To celebrate the 50th anniversary of the African Union, we asked the singer Rokia Traoré to share her thoughts on Pan-Africanism, the relationship between the continent and the west and her hopes for the future of her country, Mali.
That very beginning of writing your dissertation - chapter 1, the introduction - and then nothing but the flashing cursor in your writing software... This situation is probably the beginning of 99% of all dissertations. The end is also quite the same for most of us: compiling a list of notations, adding the references if you haven't used an automatic importing system, and compiling the table of contents. (...) - PhD Talk, June 4, 2013
Many scientists believe that a large asteroid impact caused the extinction of the dinosaurs. Could humans face the same fate?
It’s a possibility. NASA has tracked most of the large nearby asteroids and many of the smaller asteroids. If a large asteroid were found to be on a collision course with Earth, that could give us time to deflect the asteroid. NASA has analyzed multiple options for deflecting an asteroid in this kind of scenario, including using a nuclear strike to knock the asteroid off course, and it seems that some of these strategies would be likely to work. The search is, however, not yet complete. The new B612 foundation has recently begun a project to track the remaining asteroids in order to “protect the future of civilization on this planet.” Finding one of these asteroids could be the key to preventing a global catastrophe.
The 50th anniversary of Uganda, like that of all states in the region, was celebrated by one and all. The most striking thing about the celebration was the lack of any critical reflection. I would like to begin with a question
Whose 50th birthday did we celebrateon 9th October? Of the state or of society?Ugandan society is much older than the state. Its age would be measured in thousands of years, not a few decades. The main problem with the celebrations that took place was that we made no distinction between state and society. We all celebrated as if we were part of the state.
“Utilitarianism” can most generally be described as the doctrine that states that the rightness or wrongness of actions is determined by the goodness and badness of their consequences. This general definition can be made more precise in various ways, according to which we get various species of utilitarianism.
The first important division is between “act” utilitarianism and “rule” utilitarianism. If, in the above definition, we understand actions to mean “particular actions,” then we are dealing with the form of utilitarianism called act utilitarianism, according to which we assess the rightness or wrongness of each individual action directly by its consequences.
The interest in developing scholarly impact metrics is frequently justified by the need to objectively prioritize scarce resources and to better manage scholarly productivity. However, the study of scholarly communication in general, including scholarly impact metrics, has significant relevance to a number of other scientific domains such as computational social science, social network analysis, web science, and complex systems. In this presentation I will provide an overview of established scholarly impact metrics, grounding each in their respective scientific traditions and backgrounds. Changes in scholarly communication patterns, including the move to online environments and the increasing use of social media, have recently prompted a Cambrian explosion of new impact metrics derived from new data sources. These metrics may reflect previously unexplored facets of scholarly communication and impact, and may thus yield a more complete picture of scholarly communication. In my presentation I will provide an overview of these new metrics, and identify the opportunities as well as challenges that they present.
A: Citation based social metrics:
Random walk; PageRank/Eigenvector
Shortest path; Closeness/Betweenness
Scholarly community and communication is moving online.
Data pertaining to online activities (implicit, behavioral) vs. citation data (explicit declaration of influence)
C: AltMetrics: Behavioral AND “attention” data
Social media attention, bookmarking, mentions. Attempt to also capture “social” attention or public impact of scholarly work
Source:Metrics Session: An overview of scholarly impact metricsPresented by Mr. Johan BOLLEN on 19 Jun 2013 from 15:30 to 16:00Session: Plenary 2
Central European University (CEU) announces a call for its Visiting Research Fellowships program for the academic year 2014-15. The fellowship program is supported by the Higher Education Support Program of the Open Society Foundations. Fellowships will be offered to academics employed in higher education institutions, who wish to spend one or two semesters at CEU conducting original research that will lead to a groundbreaking publication in an international peer-reviewed journal. The fellowship program is administered from the Office of the Provost and Academic Pro-Rector, and the fellows can be hosted by any CEU school, department or research center.
