Cognitive Behavior Therapy (CBT) is usually short-term, goal-directed, and skills-based. Therapists help patients identify and solve problems and learn specific skills to change their thinking and behavior so they can make lasting changes in their behavior and general functioning. At each session, patients record responses to their unhelpful and inaccurate thinking, along with steps they have committed to take in the coming week.
A growing body of literature has demonstrated the effectiveness of CBT for people with diabetes. For example, a randomized controlled trial published last year inDiabetes Care showed that CBT enhanced treatment adherence and decreased depression in Type 2 diabetes patients. In this study, participants received either enhanced usual care or enhanced usual care plus a CBT intervention. Four months after treatment, the group receiving CBT intervention showed greater improvements in medication adherence, depressive symptoms, and diabetes control compared to the usual care group. At the eight-month follow up, the CBT intervention group maintained their gains in adherence and diabetes control.
This article compares the use of experiments as a research method in economics and psychology. We outline the most important differences between the two fields in terms of their use of experimental methods. The purpose of the article is two-fold. First, to provide an overview of areas where economic experiments differ from traditional psychological experiments. Second, to debate experimental economics in relation to experiments in other social sciences.
Imagine that a patient suffering from unusually profound amnesia has two toasters in his kitchen. The toaster on the right functions normally. The toaster on the left delivers an electric shock when the toast is removed. The patient’s gasp and quick retraction of his hand indicate that the shock is painful. Because the patient does not remember the experience, however, he does not anticipate the shock the next morning, and is consequently indifferent between the toasters. Although the decision utility he obtains is the same for both toasters, otherwise he wouldn’t be indifferent between them; the experienced utilities are quite different for each of the toasters; something he only realizes when he uses one of them.
Systematic discrepancies between decision utility and experienced utility, as research in the field of behavioral decision theory has been shown, are not restricted to pathological cases. They can also be observed in decision makers whose cognitive functions are normal. These observations question on the idea that observed choices provide a direct measure of utility, and is revolutionizing the way we look at society and policy.
Do you know of anyone who has suppressed bad news to preserve their career or reputation?Or told the boss what they wanted to hear instead of the truth?Or overlooked a red flag to preserve the sense of harmony in the workplace?Most often ego is catalogued as 'good' or 'bad', but what if it's simply about your relationship with yourself? At the heart of the matter your ego, your self-esteem, self-worth and personal sense of security, chaperons your decision-making. Does the business culture have an impact on your ego?It’s absurd to pretend that the business culture doesn’t have an
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