Six chaînes TNT en HD sélectionnées sur une trentaine de dossiers. Comment les Sages du CSA ont-ils tranché ? Levons un coin du voile.
En une matinée, c'était plié : les neuf Sages du CSA n'ont pas traîné pour sélectionner, mardi, les six fréquences en HD de la TNT. Les votes se sont déroulés à bulletin secret, mais la discussion qui a précédé les scrutins a permis à chacun d'émettre ses réserves ou ses préférences. De ce point de vue, le président, Michel Boyon, a assumé une police des débats très souple, permettant réellement que chacun exprime son point de vue. Nicolas Sarkozy avait décidé de ne pas s'en mêler. Bien que sollicité par certains membres, le chef de l'État n'a jamais répondu. Toutefois, ses conseillers ont fait passer quelques messages...
Il y a eu trois évidences : une chaîne pour TF1 (HD1), une pour M6 (6Ter) et une pour Amaury (L'Équipe HD). Ensuite, trois points chauds peuvent être relevés au cours des discussions. Il fut question d'offrir deux fréquences à M6 afin de compenser l'avantage numérique actuel de TF1 : trois fréquences gratuites (TF1, TMC, NT1) contre deux pour le groupe M6 (M6 et W9). C'est la conseillère Françoise Laborde qui lance le sujet sous la forme d'une question. Son collègue, Emmanuel Gabla, fait observer que, si M6 doit recevoir deux fréquences, les autres choix seraient remis en cause. Michel Boyon ramène ses collègues à la raison. "Ce serait donné un tiers des attributions à un seul groupe", fait-il remarquer en appelant à la réflexion.
Le président du CSA rappelle que M6 a toujours bénéficié de fréquences gratuites, alors que TF1 a dû acheter la sienne lors de la privatisation, en 1986, et a acquis les fréquences de TMC et de NT1 au prix fort. "Après tout, si M6 veut rattraper son retard, le groupe, aux capitaux allemands, n'a qu'à casser sa tirelire", fait-on remarquer du côté des politiques qui suivent l'audiovisuel au sein du gouvernement. Le groupe M6 est loin d'être impécunieux. Il possède un trésor de guerre issu de la revente de TPS... On notera toutefois qu'une partie des fonds a été récupérée par l'actionnaire Bertelsmann et rapatriée outre-Rhin.
Le télé-achat reporté à plus tard
Deuxième sujet chaud : l'attribution d'une fréquence dédiée à une chaîne de télé-achat pour laquelle TF1 et M6 avaient chacune déposé un projet. Au début de la discussion, le courant est très favorable. Sept conseillers sur neuf sont séduits par l'idée et ne voient aucun inconvénient à transformer la TNT en magasin à babioles. La délibération du CSA était, à l'origine, programmée le 20 mars. Aussi, la veille, le lundi 19 mars, Nicolas de Tavernost, le patron de M6, avait fait le tour des membres du collège pour rappeler aux Sages que, s'il ne devait recevoir qu'une seule fréquence, sa préférence allait au télé-achat. Parmi les chauds partisans du télé-achat, on relève l'étonnante présence de la juriste Francine Mariani-Ducray. Mais deux conseillers se sont élevés contre cette idée : l'ancien journaliste Patrice Gélinet (Radio France) et Christine Kelly. Ils ont rappelé que ce n'était pas vraiment ce à quoi le public pouvait s'attendre. D'autant que les téléspectateurs se plaignent de la mauvaise qualité des produits présentés par les services de télé-achat, souvent à la limite de la publicité mensongère... Michel Boyon a admis que le télé-achat n'était pas une priorité et que l'on verrait plus tard quand d'autres fréquences TNT seront ouvertes.
Enfin, l'attribution de la sixième fréquence au projet "TVous la diversité" (Pascal Houzelot) a fait l'objet de l'opposition de trois conseillers durant la discussion : Rachid Arhab, Alain Méar et Françoise Laborde. Les deux premiers, en charge de la diversité, étaient plutôt favorables au projet "360 Télévision", défendu par le groupe Nouvel Observateur et Fleurus presse. Françoise Laborde préférait, quant à elle, le projet Via (groupe Télévista). La conseillère avait été échaudée, semble-t-il, par le ratage de Pink TV, la chaîne de Pascal Houzelot, dont la première mouture sur un format gay friendly payant n'avait pas trouvé de modèle économique. Finalement, au moment du vote : "TVous la diversité" a obtenu sept voix sur les neuf.