Fellows are supported for a period of three to six months (one or two consecutive terms at CEU). Fellowship covers travel costs to/from Budapest, accommodation and a monthly stipend of 1,800 USD per month.
Eligible countries: please find the list of eligible countries here: Eligible applicants should be employed, full-time or part-time, in a teaching and/or research institution in their home country at the time of application; Eligible applicants should hold a PhD or equivalent and have a research record in an area that falls under one or more CEU academic units (schools, departments and research centers). Please note: those who are or who plan to be involved in projects, research, teaching, or other activities sponsored or co-sponsored by Open Society Foundations for the duration of the Research Fellowship are not eligible to participate in the program. Applications not meeting eligibility requirements will not be considered.
Fellows are required to be in residence at CEU for the duration of their Fellowship and are accommodated in CEU’s Residence and Conference Center; Fellows can be hosted by any CEU school, department or research center; Fellows will provide a mid-term narrative report, and a final narrative report; Fellows will provide a draft article outline one month after the fellowship is concluded; Fellows will submit an article published or accepted for publication in an international peerreviewed journal within one year after the fellowship. Fellows will clearly acknowledge CEU and OSF contribution in this publication. The article will also be registered in CEU Online Publications Database.
You can find the Application form here. Applications should arrive to the following email addressResearch_Fellowship@ceu.hu by 1 October 2013.
Application package should include:
Completed application form; CV; 1500 - 2000 word research proposal; Photocopy of Ph. D. certificate or equivalent; Two letters of reference - original letters should arrive in sealed envelopes signed across the seal, directly from the referee, by the application deadline at the following address: CEU Fellowship program, Provost’s Office Nador u. 9, H-1051, Budapest, Hungary
Noting the structural problems inherent in the South African economy and high levels of graduate unemployment, SACSIS Fazila Farouk interviews the Vice Chancellor and Principal of WITS University, Prof.
Washington Post Pro-Israel and Jewish groups strongly back military strike against Syria Washington Post Many of the United States' most influential pro-Israel and Jewish groups on Tuesday backed the Obama administration's call for military action...
2013: ReClaiming : On this the fourth and middle day of Kwanzaa, we celebrate Ujamaa, Cooperative Economics. Let us strengthen our resolve to build and maintain our own stores, shops and other businesses and to profit from them together....
July 22, 2013 - Paul Tiyambe Zeleza, the dean of the Bellarmine College of Liberal Arts at Loyola Marymount University, Los Angeles, has been appointed vice president for academic affairs. "Paul is a distinguished scholar who brings an extraordinary record of accomplishment and the capability of providing effective leadership in his new position," said Mark Thompson, executive vice president and provost. "He has a demonstrated track record of success in promoting collaboration as well as enhancing academic excellence, innovation and meaningful institutional change." In his new position, Zeleza will oversee the academic deans ; associate vice presidents of academic affairs, diversity and student retention and success ; and the director of veteran and military affairs. "I am thrilled with the wonderful opportunity to join this fine university with its talented students, vibrant academic programs and excellent teacher scholars," said Zeleza, who will join Quinnipiac position in mid-August. "The university’s mission, values and trajectory ; its commitment to high-quality academic programs, a student-oriented environment and a strong sense of community ; its amazing growth ; and its inspired and energetic leadership attracted me. It is truly a privilege for me to become a member of this community with its distinguished history and brilliant future." Zeleza joined Loyola Marymount University in 2009 as the dean of the Bellarmine College of Liberal Arts and as presidential professor of African American studies and history. Before that, he served as head of the Department of African-American Studies and as liberal arts and sciences distinguished professor at the University of Illinois at Chicago. He earned his bachelor’s degree from the University of Malawi and his master’s from the University of London, where he studied African history and international relations. He holds a Ph.D. in economic history from Dalhousie