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A new vocabulary for the 21st Century: Cognitive Democracy - The Governance Lab @ NYU

A new vocabulary for the 21st Century: Cognitive Democracy - The Governance Lab @ NYU | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"This also helps us think more clearly about the possibility conditions for highly successful problem solving in democracies. We summarize these in the most cursory fashion (we hope to expand on this in further work). First, in contrast to existing epistemic accounts, cognitive accounts suggest that individuals need to be able to expose their different points of view to each other, rather than the polling of individuals in strict isolation from each other required by Condorcet’s Jury Theorem. This goes hand-in-hand with a different account of problem solving — rather than asking whether people can determine whether a given decision will be correct or incorrect, as Condorcet does, it asks when individuals will be able to discover hitherto-unperceived solutions within a complex landscape. Second, individuals need to be at least “weak learners” in the terms of statistical learning theory (Schapire and Freund, 2012). Individuals who are fundamentally obtuse, profoundly blinded by ideology, or whimsically perverse will detract from collective learning rather than help it. Third and related, as Mercier and Sperber suggest, cognitive democracy requires that individuals participating in democratic argument have some core commitment to the truth, even if they disagree strongly about what the truth is. People need not be as disinterested as Gardner (this volume) would like them to be, but neither should they be so warped by self-interest that they cannot see the truth, or allow themselves to care for it. Fourth, even if people disagree on how to solve a problem, they agree on what the problems are that need to be solved in the first place, and have some minimal common empirical standards (see also McAfee, this volume).

Clearly, these conditions are falsified in our everyday political experience."

 

 

(p. 18 of the below mentioned document; via @henryfarrell)

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

The text above is from a draft document mentioned in the page; the link is: http://www.lapietradialogues.org/area/pubblicazioni/doc000071.pdf

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Teresa Levy's curator insight, May 9, 2013 7:30 AM

here they go again

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Musings over teaching, e-Learning and universities' mission
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The Sleepwalkers: How Europe Went to War in 1914. CMClark (2013)

The Sleepwalkers: How Europe Went to War in 1914. CMClark (2013) | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"In his System of Subjective Public Laws, published in 1892, the Austrian public lawyer Georg Jellinek analysed what he called ‘the normative power of the factual’. By this he meant the tendency among human beings to assign normative authority to actually existing states of affairs. Human beings do this, he argued, because their perceptions of states of affairs are shaped by the forces exerted by those states of affairs. Trapped in this hermeneutic circularity, humans tend to gravitate quickly from the observation of what exists to the presumption that an existing state of affairs is normal and thus must embody a certain ethical necessity. When upheavals or disruptions occur, they quickly adapt to the new circumstances, assigning to them the same normative quality they had perceived in the prior order of things.

Something broadly analogous happens when we contemplate historical events, especially catastrophic ones like the First World War. Once they occur, they impose on us (or seem to do so) a sense of their necessity. This is a process that unfolds at many levels. We see it in the letters, speeches and memoirs of the key protagonists, who are quick to emphasize that there was no alternative to the path taken, that the war was ‘inevitable’ and thus beyond the power of anyone to prevent. These narratives of inevitability take many different forms – they may merely attribute responsibility to other states or actors, they may ascribe to the system itself a propensity to generate war, independently of the will of individual actors, or they may appeal to the impersonal forces of History or Fate."

 

[op. cit., pp. 361-362]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

A very sad story, but one that everyone must know about. Peoples played around by some persons in high places make poor decisions.

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Paula Silva's comment, March 4, 11:57 AM
Will you check this scoop? Thank you so much. http://sco.lt/5okJ17 It's for my research project.
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Quo vadis, Europe? | openDemocracy

Quo vadis, Europe? | openDemocracy | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"Europe, just like the rest of the planet, is nowadays a dumping ground for the globally generated problems and challenges. But unlike that rest of the planet and almost uniquely, the European Union is also a laboratory in which the ways to confront those challenges and tackle those problems are daily designed, debated and tested in practice. I would go as far as to suggest that this is one (perhaps even the sole) factor that makes Europe, its dowry and contribution to world affairs, exclusively significant for the future of a planet faced with the prospect of a second seminal transformation in the modern history of human cohabitation - of the crushingly toilsome leap, this time, from the ’imagined totalities’ of nations-states to the ’imagined totality’ of humankind. "

 

[via @jordi_a]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

Europe sometimes looks like an entity from "Alice in wonderland": you have to keep running just to be in the same spot. But maybe that is its identity marker ...

