Open Letter by Yasmine Motarjemi , Former Corporate Food Safety Manager (2000-2010), Assistant Vice President to Mr Peter Brabeck-Letmathe Chairman of the Board of Directors Nestlé, S.A 55 Avenue Nestlé CH-1800 Vevey
"Nyon, 4th Septembre 2010 Dear Mr Chairman, I was your Corporate Food Safety Manager from 2000 to 2010. I write to you today for two reasons: first, to share with you my concerns regarding a culture and management practices in Nestlé, which undermine food safety; and, second, to inform you of my personal experiences while attempting to improve the situation. I long nourished the hope that you would be interested in meeting the person responsible for dealing with everyday problems of the Company in an area as important as the safety of Nestlé products. However, to my regret we have never had the opportunity to meet and discuss the food safety situation in the Company. As both corporate-level management of food safety and my professional status deteriorated to the point of being unacceptable, I was compelled to report my concerns to Management with the expectation that a fair evaluation of the situation would be undertaken. In the event, my efforts were in vain. Mr Chairman, I always found listening to your speeches a source of motivation and inspiration. Moreover, Nestlé Policies and Management Principles portray a model Company, with the most laudable corporate values. A glance at the Company building, offices and facilities is enough to make any outsider believe that this is an ideal working environment. However, after only a short time, I was profoundly disappointed at how people are managed, the discrepancies between your public statements and the private deeds of managers; between the Company’s policies and management principles and actual practices; and between the proclaimed values and the prevailing fear culture (including mobbing and intimidation) that managers nourished. I was particularly saddened by the growing realisation that Management was not only aware of this situation but that it was also fully accepted by the very people who should have been, in fact, the inhouse guardians of policy compliance.I failed to see the flawless execution of policy that you promoted in your speeches. Didn’t you state that the management of food quality and safety depends on the quality of management? What can be said about food safety management when the members of Management themselves do not respect Company policies and principles? If I dared challenge the Company’s food safety and human resource practices I can assure you that it was not out of disrespect. On the contrary, it was because of my loyalty to the Company, my colleagues and the consumers we served. It was also because for me the safety of our products and respect for our colleagues were non-negotiable values. Involving staff in building a better company unavoidably includes exposing shortcomings. But surely it is better to receive timely feedback from within than to be publicly embarrassed later by failures. You have often expressed your commitment to food safety. Please allow me to share with you my own vision in this regard. Over and above the technical and scientific aspects, the foundation of good food safety management is an equitable system of people management that is based on professionalism, fairness, objectivity, open-mindedness, respect for staff and, most importantly, for their dignity. I regret to say that I failed to see this approach implemented at the Nestlé Head Office. My own situation is a case in point. On several occasions I reported – first to members of Management and then, in November 2009, to Mr Paul Bulcke – serious shortcomings in food safety management, the professional difficulties I faced, and the shameful treatment that I experienced in Nestlé. I hoped that I would be given the opportunity to provide a full and accurate account of events during the period 2005-2010. In response, my contract was terminated with no opportunity to provide details of my experience. Nevertheless, I am prepared to meet with you, at your convenience, to share my observations on practices in Nestlé and their eventual repercussions on Nestlé’s reputation and consumers. I would also hope to use this opportunity to identify an equitable solution for my personal difficult situation, another consequence of the past events in Nestlé" source : http://www.rts.ch/info/3989665.html/BINARY/Mr+CEO.pdf more here (in french) http://www.rts.ch/info/economie/3988696-une-ex-responsable-de-la-securite-alimentaire-depose-plainte-contre-nestle.html more again (in french) more (in german ) : http://www.handelszeitung.ch/unternehmen/nestle-im-keim-erstickt
Des soupçons de falsifications planent sur le géant français du #nucléaire #Areva 3.5.16 - rts.ch -2 mn #StopNucléaire
Des soupçons de falsifications planent sur le site nucléaire de Creusot Forge, propriété d'Areva. Suite à l’audit mené après la découverte d’une "anomalie" sur cette cuve, des "incohérences" ont été révélées, selon une information du magazine Les Echos.
#Essential : #Neoliberalism – the ideology at the root of all our problems by #GeorgeMonbiot - The Guardian
Imagine if the people of the Soviet Union had never heard of communism. The ideology that dominates our lives has, for most of us, no name. Mention it in conversation and you’ll be rewarded with a shrug. Even if your listeners have heard the term before, they will struggle to define it. Neoliberalism: do you know what it is?
