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Describe how art changed during the 1920's?

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Describe how art changed during the 1920's

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Website 3 The Birth of the Harlem Renaissance: History & Timeline — Infoplease.com

Website 3 The Birth of the Harlem Renaissance: History & Timeline — Infoplease.com | Harlem Renaissance Shawnesha C | Scoop.it
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Great Days in HarlemThe birth of the Harlem Renaissance

 

by Beth Rowen & Borgna Brunner 
Zora Neale Hurston, 1935  Originally called the New Negro Movement, the Harlem Renaissance was a literary and intellectual flowering that fostered a new black cultural identity in the 1920s and 1930s. Critic and teacher Alain Locke described it as a "spiritual coming of age" in which the black community was able to seize upon its "first chances for group expression and self determination." 

With racism still rampant and economic opportunities scarce, creative expression was one of the few avenues available to African Americans in the early twentieth century. Chiefly literary—the birth of jazz is generally considered a separate movement—the Harlem Renaissance, according to Locke, transformed "social disillusionment to race pride."

 

Perfect Timing The timing of this coming-of-age was perfect. The years between World War I and the Great Depression were boom times for the United States, and jobs were plentiful in cities, especially in the North. Between 1920 and 1930, almost 750,000 African Americans left the South, and many of them migrated to urban areas in the North to take advantage of the prosperity—and the more racially tolerant environment. The Harlem section of Manhattan, which covers just 3 sq mi, drew nearly 175,000 African Americans, turning the neighborhood into the largest concentration of black people in the world.



Literary Roots

 


  The orig. manuscript of Hughes's Ballad of Booker T.Black-owned magazines and newspapers flourished, freeing African Americans from the constricting influences of mainstream white society. Charles S. Johnson's Opportunity magazine became the leading voice of black culture, and W.E.B. DuBois's journal, The Crisis, with Jessie Redmon Fauset as its literary editor, launched the literary careers of such writers as Arna Bontemps, Langston Hughes, and Countee Cullen.

Other luminaries of the period included writers Zora Neale Hurston, Claude McKay, Jean Toomer, Rudolf Fisher, Wallace Thurman, and Nella Larsen. The movement was in part given definition by two anthologies: James Weldon Johnson's The Book of American Negro Poetry and Alain Locke's The New Negro.

 

"Our Individual Dark-Skinned Selves"

 

The white literary establishment soon became fascinated with the writers of the Harlem Renaissance and began publishing them in larger numbers. But for the writers themselves, acceptance by the white world was less important, as Langston Hughes put it, than the "expression of our individual dark-skinned selves."



Read more: The Birth of the Harlem Renaissance: History & Timeline — Infoplease.com http://www.infoplease.com/spot/bhmharlem1.html#ixzz2EqaYHQVQ

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Garvey on the Peace After World War 1 - Primary Document 2

Garvey on the Peace After World War 1 - Primary Document 2 | Harlem Renaissance Shawnesha C | Scoop.it

Annotation-This document was created by Marcus Garvey. He created this document to warn the colored and declare to the people in power. He warned that people may not be fair to all. He declared to the people in power for justice and inequality. 

The first plenary session of the peace conference following World War I opened on 18 January 1919, almost ten weeks after the signing of the Armistice on 11 November 1918. The conference was attended by seventy delegates representing twenty-seven of the victorious powers (Germany was excluded until the peace terms were ready for submission). The conference formally ended and the League of Nations came into being on 10 January 1920.

Advice of the Negro to Peace Conference.
Editorial by Marcus Garvey, from The Negro World, November 30, 1918

Now that the statesmen of the various nations are preparing to meet at the Peace Conference, to discuss the future government of the peoples of the world, we take it as our bounden duty to warn them to be very just to all those people who may happen to come under their legislative control. If they, representing the classes, as they once did, were alive to the real feeling of their respective masses four and one-half years ago, today Germany would have been intact, Austria-Hungary would have been intact, Russia would have been intact, the spirit of revolution never would have swept Europe, and mankind at large would have been satisfied. But through graft, greed and selfishness, the classes they represented then, as some of them represent now, were determined to rob and exploit the masses, thinking that the masses would have remained careless of their own condition for everlasting.