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Europe's New Status Quo: 'Ukraine Is Fighting Our Battle' - SPIEGEL ONLINE

Europe's New Status Quo: 'Ukraine Is Fighting Our Battle' - SPIEGEL ONLINE | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"Three things have changed internationally: The EU is being confronted with a fundamental threat for the first time, America once again values the transatlantic partnership, and Ukrainian identity has been strengthened. Anyone who thinks Putin is a strategic genius should take a look at what he's achieved. If he had allowed things to continue as they had, America would gradually have drifted away from Europe, (former) President Viktor Yanukovych would have continued to ruin Ukraine and the Europeans would have kept doing what they were doing."

 

[via @observadorpt]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

It is easy to worry about local stuff, easy to overlook things that happen in a "planet" far, far away ... And we do it to our own peril!

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Crisis of the Eurocrats - NYTimes.com

Crisis of the Eurocrats - NYTimes.com | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"And the European elite’s habit of disguising ideology as expertise, of pretending that what it wants to do is what must be done, has created a deficit of legitimacy. The elite’s influence rests on the presumption of superior expertise; when those claims of expertise are proved hollow, it has nothing to fall back on."

 

[via @PCMagalhaes]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

Harsh words, but sound ones ...

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The social world

The social world | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"There is a further complexity raised by the action-centered picture sketched above. This has to do with the making of social individuals through concrete and historically actual processes of formation and socialization. Actors are social from infancy forward, and their cognitive, affective, and practical mental frameworks are created and formed through their various social interactions. So their behavior as adults is itself a socially created product of the ideological and practical circumstances within which they developed. Here once again, we cannot “reduce” social change to pre-social or non-social individuals. There is no starting de novo in the social world or in history."

 

[via @jamiejordan23]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

A space to watch ...

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The German Genius: Europe's Third Renaissance, the Second Scientific Revolution, and the Twentieth Century Peter Watson (2011)

The German Genius: Europe's Third Renaissance, the Second Scientific Revolution, and the Twentieth Century Peter Watson (2011) | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"A final effect of the reading revolution was on self-consciousness. Print-as-commodity, says Benedict Anderson, generates the “wholly new” idea of simultaneity, as people throughout society realize—via their reading—that others are going through the same experience, having the same thoughts, at the same time. “We are…at the point where communities of the type ‘horizontal-secular, transverse time’ become possible.” In this way public authority was consolidated, helped along by the depersonalized nature of state authority.66These developments were more important than they might seem at first because it was these (vernacular) print languages, says Anderson, that laid the basis for nationalistic consciousness. Anderson’s conclusion is that print-capitalism operated on a variety of languages to create a new form of “imagined community,” setting the stage for the modern nation, in which a “national literature” was an important ingredient.67 In Johann Wolfgang von Goethe’s Götz von Berlichingen mit der eisernen Hand (Götz von Berlichingen with the Iron Hand), a play about liberty, which describes the decline and fall of an Imperial Knight, the author himself said that the theme of the play was “Germanness emerging” (Deutschheit emergiert).* In the nineteenth century, says Thomas Nipperdey, all this would lead to Germany becoming “the land of schools.”"

 

[op. cit., p. 58]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

There are two things about this passage that I find remarkable. The first is the modernity of such an idea at the time and the huge influence over society that was already patent in it; the other is a mere side note, to make a parallel with the same sort of effect today, via, for lack of a better word, the internet (social media).

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Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Downfall of Prussia, 1600-1947. Christopher Clark (2008)

Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Downfall of Prussia, 1600-1947. Christopher Clark (2008) | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"By scouring the legal residue of ‘feudalism’ from the noble estates, the October Edict aimed to facilitate the emergence of a more politically cohesive society in Prussia. ‘Subjects’ were to be refashioned into ‘citizens of the state’. Yet the reformers understood that more positive measures would be needed to mobilize the patriotic commitment of the population. ‘All our efforts are in vain,’ Karl von Altenstein wrote to Hardenberg in 1807, ‘if the system of education is against us, if it sends half-hearted officials into state service and brings forth lethargic citizens.’41 Administrative and legal innovations alone were insufficient; they had to be sustained by a broad programme of educational reform aimed at energizing Prussia’s emancipated citizenry for the tasks that lay ahead."

 

[...]