Its anonymity is both a symptom and cause of its power. It has played a major role in a remarkable variety of crises: the financial meltdown of 2007‑8, the offshoring of wealth and power, of which the Panama Papers offer us merely a glimpse, the slow collapse of public health and education, resurgent child poverty, the epidemic of loneliness, the collapse of ecosystems, the rise of Donald Trump. But we respond to these crises as if they emerge in isolation, apparently unaware that they have all been either catalysed or exacerbated by the same coherent philosophy; a philos(...)
http://democracynow.org - More than 400 people were arrested Monday in a massive sit-in on the steps of the U.S. Capitol to protest the influence of big money and corporate lobbying in politics. The protest, organized under the name Democracy Spring, brought together activists from about 140 organizations who marched from Philadelphia to Washington last week. Similar acts of civil disobedience are scheduled throughout the week in Washington. We speak to Kai Newkirk, campaign director of Democracy Spring and co-founder and an organizer with 99Rise. He was arrested yesterday in the action at the U.S. Capitol.
Democracy Now! is an independent global news hour that airs weekdays on nearly 1,400 TV and radio stations Monday through Friday. Watch our livestream 8-9AM ET: http://democracynow.org
12 #RealMadrid fans slaughtered by #ISIS in #Iraq during Champions League final – RT
At least 12 Real Madrid fans have reportedly been slain in Iraq, as the Spanish club challenged Atletico for the Champions League title. Real, meanwhile, dedicated their victory to Iraqi fans murdered by ISIS gunmen during a similar massacre.
In his signature book, The Art of the Deal, Donald Trump boasted that when he wanted to build a casino in Atlantic City, he persuaded the state attorney general to limit the investigation of his background to six months. Most potential owners were scrutinized for more than a year. Trump argued that he was “clean as a whistle”—young enough that he hadn’t had time to get into any sort of trouble. He got the sped-up background check, and eventually got the casino license.
But Trump was not clean as a whistle. Beginning three years earlier, he’d hired mobbed-up firms to erect Trump Tower and his Trump Plaza apartment building in Manhattan, including buying ostensibly overpriced concrete from a company controlled by mafia chieftains Anthony “Fat Tony” Salerno and Paul Castellano. That story eventually came out in a federal investigation, which also concluded that in a construction industry saturated with (...)
#BernieSanders Projected To Win #California With 61.25% Gaining 398 Delegates #Bernie #FeelTheBern
Polling in California gives a clear indication Bernie will win with 61.25%. This also could give him enough delegates to take the lead over Hillary. As we posted in "How Bernie Sanders Is Going To Win" If you are a Bernie Supporter who does Phone Banking, this is the moment you need to dedicate more…
#Histoire #History #PlutoniumFiles: How the #US Secretly Fed Radioactivity to Thousands of Americans
Denver-based journalist Eileen Welsome reveals how as a reporter for the tiny Albuquerque Tribune (circulation 35,000) she uncovered one of the country’s great Cold War secrets: the U.S. government had knowingly exposed thousands of human Guinea pigs with radiation poisoning including 18 Americans who had plutonium injected directly into their bloodstream. [includes rush transcript]
"The Assassination Complex": #JeremyScahill & #GlennGreenwald Probe Secret #US #Drone Wars in New #Book
As the Obama administration prepares to release for the first time the number of people it believes it has killed in drone strikes in countries that lie outside of conventional war zones, we look at a new book out today that paints a very different picture of the U.S. drone program. "The Assassination Complex: Inside the Government’s Secret Drone Warfare Program" is written by Jeremy Scahill and the staff of The Intercept, and based on leaked government documents provided by a whistleblower. The documents undermine government claims that drone strikes have been precise. Part of the book looks at a program called Operation Haymaker in northeastern Afghanistan. During one five-month period, nearly 90 percent of the people killed in airstrikes were not the intended targets. The book is based on articles published by The Intercept last year. It also includes new contributions from NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden and The Intercept’s Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Glenn Greenwald. We speak with Jeremy Scahill and Glenn Greenwald.
Top Israeli general faces criticism for comparing #israel to Nazis - #Palestine #FreePalestine
Top Israeli general faces criticism for comparing #israel to Nazis
In a Holocaust Remembrance Day speech Wednesday, Major-General Yair Golan said he saw 'remnants' of the process that led to the rise of the Third Reich. When, if ever, are Nazi comparisons appropriate?