It is a truism that you "fool half of the people for half of the time, but you cannot fool all of the people for all of the time;" and now that the masses of the whole world have risen as one man to demand true equity and justice from the 'powers that be', then let the delegates at the Peace Conference realize, just now, that the Negro, who forms an integral part of the masses of the world, is determined to get no less than what other men are to get. The oppressed races of Europe are to get their freedom, which freedom will be guaranteed them. The Asiatic races are to get their rights and a larger modicum of self-government.

We trust that the delegates to the Peace Conference will not continue to believe that Negroes have no ambition, no aspiration. There are no more timid, cringing Negroes; let us say that those Negroes have now been relegated to the limbo of the past, to the region of forgetfulness, and that the new Negro is on the stage, and he is going to play his part good and well. He, like the other heretofore oppressed peoples of the world, is determined to get restored to him his ancestral rights.

When we look at the map of Africa today we see Great Britain with fully five million square miles of our territory, we see France with fully three million five hundred thousand square miles, we see that Belgium has under her control the Congo, Portugal has her sway over Southeast Africa, Italy has under her control Tripoli, Italian Somaliland on the Gulf of Aden and Erythria on the Red Sea. Germany had clamored for a place in the sun simply because she has only one million square miles, with which she was not satisfied, in that England had five millions and France three millions five hundred thousand. It can be easily seen that the war of 1914 was the outcome of African aggrandizement, that Africa, to which the while man has absolutely no claim, has been raped, has been left bleeding for hundreds of years, but within the last thirty years the European powers have concentrated more than ever on the cleaning up of the great continent so as to make it a white man's country. Among those whom they have killed are millions of our people, but the age of killing for naught is passed and the age of killing for something has come. If black men have to die in Africa or anywhere else, then they might as well die for the best of things, and that is liberty, true freedom and true democracy. If the delegates to the Peace Conference would like to see no more wars we would advise them to satisfy the yellow man's claims, the black man's claims and the white man's claims, and let all three be satisfied so that there can be indeed a brotherhood of men. But if one section of the human race is to arrogate to itself all that God gave for the benefit of mankind at large, then let us say human nature has in no way changed, and even at the Peace Conference where from the highest principles of humanity are supposed to emanate there will come no message of peace.

There will be no peace in the world until the white man confines himself politically to Europe, the yellow man to Asia and the black man to Africa. The original division of the earth among mankind must stand, and any one who dares to interfere with this division creates only trouble for himself. This division was made by the Almighty Power that rules, and therefore there can be no interference with the plans Divine.

Cowardice has disappeared from the world. Men have died in this world war so quickly and so easily that those who desire liberty today do not stop to think of death, for it is regarded as the price which people in all ages will have to pay to be free; that is the price the weaker people of Europe have paid; that is the price the Negro must pay some day.

Let the Peace Conference, we suggest, be just in its deliberations and in its findings, so that there can be a true brotherhood in the future with not more wars.

Excerpt from Robert A. Hill, ed. The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, Volume I, 1826 - August 1919. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983.

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Website 1

Website 1 | Harlem Renaissance Shawnesha C | Scoop.it

HARLEM RENAISSANCE

The Harlem Renaissance was the African-American cultural revolution centered in Harlem, New York City, which began after World War I, climaxed in the mid to late 1920s, and diminished in the mid 1930s. The movement, while primarily literary, involved art, music, dance, and theater. During this pivotal period, the Harlem Renaissance fostered black pride and uplifting of the race through the use of intellect. Thinking African-Americans, using artistic talents, challenged racial stereotypes and helped promote racial integration. Significantly, the genesis of the Civil Rights movement was rooted in radical political ideologies of Harlem Renaissance intellectuals.

The Harlem Renaissance, first called the New Negro Movement or the New Negro Renaissance, was the culmination of multiple factors, including the Great Migration. After WWI, hundreds of thousands of African-Americans left the rural South for cities of the industrial North in search of better jobs and a more tolerant environment. By 1918, Harlem, New York had the highest concentration of black people in the world, making it the cultural heart of African-Americans.

W.E.B. DuBois

Heightened social consciousness was a prerequisite for the Harlem Renaissance. The advocacy of racial equality was embodied in the 1909 founding of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), an interracial organization. Pioneering black culture sociologist, W.E.B. DuBois, helped start the group and served as editor of its magazine, The Crisis.