At the opening plenary session of the AQUA 2012 event, co-organised in Prague by the European and World Aquaculture Societies, Patrick Sorgeloos, Director of the Laboratory of Aquaculture and the Artemia Reference Center of the University of Ghent in Belgium, was presented with an Honorary Life Membership of EAS.
Honorary Life Membership is the highest EAS award and is given to those persons that have had a marked impact on the development of European aquaculture. Since 1981, EAS has bestowed this award on only 10 persons, including such names as Eric Edwards, Bernard Chevassus-au-Louis, Peter Hjul, Colin Nash and more recently, Courtney Hough and Pascal Divanach.
The award was presented by the EAS 2010-2012 President Yves Harache, but announced by 2008-2010 President Selina Stead, leaving the EAS Board of Directors after 12 years. Selina introduced the awardee as a household name in aquaculture – not only in Europe but across the whole planet – and hence one of the reasons why EAS wished to make this award at its global event, AQUA 2012, where he was also a member of the Steering Committee.
She described Patrick’s exceptional vision, when, at about the time of the founding of EAS in the 70s, he realised the potential of a small crustacean that would affect aquaculture production in Europe, but also throughout the world, on species that required special larval rearing strategies to break a severe bottleneck to their commercial production. He founded the Artemia Refence Center and the International Study on Artemia, so important for world aquaculture. He created one of the global leaders in specialist aquaculture feeds and he is probably the world’s most travelled aquaculture expert, having been to just about every country on the planet where aquaculture is practiced.
He created the ‘standard’ for a Masters course in Aquaculture and for specialist training on Artemia. More recently, he pushed the main industry players to create the European Aquaculture Technology and Innovation Platform that has just completed its Vision and Strategic Research and Innovation Agenda, presented at AQUA 2012.
On calling Patrick to receive his award, Selina spoke of her pleasure and personal honour to make the presentation of Honorary Life Membership to him. This was echoed by Yves Harache as he presented an honorary plaque to Patrick.
For his part, Patrick dedicated the award to his beloved wife ‘Mama’ Magda and to her love, care and affection to the students, past and present, of the laboratory of aquaculture in Ghent.
http://hd-movie.us/nets-hornets-okc-talking-lance-lopez-trade/ Brook Lopez could escape from Brooklyn soon. (USATSI) The Brooklyn Nets are trying hard to send center Brook Lopez elsewhere, according to Yahoo Sports’ Adrian Wojnarowski: Brooklyn has accelerated trade discussions for Brook Lopez with the intention on moving him soon, league sources tell Yahoo Sports. — Adrian Wojnarowski (@WojYahooNBA) January 16, 2015 Yahoo Sports reported that Brooklyn was looking into acquiring Lance Stephenson from the Charlotte Hornets in a Lopez deal, and ESPN’s Chris Broussard reported that it turn into a three-way trade with the Oklahoma City Thunder: Sources: Nets,Hornets,OKC talking 3-way trade. Brook Lopez 2 OKC, Lance Stephenson 2 BKN, Jeremy Lamb/Jarrett Jack 2 Charlotte.Talks ongoing — Chris Broussard (@Chris_Broussard) January 16, 2015 The last season and a half has been a tumultuous time for Lopez. He started off 2013-2014 on a tear offensively, playing the most efficient basketball of his career under Jason Kidd. The Nets were losing, though, and they turned their season around after Lopez suffered a season-ending foot injury and they started utilizing a smaller, faster lineup. After Kidd went to Milwaukee, Brooklyn hired Lionel Hollins as his replacement. Some thought this would be ideal for Lopez, as Hollins had managed a Memphis Grizzlies offense centered around post-ups for Marc Gasol and Zach Randolph. It became clear quite quickly that the two might not be a perfect match. The Nets explored dealing Lopez earlier this season, and reportedly talked to the Thunder about what would have essentially been a salary dump. He is making $15.7 million this year and is owed $16.7 million next year. Brooklyn has Mason Plumlee, a starting-caliber center, on a rookie