 

"Once installed, however, Humboldt unfolded a profoundly liberal reform programme that transformed education in Prussia. For the first time, the kingdom acquired a single, standardized system of public instruction attuned to the latest trends in progressive European pedagogy. Education as such, Humboldt declared, was henceforth to be decoupled from the idea of technical or vocational training. Its purpose was not to turn cobblers’ boys into cobblers, but to turn ‘children into people’. The reformed schools were not merely to induct pupils into a specific subject matter, but to instil in them the capacity to think and learn for themselves. ‘The pupil is mature,’ he wrote, ‘when he has learned enough from others to be in a position to learn for himself.’43 In order to ensure that this approach percolated through the system, Humboldt established new teachers’ colleges to train candidates for the kingdom’s chaotic primary schools. He imposed a standardized regime of state examinations and inspections and created a special department within the ministry to oversee the design of curricula, textbooks and learning aids."

 

[op. cit., pp. 331-332]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

And, as an interesting addition, why not read the text over university reform from von Humboldt, available in english in the following address: http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2FBF01553214 (probably, it only works from a HE network)

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Can Universities Solve the Problem of Knowledge in Society withou Succumbing to the Knowledge Society?

STEVE FULLER, Policy Futures in Education, Volume 1, Number 1, 2003 (http://www.wwwords.co.uk/pfie/content/pdfs/1/issue1_1.asp)

 

"Once knowledge has begun to be alienated from the knower, such that one needs to acquire something not already possessed, the content of what one needs to acquire is no longer salient in explaining how credentials confer expertise on people. This point is clear to those who seek university degrees mainly to get credit for knowledge they have already come to possess by virtue of job or other life experience. That alone makes ‘knowledge society’ an extremely misleading expression, since knowledge is usually defined in terms of its content, i.e. some more-or-less valid and reliable representation of reality, without which one could not function. But it would seem that the containers of knowledge are really what matter in the knowledge society, e.g. whether what is said comes from the mouth of a Harvard PhD or a high school drop-out. The validity and reliability of one’s knowledge may not substantially rise between the start and finish of an academic degree programme, but the likelihood that one’s knowledge will be recognised as possessing those qualities does. (However, the speech of a Harvard drop-out may carry authority, too, if there is sufficient capital backing and product delivery: witness Bill Gates.)"

 

[op. cit., pp.110-111]

 

(via @kshjensen)

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Democratic Surround: Multimedia and American Liberalism from World War II ... Fred Turner (2013)

Democratic Surround: Multimedia and American Liberalism from World War II ... Fred Turner (2013) | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"In the late 1950s that managerial mode met an American state campaign to promote American-style consumerism abroad. Visitors to the American pavilion at the 1958 Brussels World’s Fair and to the 1959 American National Exhibition in Moscow enjoyed the same mobility and choice that had been offered to visitors to Road to Victory almost twenty years earlier. But they also found themselves surrounded by a cornucopia of consumer goods. In the surrounds deployed in Brussels and Moscow, political choices and consumer choices became a single integrated system. The democratic personality of the 1940s, in turn, melted almost imperceptibly into the consumer of the 1950s."

 

[op.cit., p. 6]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

Sometimes, things we think are quite recent have roots deep in history, even if it is contemporary history. Something to think about.

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How Teddy Roosevelt can help our politicians to navigate the public-private divide

How Teddy Roosevelt can help our politicians to navigate the public-private divide | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"The argument the report makes, in the spirit of Teddy Roosevelt perhaps, is that public privileges provoke public responsibilities. To widen this argument out, it is something that many in both the corporate and public environment may need to relearn. Private organisations still have public responsibilities. Public organisations have to demonstrable they serve the public interest to the best of their abilities. Organisations such as the Police Federation, or the BBC, universities, public sub-contractors, or care providers sit in a quasi-public environment. Their responsibilities are to ensure that they creatively seek out means of aligning public and private interests. If they don’t, their legitimacy is threatened."

 

[via @anthonypainter]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

Old values are ethernal ...

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The End of Power. MNaim (2013) p. 229

The End of Power. MNaim (2013) p. 229 | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"Centralized and hierarchical organizations held sway for more than a century for a reason. Political parties, large corporations, churches, foundations, bureaucracies, militaries, prestigious universities, and cultural institutions accumulate experience, practices, and knowledge within their walls; they archive their successes and inculcate habits, culture, and operational routines in their employees or members. None of this transfers into a world of diffuse power without some—or a lot of—loss. The possibility that political parties can be replaced by ad-hoc “movements,” temporary electoral coalitions, or even single-issue, nongovernmental organizations (the “greens,” “pirates,” “small-government”) is appealing to the millions of voters everywhere who are fed up with the corruption, ideological stagnation, and disappointing government performance of many political parties. But while the flaws of most parties are often unquestionable, their demise implies the disappearance of important reservoirs of highly specific knowledge that are not easy to replicate by the alluring newcomers—many of which tend to be what Swiss historian Jacob Burckhardt called “terrible simplifiers,” the demagogues who seek power by exploiting the ire and frustration of the population and making appealing but “terribly simplified” and, ultimately, deceitful promises."