#israel drops in Freedom of #Press index due to pro- #Netanyahu, #Adelson-owned paper - Haaretz - #media
Freedom House lowers Israel's ranking to partially free, citing 'growing impact of Israel Hayom, whose owner-subsidized business model endangered stability of other media outlets,' as well as undisclosed sponsored content.
Last summer I paid a visit to Georgetown University’s Lauinger Library as part of my research on legendary CIA counterspy James Jesus Angleton. I went there to investigate Angleton’s famous mole hunt, one of the least flattering episodes of his eventful career. By the early 1960s, Angleton was convinced the KGB had managed to insert a penetration agent high in the ranks of the CIA.
In researching and writing a biography of Angleton, I constantly confront a conundrum: Was the man utterly brilliant? Or completely nuts?
Angleton is one of America’s archetypal spies. He was the model for Harlot in Harlot’s Ghost, Norman Mailer’s epic of the CIA, a brooding Cold War spirit hovering over a story of corrupted idealism. In Robert De Niro’s cinematic telling of the tale, The Good Shepherd, the Angletonian character was a promising product of the system who loses his way in the moral labyrinth of secret intelligence operations.
In real life, Jim Angleton was a formidable intellectual and canny bureaucrat who helped shape the ethos of the Central Intelligence Agency we have today. His doctrine of counterintelligence was widely influential, not only in the CIA but in the intelligence services of all the English-speaking countries. He pioneered pre-digital techniques of mass surveillance via an illicit mail-opening program called LINGUAL. He fed the intel to J. Edgar Hoover’s COINTELPRO operatives at the FBI who used it to harass, disrupt, and discredit leftist, antiwar, and civil rights groups from the 1950s to the 1970s. His close liaison with the Mossad in the 1950s and 1960s helped forge a wide-ranging U.S.-Israel strategic relationship that has been central to U.S. foreign policy ever since.
Like them or not, his accomplishments were large. So were his mistakes.
Angleton’s fruitless mole hunt paralyzed the agency’s operations in the Soviet Union in the late 1960s. Speaking in 2012 at a conference on Angleton’s legacy, historian Christopher Andrew offered a nuanced view on the agency’s notorious mole hunter. “When somebody as bright, as distinguished, and so capable of friendship as Jim Angleton makes these sort of appalling errors that he does,” Andrew said, “then we are faced with one of the greatest personal tragedies in the modern history of U.S. and British intelligence.”
Yet no historian can give short shrift to the man whom the Daily Beast recently dubbed “The Spider.” Angleton, who died in 1987, was a master of Cold War power politics, and a seer of the coming U.S. surveillance state. His charisma gained him the confidence of several famous poets, a future pope, four Mossad chiefs, a presidential mistress, a couple of Mafiosos, the odd New York intellectual, and a global network of like-minded spooks.
Whatever his faults, Angleton acted zealously on a theory of history whose validity is hard to accept and hard to dispute. He believed that secret intelligence agencies controlled the destiny of mankind. During his 27-year career at the CIA, from 1947 to 1974, he acted as if the CIA and the KGB were struggling over the future of civilization itself — which, of course, they were.
The Cold War is over and Angleton is gone, but the espionage techniques he mastered — mass surveillance, disinformation, targeted assassination, and extrajudicial detention — remain with us, albeit on a much larger scale. Since September 11, 2001, the power of secret intelligence agencies to shape our future is obvious.
Yet it wasn’t until I went to Georgetown in search of one of Angleton’s darkest secrets that I came away with a personal lesson in how the CIA makes history — by erasing it.
How much damage Angleton’s false accusations did is still disputed.
His defenders insist he protected the agency’s operations far more than he harmed them. One of his critics, veteran intelligence reporter David Wise, says that Angleton ruined the careers of dozens of innocent people.
To clarify the issue, I consulted two collections in the Georgetown library’s manuscript collections. These were the papers of two senior CIA officers who knew Angleton well. Cleveland Cram, a former London station chief, was one of Angleton’s harshest critics in the agency. Ed Applewhite, a classmate of Angleton’s in the Yale class of 1941, was a trusted career officer who worked with the counterintelligence chief.
I hoped the papers of these CIA men might illuminate the financial cost of the mole hunt, something that has eluded Angleton’s previous biographers. It is known that the CIA arranged restitution for some of those falsely accused by Angleton. But the total number of victims and the compensation paid is not something that the agency cares to talk about.