contract. For a team mired in mediocrity, it makes sense to explore moving its more expensive pieces if it is not going to build around them. Hollins isn’t even starting Lopez right now when Kevin Garnett and Plumlee are both available. It’s worth noting that the 26-year-old is still an effective scorer on the block. He’s averaging 14.6 points and 6.3 rebounds in 26.3 minutes this season, shooting 50.4 percent from the field, and he has recorded seven 20-plus-point games. He can obviously play; the question is whether the team that acquires him will have the proper personnel to take advantage of his skill set. In today’s NBA, the back-to-the-basket big man isn’t as valuable as he used to be, especially if he’s not great at pick-and-roll defense. Here’s hoping this one winds up in the right spot. As for Stephenson, the former Indiana Pacers guard has not fit in with his new team like the Hornets had hoped. They signed him to a three-year, $27 million contract last summer, but appear to be ready to abandon that experiment. He’s only 24 years old and had a breakout season for the Pacers last year, but has did significant damage to his reputation with his antics in last year’s playoffs and the way he and Charlotte started this season. He is from Brooklyn and would presumably welcome a trade home. The Miami Heat have also “shown a strong interest” in Lopez, according to ESPN’s Ohm Youngmisuk. Recommended article: Chomsky: We Are All – Fill in the Blank.This entry passed through the Full-Text RSS service – if this is your content and you’re reading it on someone else’s site, please read the FAQ at fivefilters.org/content-only/faq.php#publishers.
La filiale du groupe Canal + renforce son offre basique et lance six nouvelles chaînes.
CanalSat, saison 2. La plateforme de distribution de chaînes du groupe Canal +, présidé par Bertrand Meheut, poursuit sa refondation entamée l'an dernier et s'inscrit résolument dans une «logique de conquête». Maxime Saada, le DGA du groupe en charge de la distribution, qui présentait hier la grille de rentrée de CanalSat, annonce une grande recomposition de son offre tarifaire. A l'offre basique (23,90 euros mensuels) à laquelle se rajoutaient des blocs d'option sport, famille et cinéma à 8 euros, se substituera à partir du 6 novembre deux offres simples à 25 euros. La première intègre les chaînes sport et famille, à l'exception de pépites comme Foot + ou beIN Sport. La seconde inclut le cinéma.
Enfin, si les abonnés sont accros de télé, ils pourront souscrire à tout CanalSat pour 40 euros. Dans tous les cas, l'offre multi-écrans est incluse dans le prix. Une stratégie agressive dont «le but est de faire la différence avec les fournisseurs d'accès qui commercialisent sur leur propre box de très larges offres de télévision. C'est la première fois dans l'histoire de la télévision payante que l'on trouvera des chaînes cinéma dans le basique», affirme Maxime Saada, qui ne cache pas que «le dégroupage des chaînes cinéma de Canal + imposé par l'Autorité de la concurrence pose un vrai problème, car le 7e art a toujours été le premier motif d'abonnement». Mais cette agressivité promotionnelle doit aussi inciter ces distributeurs à mieux commercialiser aussi les offres de CanalSat: «Aujourd'hui, rappelle Maxime Saada, 70 % de nos recrutements se font sur l'ADSL.» CanalSat compte au total un peu plus de 4 millions d'abonnés.
«Cinq nouvelles chaînes exclusives»
Aussi Maxime Saada mise sur l'offre éditoriale. «Chez CanalSat, nous aimons la télévision», martèle-t-il. Et d'enchaîner, «c'est pour cela que nous créons cette année de nouvelles chaînes éphémères mais aussi six nouvelles chaînes à destination des communautés de fans». Après Golf +, arrivée cet été, le patron de CanalSat va proposer «cinq nouvelles chaînes exclusives» créées dans le giron de la plateforme: Discovery Science, Non Stop People, Djazz TV et «surtout Kombat Sport et Black Belt TV, deux chaînes de sports de combat, Black Belt étant concoctée par l'acteur Christophe Lambert», annonce-t-il. De quoi donner des sueurs froides au CSA qui devra les conventionner. D'autant que la promesse de cette offre se résume par le slogan: «Du combat, du cinéma, des nanas»!Mais pour Maxime Saada, «face à la concurrence américaine, il faut proposer à l'abonné des offres propres et créer notre actualité».