 

[op. cit., p. 229]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

Can't live with ..., can't live without ...

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The End of Power. Moises Naim (2013)

The End of Power. Moises Naim (2013) | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"A profound change in expectations and standards has come about, and not just in liberal societies but even in the most hidebound ones. Most people look at the world, their neighbors, employers, clergy, politicians and governments with different eyes than their parents did. To some degree, that has always been the case. But the effect of the More and Mobility revolutions has been to vastly broaden the cognitive, even emotional impact of more access to resources and the ability to move, learn, connect, and communicate more broadly and inexpensively than ever before. Inevitably, this sharpens the intergenerational gaps in mentality—and in worldview."

 

[op. cit., p. 65]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

Can we make sense of the changes of the present times?

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Unless the industry rethinks open access prices, universities could soon be publishing peer reviewed work for themselves.

Unless the industry rethinks open access prices, universities could soon be publishing peer reviewed work for themselves. | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"Yet top universities could organize their own conventional peer review processes economically and effectively, much as they do for PhD examining in the UK, using a system of mutual service and support. All the rest of the piece – getting articles publicized by twitter and blogs, providing a well-edited product, delivering the article to any PC, phablet or colour printer in the world – can be done easily and cheaply by universities themselves. Online communities are already doing the work of developing more and more research, so for universities to directly organize and publish their own peer reviewed journals, monographs and books is a natural next step. In my view only a dramatic fall in journal OA prices can prevent this transition in the next ten years."

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

That's something that's "written in the stars", but takes time. I've seen emerging informal networks that share papers on request among group members, taking advantage of different institutional access for the group members (think former students that are in the scientific "diaspora"), something that goes under the radar of the publishers. But we clearly need a reasonable institutional solution.

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Southern stories

Southern stories | More ... or less! | Scoop.it
I have always been interested in the American Civil War. It was a conflict which, in many ways, introduced the industrial warfare that became so deadly in the 20th century. It was for example the f...
Manuel J. Matos's insight:

History must be a guide for present and future conflicts. We are remembering World War I in a world full of small wars, some going on for so long that no one seems to remember anymore the why. Maybe it is time to learn something from past ones.

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20 small changes to modernise the workplace learning experience

Here the key slides from my recent interactive presentation at the Learning Technologies Summer Forum 2014

Via Ana Cristina Pratas
Manuel J. Matos's insight:

Sensible advice, and sensible clues for further develpoment ...

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Manuel Castells - A obsolescência da educação - YouTube

Manuel Castells, sociólogo espanhol, analisa o sistema de ensino contemporâneo na era da rede. De acordo com Castells, além de informar, a escola sempre inte...

Via Miguel Zapata-Ros
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Maria Jose Vitorino's curator insight, May 26, 12:31 PM

Objectos Submissos

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Why have we lost control and how can we regain it?

"This is notably true of leaders who are driven very much by a combination of individualist impulse and hierarchy. That model of leadership is no longer sufficient. Nor is the wider resort to charisma (emotion) and concentrated power (hierarchy) that underpins such leadership. We need to get creative if we are to face enormous collective challenges in the midst of dizzying change. Charisma and concentrated power currently overwhelm more creative, nimble forces."

 

[via @anthonypainter]

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The German Genius: Europe's Third Renaissance, the Second Scientific Revolution, and the Twentieth Century. PWatson (2011)

The German Genius: Europe's Third Renaissance, the Second Scientific Revolution, and the Twentieth Century. PWatson (2011) | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"We have today, therefore, a very different and more pervasive form of “false consciousness” from that which Marx introduced: we are living in a thoroughly distorted version of reality or, as Habermas puts it, “systematically distorted communication.” In fact, this is now the accepted state of affairs, in which we all know, at some level, that facts and values “cannot be accepted uncritically as ‘givens,’” nothing we are told can be accepted at face value: late capitalism thrives on marketing and public relations, so that we are surrounded in the mass media by acts of communication that say one thing and mean another—not completely another, but with an agenda of their own, unspoken but present."