The Applewhite papers looked to be an especially promising source of information. Records for the seven boxes of material that Applewhite’s estate donated to the library in 2005 indicated that he had an extensive correspondence with Peter Karlow, the first victim of Angleton’s mole hunt.
A career CIA officer who lost a foot during World War II, Karlow served in Europe throughout the 1950s, rising in the ranks of the agency’s Technical Services Division, which provides technological solutions to espionage problems (sort of like “Q” in James Bond films). He fell under suspicion in 1962, based on the flimsiest of evidence supplied by Anatoly Golitsyn, a former KGB officer, whose allegations of Soviet penetration entranced Angleton. Hoping to become chief of the Technical Services Division, Karlow was put on leave and subjected to intense FBI surveillance and investigation, which turned up nothing incriminating.
Karlow asked for his job back. Angleton insisted he had not been exonerated, and Karlow was forced to resign in 1963. He was entirely innocent. More than 25 years later, the CIA apologized to Karlow and compensated him with a reported payment of close to $500,000.
According to the library’s records, Applewhite had corresponded with Karlow from 1987 to 1994. Applewhite possessed a memo about Karlow’s request for restitution under a law known as the “Mole Relief Act.” Applewhite also composed an unpublished manuscript that included chapters about Angleton titled “The Bogey Man” and the Robert Ludlum-esque “The Angletonian Captivity.”
A dozen boxes of Cleveland Cram’s papers also offered hope of clarifying what the mole hunt cost in terms of lives and money. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the CIA hired Cram to write an 11-volume study of Angleton’s tenure as counterintelligence chief. His encyclopedic opus has never been declassified, but Cram was not shy about sharing his severe judgment of Angleton’s professionalism in a separate CIA monograph based on some of his research. The library records for the Cram papers identified a wide range of Angleton-related material.
When I asked to see the Cram and Applewhite papers, a staff archivist told me both collections had been removed from public view. The CIA, he explained, was reviewing the boxes for “security material.” He said he thought the material would be returned “by the fall” of 2015. When I asked to see the library records for the Cram papers again, I was told the CIA had removed those from public view, too.
“They knew you were coming,” Tim Weiner told me. Author of the best-selling CIA history Legacy of Ashes, Weiner suggested the agency had learned I was writing an Angleton biography and acted preemptively to protect itself.
Perhaps insufficiently paranoid, I hadn’t thought of that possibility, but I can’t dismiss it now. Trade publications reported in January 2015 that I had signed a contract for the Angleton biography. The Cram and Applewhite papers were removed from public view in the spring of 2015, according to one Georgetown employee.
I checked with Tom Blanton, director of the nonprofit National Security Archive in Washington, who advised me to file a Freedom of Information Act request for the material. If the agency had possession of the papers, he noted, then it would be legally obliged to separate the classified material and release any unclassified information. If the agency didn’t respond quickly, he noted, I could file a lawsuit.
The CIA’s information and privacy coordinator, Michael Lavergne, wrote back to say the agency couldn’t possibly fulfill my request “as it does not know what the Cleveland Cram papers are or consist of.”
Playing dumb is a CIA art form, so I contacted the Georgetown library’s chief archivists, seeking to know the date when the agency took possession of the papers and how I might better describe the materials for the CIA. When they didn’t respond, I contacted the university’s public affairs office and was finally let in on Langley’s sleight of hand. Georgetown spokesperson John Kenchelian informed me via email that “the CIA has not taken possession of the documents, they are still in Georgetown’s possession.”
That means the Freedom of Information Act does not apply, and thus I have no legal avenue for pursuing the material. I can’t sue the CIA for the Cram and Applewhite papers, because they are not in the hands of the government.
“The CIA will be reviewing the documents at a yet to be determined time and date for potentially classified material,” Kenchelian added.
A CIA spokesperson said the university is “in the process of sending” the Cram and Applewhite papers to the agency.
“We thank Georgetown for its actions to ensure that classified material is not mistakenly disclosed to the public,” the spokesperson said. “Once the files are provided to CIA, we will review and return the documents to Georgetown as expeditiously as possible.”
In any case, the material will not be available while I’m writing my book.