University in Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada. Zeleza’s academic work has crossed traditional boundaries, ranging from economic and intellectual history to human rights, gender studies and diaspora studies. He has published more than 300 journal articles, book chapters, reviews, online essays and short stories and authored or edited 26 books, several of which have won international awards including Africa’s most prestigious book prize, the Noma Award, for his books "A Modern Economic History of Africa" (1993) and "Manufacturing African Studies and Crises" (1997). His most recent books include "Barack Obama and African Diasporas : Dialogues and Dissensions" (2009) and "In Search of African Diasporas : Testimonies and Encounters" (2012). He has presented nearly 250 keynote addresses, papers, and public lectures at leading universities and international conferences in 31 countries and served on the editorial boards of more than two-dozen journals and book series. Earlier this month, Zeleza was recognized by the Carnegie Corporation in a New York Times advertisement for being one of 43 immigrants whose contributions have enhanced America. Source : http://www.quinnipiac.edu/news-and-events/university-appoints-new-vice-president-for-academic-affairs/
Kudos to the Directory of Open Access Journals for an oustanding second quarter! In the past few months, DOAJ has added 912 titles for a total of 9,759 journals. That's a net growth rate of over 10 titles per day, up from the previous rate of over 3 titles per day. At this rate it won't be long before DOAJ exceeds the milestone of 10,000 journals. PubMedCentral growth continues to be very strong in spite of what looks like a bit of backsliding. The percentage of articles published with free fulltext available continues to grow at a steady pace and is now up to 25%. There are now 69 more journals are actively participating in PMC while there has been a drop of 102 journals providing immediate free access and of 16 journals making all articles open access. Highwire Free shows a similar pattern - overall strong growth - more than 60,000 free fulltext articles added this quarter for a total of 2.3 million and an increase of 2 completely free sites with a drop of 6 sites with free back issues. Overall the pattern for journals is very strong growth in full open access and cooperation with PMC, suggesting that the backsliders are a very small minority.
The Dramatic Growth of Open Access: June 30, 2013Heather MorrisonAssistant Professor, University of Ottawa École des sciences de l’information / School of Information Studieshttp://www.sis.uottawa.ca/
SAMIR AMIN spoke to BEIFANG of REVUE CULTURELLE DU GUANGZHOU about the current crisis in Egypt.
BEIFANG: The rule of the MB lasted only a bit more than one year, why the collapse came so soon?
SAMIR AMIN: The fall of Morsi and of the rule of Muslim Brotherhood came as expected. Firstly, the government of the Muslim Brothers has been pursuing the same neoliberal policies as that of Mubarak, and even worse. It could not solve any of the problems faced by the Egyptian people. Secondly, Morsi was elected as a result of a gigantic fraud. Millions were given to people to buy their votes. The Muslim Brotherhood were mobilized to control the polling stations, which made it impossible for the others to vote, to such an extent that the Egyptian judges who normally oversee the election were disgusted and withdrew their support for the election process. Despite that, the US Embassy and the Europe declared the election was perfect. This is how Morsi was elected.
BEIFANG: Shortly after the fall of Morsi, you released a short statement that claimed it as an important victory of Egyptian people. However, Morsi was ousted by the army, not directly by the demonstrations of the people. To what degree can we say it’s a victory of the people?
SAMIR AMIN: Soon after coming to power, it was clear that Morsi was continuing the same policies that had been rejected by the people (and which led to the downfall of Mubarak). The Tomarod movement started a petition campaign calling for the removal of Morsi and for a new, real election. 26 million signatures were collected, which is the true figure. Morsi had not taken this campaign into account. So it was decided on 30 June -- which is exactly one year after his inauguration -- that there should be a demonstration. And the demonstration was gigantic, the largest in the whole history of Egypt: 33 million people moved into the streets of Cairo and all Egyptian towns, including small towns. When you say 33 million people out of the total population of 85 million people, it means everybody. To give you a perspective, just imagine if in China 500 million people demonstrated on the same day in all towns across the country!