 

[op. cit., p. 777]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

An interesting time to live in, with huge access to information, and with the biggest doubts about its value. "Bildung" is something we have to do every day, not the german version, our own.

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Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Downfall of Prussia, 1600-1947. CClark (2008)

Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Downfall of Prussia, 1600-1947. CClark (2008) | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"The strength of provincial attachments and the corresponding feebleness of Prussia as a locus of collective identity has remained one of the most striking features of the state’s afterlife since 1947. It is remarkable, for example, how inconspicuous Prussia has been in the official rhetoric of the organizations formed in West Germany after the Second World War to represent the interests of the 10 million expellees who were forced to leave the East-Elbian provinces at the end of the Second World War. The refugees defined themselves, by and large, not as Prussians, but as East Prussians, Upper or Lower Silesians, Pomeranians; there were also organizations representing the Masurians from the Polish-speaking southern districts of East Prussia, the Salzburgers of Prussian Lithuania (descendants of the communities of Protestant refugees from Salzburg who were resettled to the Prussian east in the early 1730s) and various other sub-regional groups. But there has been little evidence of a shared ‘Prussian’ identity and surprisingly little collaboration and exchange between the different groups. In this sense the expellee movement has tended to reflect the composite, highly regionalized character of the old Prussian state."

 

[op. cit., pp. 685-686]
Manuel J. Matos's insight:

How did Prussia, a non existent country, became the black sheep of Europe? An abstract entity that took the blame for errors made by others? Something to read about, as it is an important piece of knowledge in current European affairs.

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Can Universities Solve the Problem of Knowledge in Society withou Succumbing to the Knowledge Society? (2)

STEVE FULLER, Policy Futures in Education, Volume 1, Number 1, 2003 (http://www.wwwords.co.uk/pfie/content/pdfs/1/issue1_1.asp)

 

"The corporate origin of universities is of more than historical interest. The oldest and most successful US universities were founded by British religious dissidents for whom the corporate form of the church was very vivid. From the seventeenth century onward, American graduates were cultivated as ‘alumni’ who regarded their time in university as a life-defining process that they would wish to share with every worthy candidate. The resulting alumni endowments, based on the Protestant ‘tithing’ of income, have provided a fund for allowing successive generations to enjoy the same opportunity for enrichment. In return, the alumni receive glossy magazines, winning sports teams (which the alumni worship every weekend), free courses, and nominal – and occasionally not so nominal – involvement in university policy. Two- thirds of Ivy League students have their education subsidised in this fashion. Moreover, the leading public American universities display similar, and sometimes even stronger, tendencies in the same direction. Thus, UCLA, the University of Michigan, and the University of Virginia are ‘public universities’ that are 70% privately funded, relatively little of which comes from full payment of student fees.

In contrast, the two main strategies for ‘privatising’ the universities in former welfare state regimes – market-driven tuition fees and income-based graduate taxes – operate with a long-term strategy for institutional survival that is nothing more than a series of short-term strategies. At most, these compulsory payment schemes would enable universities to replace the capital they invest in their students, but they would also provide little incentive for graduates to contribute more than had been invested in them. If anything, such fees and taxes could become a source of resentment, non-compliance, and even overall fiscal failure, since in a world where knowledge is pursued as a positional good, it becomes harder to justify high quality university education on a short-term value-for-money basis."

 

[op. cit., p.122]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

An interesting analysis that makes you think about mission and the means available for that purpose.

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The imagination, energies and will of the people: rereading EP Thompson > Juncture :: IPPR

The imagination, energies and will of the people: rereading EP Thompson > Juncture :: IPPR | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"In his work on the 18th century he unearthed a myriad of locally rooted struggles and the small but significant shifts in self-understanding which these engendered. This sense of the various unpredictable consequences of the empowerment of individuals and groups and of the wider lessons of the power of the smallest acts of resistance offer a powerful lesson for our own context where the gap between people and rulers has once again taken on Georgian proportion. Much of his historical work offered portrayals forgotten heroes and heroines and charged the virtues and vices that informed their attempts to deal with the pressing circumstances they faced. Put in philosophical terms he envisaged individuals as self-aware and morally informed agents, and regarded human flourishing as far more open-ended and more plural in terms of ‘the goods’ it comprised than almost any other socialist thinker of his generation. He believed too that the deepest forms of self-realisation depended upon the development of mutually supporting, reciprocal communities and a wider culture of popular self-government."

