anti-systemic currents. The process thus differs from traditional Leninist or social democratic approaches, both of which see the state as the central agent of change; it differs as well from movement-based approaches that conceive of no role whatsoever for the state in a process of revolutionary change.
The Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute (SPERI) recently launched an initiative for developing a new capitalism to replace the failed Anglo-American neo-liberal model, which the Coalition Government clings to despite the model’s fiscal and moral bankruptcy. This new civic capitalism would emphasise people as citizens within a democratic polity, seeking sustainable and socially just economic growth, rather than the unsustainable consumerism of selfish individualism, socially destructive levels of inequality, and increasing precarity for the majority of people created by the neo-liberal model of capitalism.
One of the most unfortunate fates that can befall activists is our failure to work together in a collaborative fashion to accomplish what is invariably a common purpose. At its worst, individuals and groups who are pursuing the same goal end up in an adversarial, even internecine, relationship, frequently over what appear to be the most trivial differences that really come down to ego posturing. Not only are we shooting ourselves in the foot at these times, and rendering impossible any chance of success, to an outside observer it appears that what or who we’re really opposed to is each other!
As governments in economic difficulties increasingly turn to environmentally damaging extraction industries for quick cash citizens of those countries are responding with increasingly louder cries of protest.
This conversation started in Prague, the Czech Republic, during a panel moderated by Irena Reifová at the symposium ‘On Empowered and Impassioned Audiences in the Age of Media Convergence’. The event was organized by the Faculty of Social Sciences at Charles University. The text contains a series of discussions. First, there is a conversation about the nature of the participatory democratic utopia and participatory culture and how groups take (or do not take) advantage of the affordances of new and emerging media. It also emphasizes the political nature and potential of popular culture and touches upon its connection to institutionalized politics.
Earlier this week, The People's Lobby launched their first participatory democracy experiment in Provo, a city of just over 115,000 people in north-central Utah.
The Weymouth Wire is a new system to encourage participation in local decision-making. The idea is to use occasional (very quick) online surveys to ask people for their views on a range of local issues. As a some people don't use the internet it also gives online folk the opportunity to register their own friends, family and neighbours and catch their views by having a conversation with them in an offline manner.
Freedom starts with a choice. Bobonline.org - Your global access to ballots on political and social issues and a direct, participatory democracy. The new NGO...
This essay, written by Carole Pateman and translated to Persian by Tavaana, considers the participatory theory of democracy, which holds that for a democracy to exist, a participatory society must exist, including not only politics but all spheres of society, such as industry. Pateman, a British feminist and political theorist, critiques contemporary theories built on assumptions that increased political participation could upset the stability of the democratic system.
It appears to me that in majority of discussions about life after capitalism and possible social-economic alternatives, a very familiar anxiety tends to surface and resurface. This anxiety, I argue, is both existential and social in nature. It is the result of what I describe as one of the most fundamental philosophical problems of the 21st Century: namely that if capitalism, as a system of in-direct domination, emerged in history as an alternative to systems of direct domination; how might we then formulate, in the present, a truly progressive and emancipatory alternative without reproducing direct or in-direct systems of domination?
There are, in fact, many minds working on various ways to use the internet as a tool for democratic participation. Wikimedia seems like a logical focal points for bringing together collaborative efforts. I’m glad to see that most of these projects are proceeding with the intention of being open to new ideas and evolving as more people use them. So far most of these projects seem to be focused on developing well functioning ways to vote on-line. This is great and definitely needed but I’d like to suggest that voting on such a site would be just one part of broader cultural transformations towards a more participatory world. An ideal democracy wiki site would involve ways for people to organize and work together to make the changes happen which they wish to see rather than just voting and expecting government employees to do all the work. And if people organize on-line they will need real-world spaces to meet in and bring their ideas into fruition. An ideal site should emphasize the need for organizing these spaces and provide support for doing so.
Participatory forms of decision-making proliferated in Brazil in the two decades since the return to democratic rule in 1985. The most well-known institution, Participatory Budgeting (PB), was adopted by municipal governments as a means to clean up government spending, to encourage active participation by citizens in public life and to re-direct resources to low-income neighborhoods. By 2004 there were 170 active PB programs, up from the original 13 in 1989. Overall, at least 250 municipalities had experimented with PB between 1989 and 2004. The spread of PB was spurred by several overlapping but distinct processes including the electoral successes of leftist political parties, the positive publicity surrounding PB as a result of several major prizes being awarded to municipal governments that adopted PB, the expansion of civil society networks and the willingness of centrist politicians to adopt policies that had been pioneered by leftist political parties.
By harnessing the collective wisdom of the crowd, it enables people to connect directly with political power and could be applied far beyond Iceland's shores.
As governments in economic difficulties increasingly turn to environmentally damaging extraction industries for quick cash, citizens of those countries are responding with increasingly louder cries of protest.
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