Morsi replied to the demonstration by saying Oh, we cannot accept it as this will lead to civil war. But there is no danger of civil war, because you have 90% of the people who are anti-Morsi. Morsi was not able to mobilize sufficient support, even distributing lots of money. He managed to mobilise only a few hundred thousand people, which means that the balance of forces was against him. The western media are continuously repeating the words of Morsi ‘we are moving to a civil war’, but it is not possible. Facing the situation, the army operated in a very wise, intelligent way. They simply deposited Morsi and controlled him; his presidency was handed to the first Judge of the Constitutional Court, which is the normal way to replace a president that has been removed.
We shall see what this new government will do, whether they will depart from the policies of Morsi or not, but the movement is completely mobilized and ready to respond.
BEIFANG: The fact that Morsi was removed by the military has been received in very different ways, some welcomed the change, some condemned it as purely a military coup. What’s your view?
SAMIR AMIN: Such an action of the army is not a coup d’état. The western press said it was a coup d’état, but it is not, it is a wise action in response to the demands of the Egyptian people. I don’t want to go into details that I don’t know. Since the death of Nasser 30 years ago, the top leadership of the army has been controlled by the US and corrupted by the money of the US and the Gulf countries; and they accepted the polices of submission of Mubarak and Morsi. But everybody should know that the Egyptian army is not just its top leaders but also thousands of officers who remain patriotic. They are not necessarily progressive, nor socialist, but they understand that the people don’t want Morsi. The new Prime Minister, Hazem Al Beblawi, I knew him personally. He was a brilliant student of economics. I don’t know what his mind is like today, but he’s a clever man, able to understand that continuing neoliberal policies would be a disaster. We shall see.
BEIFANG: As you said, the Egyptian army has been corrupt and has close connections with the US, but this time they stand together with the people. Can we say the army has changed in nature?
SAMIR AMIN: It’s the question we are all asking ourselves. We suspect the top leaders of the army are pro US, I don’t want to go into the secrets that I don’t know. Who is [General] Sisi? Sisi is not necessarily the worst among them, I don’t know. Anyway, we judge people by their actions, not by speculating about this one or that one that we don’t know. But what is more important, I can assure you that many (nobody knows how many) officers have shown their support by moving around among the people quite spontaneously. When the soldiers moved out onto the streets, standing with the people, it was also quite spontaneous. We should not consider the army is just the monolithic instrument of the US.
BEIFANG: Please tell us something about the movement. It seems very broad. Who is joining the movement, and how much do they have in common?
SAMIR AMIN: This is a wide movement which includes all of society. It represents different people with different directions, different political mindsets. There are people of the left, centre and the right in the movement. They are unequally organized; some sectors are better organized than others.
The left is represented by communist and socialist parties. There are also left independent trade unions of the working class. About four to five million workers are organized by the trade unions which are traditionally and constantly on the left, with precise demands with respect to wages, pensions, etc. On the left, there are also has movements of rural peasants who are resisting the process of pauperization and exploitation by rich peasants, a process that has been accelerated by neoliberal policies. They are also very important components of the movement.
There are gigantic organizations, four or five, of young people, basically from urban lower middle class and popular classes. Hundreds of thousands who are organized. They are those who started Tamarod. These young people are politicized, they discuss politics continuously. They do not accept following parties; they have no confidence in bourgeois parties, democratic parties or even socialist parties. They want to continue to be independent.
There are movements of women: two kinds of movements. One is a movement of urban women – doctors, teachers, lawyers, also lower middle class women employees, who are asking for changes in the law. There are also movements of poor women who are very strong fighters and who support workers during, for example, strikes. And there are many, many strikes: 5000 strikes in one year in Egypt. These women organize to provide food to the strikers and protect them from police attacks and so on.