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

Kenny got me hooked; I will be reading Thompson's book quite soon.

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The End of Higher Education’s Golden Age - by Clay Shirky

"Many of my colleagues believe that if we just explain our plight clearly enough, legislators will come to their senses and give us enough money to save us from painful restructuring. I’ve never seen anyone explain why this argument will be persuasive, and we are nearing the 40th year in which similar pleas have failed, but “Someday the government will give us lots of money” remains in circulation, largely because contemplating our future without that faith is so bleak. If we can’t keep raising costs for students (we can’t) and if no one is coming to save us (they aren’t), then the only remaining way to help these students is to make a cheaper version of higher education for the new student majority."


Via Ana Cristina Pratas
Manuel J. Matos's insight:

Harsh realities that many people in HE keep faking that they do not understand. And that's exactly what is keeping them from doing good work, IMHO.

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Ana Cristina Pratas's curator insight, January 30, 8:02 PM

"Interest in using the internet to slash the price of higher education is being driven in part by hope for new methods of teaching, but also by frustration with the existing system. The biggest threat those of us working in colleges and universities face isn’t video lectures or online tests. It’s the fact that we live in institutions perfectly adapted to an environment that no longer exists."

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The End of Power. MNaim (2013), p. 240

The End of Power.  MNaim (2013), p. 240 | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"The end of the Cold War and, more specifically, the collapse of communism as an inspirational idea blurred the ideological lines that gave many parties their unique identity. As electoral platforms became indistinguishable, the personalities of candidates became the main, and often the only, differentiating factor. To win elections, political parties relied less on the popular appeal of their ideals and ideas and more on marketing techniques, the media prowess of candidates, and, of course, the money they could raise. Naturally, the same scandals that tarnish individual politicians also affect the political organizations to which they belong. Again, freer media and more independent parliaments and judiciaries ensured that corrupt practices once carefully hidden or silently tolerated became painfully visible and obviously criminal, thus degrading the “brand” of the political party. The public tarnishing was also fueled by political parties that could no longer distinguish themselves ideologically from their opponents and relied on corruption accusations and scandals to define political rivals in the minds of voters. It is impossible to ascertain whether political corruption actually increased in the past decades, but it certainly has been more publicized than ever."

 

[op. cit., p. 240]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

The apparent devolution of power to the people has the consequence that ideas are, in some way, devaluated?

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The End of Power. MNaim (2013) p. 123

The End of Power. MNaim (2013) p. 123 | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"In this scattered landscape, the traditional military apparatus remains important and impressive. It possesses the advantages of public resources and the ability to make itself the top priority in government budgets; national sovereignty gives it the moral heft that attracts recruits and justifies investment and spending, and the political legitimacy to enter into alliances. It has tradition on its side. What it has lost is exclusivity. Two crucial monopolies—one philosophical, one practical—have vanished and exposed its vulnerabilities. First is the state’s philosophical monopoly on the legitimate use of force. The second is a practical monopoly bestowed on the military by the geopolitical competition among sovereign states and the need for ever-more complex technology to win it. The rise of powerful nonstate actors and the breakneck diffusion of technology beyond the realms of specialists have destroyed that nuts-and-bolts advantage."

 

[op. cit., p. 123]

 

 

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

In a changing world, some changes are bound to be ignored by many. Books like this one make the reader reflect in what is changing (a given) and about the reasons of the change. The reader may agree with the author or may not. Anyway, the reader always learns something in the exchange. That's what continuing education is all about ...

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We need to talk about power

We need to talk about power | More ... or less! | Scoop.it

"I would venture another form of power that would be needed alongside the type of support Marcus describes. It is a foundational power of support. My RSA colleagues in the Social Brain team are often heard talking about ‘bandwidth scarcity’ . This essentially is where decision-making is impaired because individuals do not have enough, money, time, comfort, support. When we are lacking, we freeze up. When we are frozen, we are unlikely to be creative. If we don’t have access to luck, networks or wealth then what do we need? We need constant support and the knowledge that there is only so far we fall and we then we will be able to get up again. It’s easy to take risks when you know that your potential losses are limited. This is why creativity in young people is associated with a loving and supportive yet open and accepting environment at home."

 

[via @anthonypainter]

Manuel J. Matos's insight:

Let's go back to discussiing basic things: Anthony Painter and the RSA are doing a good job of it ...

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