NGOs in Human Rights, Peace and Development
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ICAI report: DFID Private Sector Development Work (Amber-Red)

ICAI report: DFID Private Sector Development Work (Amber-Red) | NGOs in Human Rights, Peace and Development | Scoop.it

Key Findings:

 

DFID has been coherent and consistent in its view that developing the private sector in a country is central to its economic development and to poverty reduction. DFID sees its work in this area as helping countries graduate from a dependency on aid. The scale of the challenge, however, is immense and DFID’s approach is highly ambitious. The department plans to spend £1.8 billion on economic development in 2015-16 – more than doubling the amount spent in 2012-13.

 

DFID’s private sector development work encompasses a wide range of different programmes: macro approaches to trade policy and regulatory reform, mid-level development of market systems and micro support to small enterprises and individuals. The impact of individual programmes is positive – particularly at the micro-level – and DFID has demonstrated its ability to assist the poor through a range of interventions.

 

DFID has not, however, turned its high ambitions into clear guidance to develop a realistic, well-balanced and joined-up country-level portfolio of programmes. There is pressure to demonstrate results against measurable targets. In none of the countries we visited did we see a plan for – or assessment of – the cumulative impact of programmes, so it was unclear how well DFID’s work overall is transforming the private sector as a tool for economic growth and poverty reduction.

 

 

Recommendation 1: DFID should clearly define and articulate where it can add most value in private sector development relative to other stakeholders. It should be more realistic in its ambitions and the impact it seeks to achieve.

 

Recommendation 2: DFID should provide clearer guidance to its staff on how to design a coherent and well-balanced private sector development country portfolio that matches its goals for an end to extreme poverty through economic development and transformational change.

 

Recommendation 3: DFID needs better to calibrate and manage the risks associated with private sector development and so innovate in a more informed fashion.

 

Recommendation 4: DFID needs to work harder to understand the barriers and business imperatives faced by the private sector in participating in development. Wherever it operates, DFID needs to be clear how and where its interventions can address these barriers.


Via DfID Evaluation Department
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Democratic trajectories in Africa: Conclusions and policy recommendations | Oxford University Press


Via IFPRIKM
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Democratic trajectories in Africa: Conclusions and policy recommendations

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IFPRIKM's curator insight, January 14, 2014 11:40 AM

In Democratic trajectories in Africa: Unravelling the impact of foreign aid, ed. Danielle Resnick, and Nicolas van de Walle.

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Dar es Salaam and Mombasa ports fight for Rwanda business

Dar es Salaam and Mombasa ports fight for Rwanda business | NGOs in Human Rights, Peace and Development | Scoop.it

The port of Dar-es-Salaam in Tanzania may be just 1,380 kms from Kigali by road, but officials there have until now looked on helplessly as almost all Rwandan business slipped passed it to the Kenyan Port of Mombasa, a journey that is about 400kms longer through Uganda.

 

Slightly above 50% of Rwanda's shipments go through the Northern Corridor route; Mombasa-Kampala-Kigali, and the recent removal of police roadblocks, reduction in the number of weighbridges and improvements in cargo handling at Mombasa is making the route even more user friendly to Rwandan traders...

 

...A study done by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) in 2009 on impediments to trade in the region says that in Kenya and Tanzania, the average bribe paid per transaction to a policeman or a customs official is $30 while in Uganda it is between $100-150 per consignment.

Tanzania and Burundi were not part of the Kampala meeting, but Dar too seems to have woken up to the reality that trade barriers are counter-productive.


Via Robin Landis
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Tanzania. East African agriculture and climate change: A comprehensive analysis | IFPRI

Tanzania. East African agriculture and climate change: A comprehensive analysis | IFPRI | NGOs in Human Rights, Peace and Development | Scoop.it

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East African agriculture and climate change: A comprehensive analysis | IFPRI

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IFPRIKM's curator insight, January 16, 2014 8:24 AM

The second of three books in IFPRI's climate change in Africa series, East African Agriculture and Climate Change: A Comprehensive Analysis examines the food security threats facing 10 of the countries that make up east and central Africa - Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea, Kenya, Madagascar, Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda - and explores how climate change will increase the efforts needed to achieve sustainable food security throughout the region. East Africa's populations is expected to grow at least through mid-century. The region will also see income growth. Both will put increased pressure on the natural resources needed to produce food, and climate change makes the challenges greater. East Africa is already experiencing rising temperatures, shifting precipitation patterns, and increasing extreme events. Without attention to adaptation, the poor will suffer.

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Democratic trajectories in Africa | Oxford University Press


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Democratic trajectories in Africa 
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IFPRIKM's curator insight, January 8, 2014 4:20 PM

Despite impressive economic growth rates over the last decade, foreign aid still plays a significant role in Africa's political economies. This book asks when, why, and how foreign aid has facilitated, or hindered, democratization in sub-Saharan Africa. Instead of looking at foreign aid as a monolithic resource, the book examines the disparate impacts of aid specifically intended for development outcomes and aid explicitly aimed at democracy promotion. Careful attention is also given to examining the role of various aid modalities, including general budget support, and the influence of non-traditional donors. In doing so, the authors use a combination of cross-country quantitative analyses and in-depth case studies of Benin, Ghana, Malawi, Mali, Mozambique, Tanzania, and Zambia based on recent interviews with donors, government officials, and civil society organizations. Unlike other work on aid and democracy, the book carefully considers how foreign aid affects various elements of the democratization process, including transitions to multiparty systems and democratic consolidation. In terms of the latter, the authors analyse what role different types of aid play in avoiding a breakdown of multiparty democracy or an erosion of civil liberties, reinforcing parliaments and judiciaries, promoting free and fair elections and a vibrant civil society, and encouraging competitive party systems. Overall, the authors' findings suggest that the best means for enhancing the effectiveness of aid for development outcomes is not always the most optimal way of promoting democratic consolidation, and the book provides policy recommendations to try and reconcile these trade-offs.