Marcus Garvey

A new racial pride figured prominently in the Harlem Renaissance. Jamaican born black separatist, Marcus Garvey, sparked cultural pride and ignited interest in African roots with his "Back to Africa" movement. Inspired by Booker T. Washington, Garvey founded the United Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) in 1914. Adopted by working-class African-Americans, the movement was unpopular with black intellectuals.

The National Urban League, an interracial organization founded in 1911, was committed to integration and used a social service approach to help uprooted African-Americans during the Harlem Renaissance. The League’s magazine, Opportunity, published black writers and promoted them through articles and reviews. A "godfather" of the Harlem Renaissance, black sociologist Charles S. Johnson, edited the magazine. He secured patrons to sponsor prizes in annual magazine contests for young African-American writers. In 1924, Opportunity and Johnson hosted the first of several dinners introducing promising black writers to the white publishing establishment. After the first dinner, Survey Graphic magazine produced a special Harlem issue.

Black philosopher Alain Locke edited the March 1925 Harlem feature. Often called the "father" of the Harlem Renaissance, Alain Locke’s 1926 book, The New Negro: An Interpretation, was an outstanding anthology containing works by leading writers. As a result of Locke’s book, white critics started taking African-American writing seriously and white publishers sought black literature.

Carl Van Vechten, white patron of Harlem Renaissance writers and performers, wrote a controversial 1926 novel, Nigger Heaven. A best seller portraying Harlem of the Roaring Twenties, Van Vechten’s book fueled white interest in all things black. Sophisticated New Yorkers began frequenting Harlem's nightlife. The vogue for African-American motifs in Art Deco Design, as well as African-American art, literature, 1920s' Jazz, and Charleston Dance spread nationwide.

Many prominent writers of the Harlem Renaissance expressed the conditions and feelings of the average man. Called the "Negro Poet Laureate," Langston Hughes (1902-1967) said his poetry concerned the commonfolk. Using colloquial language, Hughes based his poetry rhythms on blues and jazz, creating the new form of jazz poetry. Zora Neale Hurston (1891-1960), dubbed the "Queen of the Renaissance," was a folklorist who also glorified the everyday black in her fiction.

Bibliography

The New Negro: An Interpretation, Alain Locke, Ayer Co. Pub., Reprint edition, 1968

Harlem Renaissance, Nathan Irving Huggins, Oxford University Press, 1972

From Slavery to Freedom: A History of African Americans, John Hope Franklin, Author, Alfred A. Moss, Jr., Author, Knopf, 8 Sub edition, 2000

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Today website 1 The impact of The Harlem Renaissance

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MONDAY, OCTOBER 5, 2009Impact of The Harlem Renaissance As a writer from The Harlem Renaissance, I feel it is my inherent duty to share my beliefs onto the subject of why students in the present should continue to read works of literature that were produced during The Harlem Renaissance. Also, I feel the necessity to explain how The Harlem Renaissance continues to impact the 21st century. The Harlem Renaissance has impacted the 21st century greatly. Without the Harlem Renaissance there would not have been such a drastic change in our literature and music. The Harlem Renaissance played a great role in the ending of racial discrimination later in history. This was the start of the development of African-American literature. The Harlem Renaissance movement ended in the late 1930's because of the Great Depression, but The Harlem Renaissance continues to be an inspiration to many. Although the racial discrimination was not lessened after this crucial movement, our community received a rhetorical background to build on. It paved the way for progress and development for the coming generations. It conveyed to our community and the world during that period that we were not inferior to White-Americans. The Harlem Renaissance helped create equality for all people later in history. The success of African-Americans today would not have been possible if not for The Harlem Renaissance. The literary works during this period was primitive to all African-Americans, thus it is important to study those works which helped build the African-American community into what we are today. The determination that our community possessed during The Harlem Renaissance is commonly referred to as the backbone of our African-American community. By reading African-American literature from this period, students can be informed of the unique culture of our community. We were treated as inferiors during that period. Therefore, people can discover the elements of hardwork, determination and our views regarding our ill-treatment. Our voice could be heard through our work which was not possible before this period. The works of literature produced by us during this period rival some of the greatest literary works of all time. We were able to open up our feelings through our work, thus providing our work a uniqueness. Due to this uniqueness, students should read our literary works to fully understand the condition of our community during The Harlem Renaissance. Students of the 21st century continue to read literature from The Harlem Renaissance because the literary works produced from our time period are unique and can never be reproduced. The culture that is embedded into our literary works is unparalleled. I even incorporated the fever of jazz that was sweeping the nation during The Harlem Renaissance into my various works of poetry. Thus, to experience an unprecedented amount of passion and culture, students must read works of literature produced during The Harlem Renaissance. -Langston Hughes
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Website 2 Harlem Renaissance - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Harlem Renaissance was a cultural movement that spanned the 1920s and 1930s. At the time, it was known as the "New Negro Movement", named after the 1925 anthology by Alain Locke. Though it was centered in the Harlem neighborhood of New York City, many French-speaking black writers from African and Caribbean colonies who lived in Paris were also influenced by the Harlem Renaissance.[1][2][3][4]