The CIA has the legal right to secure material that is legitimately classified. It is unlikely, however, that the ancient papers of these two deceased men contain any classified information. The CIA isn’t protecting national security. It is covering its proverbial rear end. By removing the Cram and Applewhite papers from public view, the agency has, in essence, redacted some of the details of an embarrassing chapter in the agency’s history. But while the records technically remain in the hands of Georgetown and off-limits to FOIA, the CIA kept this harmless material beyond the reach of law and the eyes of reporters and historians.
Policy and ethics aside, I’m impressed. My attempt to write a more comprehensive history of Angleton’s mole hunt has been limited. My plans to quote Cram and Applewhite on Angleton’s legacy have been called into question. My chapter describing the human toll (and the taxpayer’s bill) for the mole hunt will have to be revised. As I write the story of one of the CIA’s most notorious characters, the agency is redacting my book, and there’s not a damn thing I can do about it. That’s how the CIA writes history.
IN ITS ANNUALhuman rights report on Saudi Arabia, the State Department ignored thousands of civilian casualties from the Saudi-led bombing campaign in Yemen and overlooked the widespread use of illegal cluster munitions by the bombing coalition.
The Obama administration has supported the Saudi-led campaign throughout, providing the coalition with intelligence and selling them at least $20 billion in weapons since the campaign began in March.
The report, which was released Wednesday and covers all of 2015, attributes to Human Rights Watch a report “that 13 people total were killed, including three children, in seven rocket attacks from April to mid-July.”
But Human Rights Watch also tallied more than 550 civilian deaths in 2015 from 36 airstrikes by the Saudi-led coalition, and documented 15 attacks where the coalition used banned cluster munitions, according to Belkis Wille, the group’s Yemen researcher.
And the Human Rights Watch report the State Department referenced specifies that Saudi forces used U.S.-made M26 cluster bombs in all seven attacks. Each rocket released more than 600 explosives, which spread out over miles. Human Rights Watch found that the U.S.-made explosives had scattered over fields “normally used for agriculture and grazing,” threatened “the livelihood of local farmers,” and badly injured at least three workers who stepped on them.
Cluster bombs are widely recognized as unlawful because their unexploded duds act like land mines, killing civilians years after the conflict. The United States is not among the 119 countries that have signed an international convention banning them.
Human Rights Watch accused the State Department of cherry-picking its research:
“The State Department report suggests that Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International accused the Saudis of only 13 civilian deaths during the fighting,” said Wille. “The U.S. is presenting a small bite of the apple.”
Wille said that some of the unmentioned casualties could have been at the hands of other coalition members, including the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Qatar, and Egypt. “Saudi forces may not be implicated in all of them, but the coalition’s failure to investigate alleged unlawful attacks — as required by international law — has made it impossible to know for sure,” she said.
The State Department admitted to more civilian casualties in its report on Yemen, also released Wednesday. But the Yemen report only acknowledged four problematic air attacks and confirmed only 173 civilian casualties. The report included several estimates of civilian casualties killed by both sides in the conflict, but never attributed a percentage to the Saudi-led coalition.
On Wednesday, Sens. Chris Murphy, D-Conn., and Rand Paul, R-Ky., introduced legislation to temporarily block U.S. arms sales to Saudi Arabia until the State Department certifies that the Saudi military is taking all available steps to protect civilians. The senators joined a growing chorus of human rights and civil society groups calling for an arms embargo of the kingdom.
President Obama has approved more arms sales to Saudi Arabia than any other president. By 2015, his administration had approved more than $100 billion in weapons sales to the Saudis, and currently has approved $46 billion in new agreements.
A State Department spokesperson, who would only comment on background, pointed out that the U.S. has called on both sides of the conflict to protect civilians. He also claimed that the use of cluster munitions is not a human rights violation because the United States has not signed the ban on cluster munitions.
According to Air Force chief of staff General Mark Welsh, we are dropping so many bombs, that we are now running out. The Pentagon’s stockpile of them is almost gone. Through Operation Inherent Resolve, against ISIS, the US has dropped laser and GPS guided bombs, Joint Direct Attack Munitions bombs, Joint Standoff Weapons, and air-to-ground missiles. Each one of those ranges from about $25,000 to $400,000. We even dropped Tomahawk cruise missiles, which can cost about one million dollars each. We have dropped so many bombs that are so expensive, not to mention the devastation they each cause. All told, in 2015, in just Iraq and Syria, the US dropped more than 20,000 bombs and missiles. The Resident discusses. Follow The Resident at http://www.twitter.com/TheResident
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