There are also important organizations of the middle classes – engineers, lawyers, judges, employees of the state, etc. They have trade unions of their own. These trade unions are not on the left, not socialist, but they are democratic. They are against the Muslim Brotherhood and against submission to the US. There are also some personalities like Mohamed El Baradei, who are more or less democratic but also pro-US, pro-capitalism, pro-neoliberalism, they don’t understand the link between economic liberalism and the social disasters that lead to the loss of legitimacy of the government and to the lack of democracy.
There are also some people of the old regime who joined the mobilizations because they felt it was so strong that they had to move in. They are not really influential in the movement.
There are also the salafists. The salafists are as bad as Muslim Brotherhood. They were eliminatedby the Muslim Brotherhood because the latter wanted to have all positions in government assigned only to them. This is why the salafists also moved into the movement. They have some influence among some sections of the middle classes and among those very poor who have very little understanding of politics, particularly in the rural area. Not more than that.
To have a movement getting together with a minimum common program is important: there are discussions among various partners, particularly with the organizations of the youth. There is a need for a common program which is to meet the immediate challenge; it is not a program for socialism, but a program to start moving out of the trap of neoliberalization by restoring the power of the state, and the other dimensions of starting to move out of the rut of the alliance with the US, Israel, and Gulf countries, and to open new relations with partners, particularly with China, with Russia, with India, with South Africa, so that we can start having independent policies and therefore reducing the influence of the US, of Israel, and of the Gulf countries.
We can say the movement has three tasks. First is the task of social justice: it is not socialism. It is a set of good and important reforms of management of enterprises; the end of privatization; recapturing of the enterprises which have been given at very low prices to private companies; a new law of minimum wages; a new law for working conditions, a new law of labor rights – strikes and so on; a new law of participation of the working people with the management of the enterprises in which they would have a say. These reforms are not socialism, but they are steps on the long road to socialism, they are socialist-minded. For the farmers, it includes the protection of the ownership of the land by small peasants. These demands are also very strongly supported by small and medium enterprises whose profits are pumped out by monopoly capital of foreign companies.
The second task is to address the national question. It is a question of dignity. People want a government that represents Egypt with dignity and self-respect. It means a government which is independent, not one accepting the US’s orders, not standing with Israel’s repression of Palestinians. A government independent of the Gulf countries who are allies of the US, they can’t be anything else. In this context, China has a big responsibility. It would be great if some people in China say frankly : “we are with you and we are prepared, if you ask, to help you solve your economic problems.” Such a declaration would have a tremendous echo in Egypt. There are slogans on the streets of Cairo, “we don’t need US aid, we can also get it from other countries”. We don’t need US aid - which is associated with corruption and political submission. This is called a national independent policy, in order to be able to develop a sovereign Egyptian project.
The third dimension is the democratic one. On this, there are various views. There are people in favor of normal bourgeois democracy and multiparty elections. But there are many people who think party elections are not the answer to the challenges facing the country. Democracy can’t mean just elections. Democracy implies changes in attitudes, changes in common relations of people in daily life. I think they are right. In Egypt, young people consider democracy as the freedom of behaving yourself in daily relations, particularly between boys and girls, men and women. Maybe, the majority of Egyptian people are believers in God, but they do not accept that because they are believers they should obey the orders of Muslim Brotherhood forbidding them to have free lives. This is the way they understand democracy. We should have a popular parliament, which is not an elected parliament. It is a parliament which consists of people sent by the organizations of the movement, by the trade unions, by the women organizations, by the youth organizations. This is the true parliament, more than a so-called elected parliament in which the distribution of party is so unequal and biased.
You can call it not-a-socialist-program, but a national, democratic, sovereign, and progressive program.
BEIFANG: What role did the US play in the change?