The Harlem Renaissance is unofficially recognized to have spanned from about 1919 until the early or mid 1930s. Many of its ideas lived on much longer. The zenith of this "flowering of Negro literature", as James Weldon Johnson preferred to call the Harlem Renaissance, was placed between 1924 (the year that Opportunity: A Journal of Negro Life hosted a party for black writers where many white publishers were in attendance) and 1929 (the year of the stock market crash and the beginning of the Great Depression).

Until the end of the Civil War, the majority of African Americans had been enslaved and lived in the South. After the end of slavery, the emancipated African Americans began to strive for civic participation, political equality and economic and cultural self-determination. Soon after the end of the Civil War the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871 gave rise to speeches by African American Congressmen addressing this Bill. By 1875 sixteen blacks had been elected and served in Congress and gave numerous speeches with their new found civil empowerment. The Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871 was renounced by black Congressman and resulted in the passage of Civil Rights Act of 1875, part of Reconstruction legislation by republicans. By the late 1870s, democratic whites managed to regain power in the South. From 1890 to 1908 they proceeded to pass legislation that disenfranchised most Negros and many poor whites, trapping them without representation. They established white supremacist regimes of Jim Crow segregation in the South and one-party block voting behind southern Democrats. The Democratic whites denied African Americans their exercise of civil and political rights by terrorizing black communities with lynch mobs and other forms of vigilante violence[5] as well as by instituting a convict labor system that forced many thousands of African Americans back into unpaid labor in mines, on plantations, and on public works projects such as roads and levees. Convict laborers were typically subject to brutal forms of corporal punishment, overwork, and disease from unsanitary conditions. Death rates were extraordinarily high.[6] While a small number of blacks were able to acquire land shortly after the Civil War most were exploited as sharecroppers.[7] As life in the South became increasingly difficult, African Americans began to migrate North in great numbers.

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Primary Document 1 The Souls Of Black Folk

Annotation-This document is written by W.E.B. DuBois. He created this document because he advocated Pan-Americanism, the belief in all African descent should band together against racism and economic oppresions. This document was created in 1903. When he wrote this document I think the White people back then maybe took it offensively and the black people was making a stand and becoming stronger on their word. 