SAMIR AMIN: The US supported Mubarak to the end. They also supported Morsi to the end; they continuously repeated ‘the elected president’. But when the leaders of the army took action to depose Morsi, then the US accepted it, they understood. Of course they exercise strong pressure on the new government to continue neoliberal policy, submitting to IMF and the World Bank. But the people on the street shout the slogan, “we don’t want IMF, we don’t want the World Bank.” But there are pressures; those working with the management of finance are spontaneously conservative and pro neoliberalism. So there is a need for a struggle against them.
On one hand, we can say the US accepted and supported the army and the new government, but on the other hand, they tried to put pressure to bring back the old reactionary, which is not Muslim Brotherhood but the salafists. This is the plan of the US, which is not to help Egypt out of the crisis, but to use the crisis to destroy more. Because Egypt is considered by them a dangerous country, it has a long past, it has been the first emerging country since the beginning of the 19th century, and one of the important emerging Muslim countries in the time of Nasser and Bundung, in line with China, the Soviet Union, and other countries of the third world. It played an important role in the liberation of all of Africa. An independent Egypt with a sovereign, popular, progressive project would be a danger to the influence of the US, not only in Egypt, but in the Middle East, in Arab countries, and in all Africa. It will limit the expansion of Israel to Palestine. It will also put an end to the influence of the Gulf countries.
BEIFANG: Egypt is now in another transition which is not peaceful; the clashes have cost dozens of lives. What do think of the bloodshed? What will be the future of the transition?
SAMIR AMIN: Of course it is not peaceful, but it’s not a civil war. The people are highly politicized, everybody is discussing politics on the street every day. People are active. Therefore different opinions appear, they discuss in some cases correctly and in other cases less correctly. But there is no danger of civil war because the common front is very wide.
The US is using another weapon in additional to economic and financial pressure. The US is supporting small armed groups, groups operating as real terrorists. These groups are coming from Libya. Since Libya has been destroyed by the western military operation, Libya has become the base for all kinds of Jihadists. There are Jihadists with strong arms including missiles coming from the desert, this is the real danger. Also in the Egyptian peninsula of Sinai small Jidahist groups supported by Israel and the Gulf countries are carrying out terrorist actions. This is made possible by the so called “peace agreement” between Egypt and Israel which puts a limit on the number of Egyptian soldiers stationed in Sinai : 700 to 2000, very small figure for such a wide area.. On the 4th of July after Morsi was removed, I wrote a paper, the last sentence of which says now the danger is from imperialist US, Israel and Gulf, using criminal mercenaries, coming from Libya, and from the province of Sinai. This is what is happening now: terrorism, not “civil war”.
As part of the celebrations of its 40th Anniversary (1973-2013), the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa is pleased to invite you to the seminar scheduled to take place on Wednesday, July 31st, 2013 from 3 p.m. to 5.30 p.m. at its headquarters on Avenue Cheikh Anta Diop angle Canal IV, Dakar (Senegal).
The Seminar is organized on the theme “Changes in the Global Environment and the Challenges to Self-Determination in Africa” will be given by members of the Scientific Committee of CODESRIA.
Find on this link the programme of the Seminar.
Simultaneous translation in French and English will be available during the seminar.
CODESRIA, Avenue Cheikh Anta Diop X Canal IV, Dakar (Senegal)
In their 2005 Harvard Business Review article, Bennis and O’Toole described business schools as being “on the wrong track” as a result of their focus on so-called scientific research. Some commentators argue that business schools have slowly lost their relevance since the end of the 1950s when they undertook a major overhaul in response to the harsh criticism of the Ford and the Carnegie Foundations on the state of theory and research in business administration. Inspired by Khurana’s (2007) book on the development of American business schools, this article describes the debate on the relevance of scientific business research that can be found in the popular business press and the academic literature, and suggests a number of structural and cultural changes to increase the relevance of business research and its impact on practice.
The authors: "instead of promoting top-tier academic journal publication as the highest benchmark, business schools should encourage the adoption of multiple models of academic inquiry coexisting on equal footing. Publishing in scholarly journals should not “count” more than writing case studies or developing industry notes for teaching tools"..."we have argued that a discrepancy between business research and business practice exists and is widening. Further research is needed to evaluate the magnitude of this discrepancy."