W.E.B. DuBois, The Souls of Black Folk (1903) Speaking of America Volume II: Since 1865, Laura A. Belmonte W.E.B. DuBois rejected Booker T. Washington’s emphasis on vocational training and racial accommodation. A Harvard University PhD, DuBois taught at Atlanta University and wrote several books on African Americans, including The Souls of Black Folk, extracted here. Although DuBois initially believed that academic studies could solve racial problems, he modified this view after exposure to Jim Crow laws and racial violence convinced him of the necessity for social protest. In 1905, he helped to found the Niagara Movement, a group dedicated to civil rights. After the organization disbanded, DuBois and others established the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). For over twenty years, DuBois played an integral role in the NAACP and edited its magazine, The Crisis. After leaving the NAACP in 1934, DuBois returned to teaching and writing. Throughout his career, DuBois advocated Pan-Americanism, the belief that all people of African descent should band together against racism and economic oppression. In his later years, DuBois embraced Marxism and moved to Ghana. … One hesitates…to criticize a life which, beginning with so little, had done so much. And yet the time is come when one may speak in all sincerity and utter courtesy of the mistakes and shortcomings of Mr. Washington’s career, as well as of his triumphs, without being thought captious or envious, and without forgetting that it is easier to do ill than well in the world…. Mr. Washington represents in Negro thought the old attitude of adjustment and submission; but adjustment at such a peculiar time as to make his programme unique. This is an age of unusual economic development, and Mr. Washington’s programme naturally takes an economic cast, becoming a gospel of Work and Money to such an extent as apparently almost completely to overshadow the higher aims of life. Moreover, this is an age when the more advanced races are coming in closer contact with the less developed races, and the race-feeling is therefore intensified; and Mr. Washington’s programme practically accepts the alleged inferiority of the Negro races. Again, I our own land, the reaction from the sentiment of war time has given impetus to race-prejudice against Negroes, and American citizens. In other periods of intensified prejudice all the Negro’s tendency to self-assertion has been called forth; at this period a policy of submission is advocated. In the history of nearly all other races and peoples the doctrine preached at such crises has been that manly self-respect is worth more than lands and houses, and that a people who voluntarily surrender such respect, or cease striving for it, are not worth civilizing. In answer to this, it has been claimed that the Negro can survive only through submission. Mr. Washington distinctly asks that black people give up, at least for the present, three things, - First, political power, Second, insistence on civil rights, Third, higher education of Negro youth,- and concentrate all their energies on industrial education, the accumulation of wealth, and the conciliation of the South. This policy has been courageously and insistently advocated for over fifteen years, and has been triumphant for perhaps ten years. As a result of this tender of the palm-branch, what has been the return? In these years there have occurred: 1. The disfranchisement of the Negro. 2. The legal creation of a distinct status of civil inferiority for the Negro. 3. The steady withdrawal of aid from institutions for the higher training of the Negro. These movements are not, to be sure, direct results of Mr. Washington’s teachings; but his propaganda has, without a shadow of doubt, helped their speedier accomplishment. The question then comes: Is it possible, and probable, that nine millions of men can make effective progress in economic lines if they are deprived of political rights, made a servile caste, and allowed only the most meager chance for developing their exceptional men? If history and reason give any distinct answer to these questions, it is an emphatic NO. And Mr. Washington thus faces the triple paradox of his career: 1. He is striving nobly to make Negro artisans business men and property- owners; but it is utterly impossible, under modern competitive methods, for workingmen and property-owners to defend their rights and exist without the right of suffrage. 2. He insists on thrift and self-respect, but at the same time counsels a silent submission to civic inferiority such as is bound to sap the manhood of any race in the long run. 3. He advocates common-school and industrial training, and depreciates institutions of higher learning; but neither the Negro common-schools, nor Tuskegee itself, cold remain open a day were it not for teachers trained in Negro colleges, or trained by their graduates…. ….Negroes must insist continually, in season and out of season, that voting is necessary to modern manhood, that color discrimination is barbarism, and that black boys need education as well as white boys. In failing thus to state plainly and unequivocally the legitimate demands of their people, even at the cost of opposing an honored leader, the thinking classes of American Negroes would shirk a heavy responsibility, a responsibility to themselves, a responsibility to the struggling masses, a responsibility to the darker races of men whose future depends so largely on this American experiment, but especially a responsibility to this nation, - this common Fatherland. It is wrong to encourage a man or a people in evil-doing; it is wrong to aid and abet a national crime simply because it is unpopular not to do so. The growing spirit of kindliness and reconciliation between the North and South after the frightful differences of a generation ago ought to be a source of deep congratulation to all, and especially to those whose mistreatment caused the war; but if that reconciliation is to be marked by the industrial slavery and civic death of those same black men, with permanent legislation into a position of inferiority, then those black men, if they are really men, are called upon by every consideration of patriotism and loyalty to oppose such a course by all civilized methods, even though such opposition involves disagreement with Mr. Booker T. Washington. We have no right to sit silently by while the inevitable seeds are sown for a harvest of disaster to our children, black and white…. The black men of America have a duty to perform, a duty stern and delicate, a forward movement to oppose a part of the work of their greatest leader. So far as Mr. Washington preaches Thrift, Patience, and Industrial Training for the masses, we must hold up his hands and strive with him, rejoicing in his honors and glorying in the strength of this Joshua called of God and of man to lead the headless host. But so far as Mr. Washington apologizes for injustice, North or South, does not rightly value the privilege and duty of voting, belittles the emasculating effects of caste distinctions, and opposes the higher training and ambition of our brighter minds, - so far as he, the South, or the Nation, does this, - we must unceasingly and firmly oppose them. By every civilized and peaceful method we must strive for the rights which the world accords to men, clinging unwaveringly to those great words which the sons of the Fathers would fain forget: “We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”

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