Canadian Journal of Higher Education Revue canadienne d’enseignement supérieur Volume 43, No. 1, 2013, pages 115-128 The Great Divide Between Business School Research and Business Practice Isabelle Dostaler, Concordia University Thomas J. Tomberlin, Carleton University
Date: Thursday 15h -18h, August 22nd 2013 - Venue: UCAD II, Video Conference Room
CODESRIA INSTITUTE ON DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE - 2013 Edition
The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) is highly delighted to invite you to a round table organized to take place on Thursday, 22 August 2013 at UCAD II (Cheikh Anta Diop University – Dakar), Video Conference Room on the topic “Security and Democratic Governance in Africa.”
The various crises which have marked the continent’s recent history demonstrate that there is a need to reflect on the issue of security and democratic governance in Africa more seriously. If terrorism, fundamentalism, organized crime networks and illicit trafficking of all kinds have taken centre stage; they pose a danger to people’s well-being and impose new challenges and jeopardize the authority and sovereignty of different countries. Reflecting on the relationship between security, democratic governance, and human security becomes a theoretical imperative in order to be able to confront the challenges of building sustainable democratic governance systems in Africa in the twenty-first century. This roundtable is organized in the framework of The CODESRIA Institute on Democratic Governance held from 5th to 23rd August 2013 at its headquarters in Dakar and is led by Dr Kwamena Ato Onoma, current and Founding Director of the Training Center of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Dr Onoma has taught in the past political science at the prestigious American University of Yale from 2007 to 2012.
Speakers at the round table will include:
• Professor Abdullah Cisse
Professor Cisse is holder of the Agrégation Diploma in Law, former Dean of the Faculty of Law and Political Science of the University Gaston Berger of Saint Louis (Senegal) and former Vice Chancellor of the University of Bambey (Senegal). Professor Cisse has published hundreds of articles in international journals and his research interests include cyber law in Africa.
• General Mamadou Seck
Nickname: The “Number One” for being the first Senegalese to graduate from Saint-Cyr Military Academy (a highly renowned military academy in France), first to have graduated from the Higher Staff Air War School and first fighter jet pilot Chief of Staff of the Senegalese Army. General Seck did part of his military training in the United States of America and is also a graduate of the University of Dakar. He was Ambassador of Senegal to the United States from 1993 to 2002 and also served as Chairman of the Board of Directors of the African Organization of Business Intelligence (AOBI). In 2012 he published a book with ‘L’Harmattan’ entitled “The Relevance of Having an Army”.
• Dr Jeffrey O. Isima
Dr Jeffrey O. Isima got a PhD in Political Science from Cranfield University, UK, in 2007 on the theme: “Demilitarization, Informal Forces and Public Security in Africa: Nigeria and South Africa Compared.” He is a former coordinator of the African Security Sector Network, and currently the Principal Research and Planning Officer at the Inter Governmental Action Group against Money Laundering in West Africa (GIABA). His areas of interest are conflict prevention, reform of the security sector, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration, and peace-building in post-conflict situations. He led the 2009 CODESRIA edition of the Institute for Democratic Governance on the theme “Private Security and Democratic Governance in Africa.” Dr ISIMA was also the Coordinator of CODESRIA’s National Working Group (NWG) for Nigeria launched in 2010 on “Security Governance in Nigeria: The Formal Dimension.”
• Professor Jean-Herve Jezequel
He is currently Senior Analyst of the Sahel International Crisis Group/West Africa Project and a Senior lecturer in modern history. He graduated from the ‘Institut d’Etudes Politiques (IEP)’ in Paris and holds an Agrégation Diploma in history since 1996. He got a PhD in history in 2002 from the ‘Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales’ (EHESS) in France. His research interests, among others include history of violence, history of development, humanitarian assistance and food security in sub-Saharan Africa. He was visiting scholar at the University of Chicago (1999), visiting professor at the University of Michigan/Ann Arbor (2004) and visiting lecturer at Emory University (2005). He was also Director of Studies at Médecins Sans Frontières in Paris. He has published many scientific reports and articles; and he is editor of a book on the Niger Crisis (2005).
During the round table, these panelists will share their experiences with a score of institute participants from different countries on the continent and the Diaspora.
Simultaneous translation in English/French and a live broadcast on the CODESRIA website, facebook, twitter and youtube will be provided.
A sales exhibition of CODESRIA books and publication will be held with a 30 per cent discount on all prices.
On May 27-30, 2014, in Moscow the Research Council for the Problems of Economic, Social, Political and Cultural Development of African Countries and the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences hold the 13th Conference of Africanists titled Society and Politics in Africa: Traditional, Transitional, and New. The Conference will take place on the premises of the Institute for African Studies and the Institute for Linguistics of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The working languages of the Conference are Russian and English.
The Organizing Committee have considered all the panel proposals received by it. The list of accepted proposals can be found below. The deadline for paper proposals (in the form of abstracts within 300 words in Russian or English) is November 1, 2013. The proposals should be sent directly to the respective panel convener(s) who is (are) to inform the applicant about his (her) application’s fortune by December 1, 2013 – the date by which the panel conveners are to submit their compiled panels to the Organizing Committee.
The information to be submitted alongside with the paper abstract includes full name, title, position, institutional affiliation, full mail and e-mail addresses, telephone and fax numbers. However, in case you feel your paper does not fit any particular panel but corresponds to the Conference’s general topic, you may submit your proposal to the Organizing Committee by the same date (November 1, 2013) and it will be considered for scheduling for the Free Communication Panel. Besides, if the Organizing Committee finds it reasonable to unite an appropriate number of proposals submitted for the Free Communication Panel into a thematic panel, it may establish such a panel and propose one of its prospective participants to convene it.
The Organizing Committee can be reached by e-mail, at the addresses:firstname.lastname@example.org (for general inquiries on the Conference-related academic matters and proposals for the Free Communication Panel) and email@example.com (for the inquiries regarding technical matters –accommodation, visas, etc.).
There is an urgent need to provide academic professionals with individual, institutional, and contextual accounts of their careers and career-making endeavors. An individual account makes academicians think about what they do and how they might do it better. An institutional account makes academicians reflect upon the organizational environment in which they function and ponder what they might do to improve it. A contextual account connects academicians and their work to knowledge, the knowledge enterprise, and the larger social structure so that they know and understand the impact they and their career-making efforts have on themselves, academia, and general social processes.
This book examines academic careers and career-making activities with respect to their main aspects, milestones, and general pathways. In content, it divides into four identifiable parts. Part I focuses on professional preparation. It examines education, degree, reeducation, job search, and job change. Part II centers on organizational employment. It investigates position, research, teaching, service, and tenure. Part III revolves around professional networking. It looks into publication, conference presentation, application for grants and awards, and membership in academic associations. Part IV rises above specific issues. It explores general career pathways and overall scholarly identity.
PART I 1. Educational Preparation. 2. Degree. 3. Job Search and Change.
PART II 4. Organizational Employment. 5. Position. 6. Teaching. 7. Service. 8. Tenure.
PART III 9. Professional Networking. 10. Publication. 11. Grant. 12. Academic Award. 13. Membership in Academic Associations. 14. Conference Presentation and Participation.
PART IV 15. Academic Career Pathways. 16. Scholarly Identity. Conclusion. Appendix. References. About the Author. Index.
Navigating the Academic CareerCommon Issues and Uncommon StrategiesBy: Victor N. Shaw, California State University–Northridge IAP, 2013, Paperback, 9781623961176
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