«Déployés sur toutes les plateformes»
CanalSat veut consolider ses positions sur ses offres délinéarisées. Le distributeur migrera tout son parc de décodeurs vers des équipements connectés afin que tous les abonnés de CanalSat puissent y accéder.
Après avoir lancé, en 2011, le moteur de recherche Eureka, CanalSat lance plusieurs services de télé personnelle avec la chaîne Nickelodéon et le projet Campus qui permettent de relinéariser des contenus. Si le nombre d'abonnés à l'offre CanalPlay Infinity (SVOD) reste vague, Maxime Saada affirme que ces derniers «consomment en moyenne 35 contenus par mois». Surtout, il estime partir avec deux avantages de taille face à ses futurs concurrents, Netflix ou Amazon. «Nous sommes déployés sur toutes les plateformes, tandis que nos concurrents ne sont accessibles que via Internet. Enfin, les services de rattrapage nous permettent de proposer des contenus frais sur ces nouvelles offres».
Disclaimer: You have requested a machine translation of selected content from our databases. This functionality is provided solely for your convenience and is in no way intended to replace human translation. Neither Gale nor its licensors make any representations or warranties with respect to the translations. Woman Suffrage Movement Civil Rights in the United States , 2000
Woman Suffrage Movement The earliest known call for female voting privileges in the United States came in 1648 from Maryland landowner Margaret Brent, who demanded that, like male freeholders, she be granted a vote in the House of Burgesses (the Maryland colonial legislature). Nonetheless, although some states allowed female taxpayers to vote for a time after the American Revolution, the issue of female enfranchisement was virtually dormant well into the nineteenth century. It was only in 1848, with the first women's rights convention in Seneca Falls, New York, that an organized effort to pursue the vote was formed. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Quaker minister Lucretia Mott had first conceived of the convention years before, out of anger over the segregation of female abolitionists at the World Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840 in London, England. They were joined by three other women--Mary Ann McClintock, Jane Hunt, and Mott's sister, Martha Wright--in organizing the Seneca Falls convention. Attended by 300 men and women, the convention produced the "Declaration of Sentiments," a document outlining eighteen grievances regarding the status of women and twelve resolutions for future action, including one that proposed female enfranchisement. Although the call for the vote was controversial even to the convention attendees, the Declaration of Sentiments received one hundred signatures. Two weeks later, at a Rochester, New York, convention, there was even more solid support for suffrage; two years later, at the first national women's rights convention in Worcester, Massachusetts, it became clear that the suffrage movement had found a broad base of support.
In the early 1850s, Stanton met temperance worker Susan B. Anthony, who would soon match her passion for Feminism and rank beside her as a principal figure in the suffrage movement. The two worked both together and separately on a variety of reform causes, including abolition and married women's property rights. Like other suffragists, they were hopeful that female contributions to the Civil War victory would be rewarded with enfranchisement; as that hope failed to materialize, they became more adamant that female suffrage take equal priority with other reforms. Beginning in 1869, the suffrage movement experienced a deep, two-decade rift over the issue of ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, which would completely prohibit the disenfranchisement of African-American males, a right that had been merely discouraged by the Fourteenth Amendment. Under the Fourteenth Amendment, states that did not grant African Americans the vote faced the prospect of suffering a relative reduction in their representation in the House of Representatives, a body which would be reformulated to reflect the overall number of male voters. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony insisted that the Fifteenth Amendment expand its provisions to include women.
In the past, both Stanton and Anthony had worked ardently for the rights of African Americans--in fact, earlier in the decade they had helped found the National Woman's Loyal League, which produced a petition with 400,000 signatures in support of the Thirteenth Amendment. That amendment freed slaves in states loyal to the union in 1865. Now, in 1869, however, they viewed the absence of a reference to women in the Fifteenth Amendment as a defect of such a magnitude that it interfered with their support for the earlier amendment. They stressed that women were just as qualified to vote as other disenfranchised groups and that it would be absurd for them to act as advocates for others and to neglect their own rights. Women, as longstanding supporters of the African-American cause, deserved to be simultaneously enfranchised, they argued.
Stanton and Anthony now exited an organization that had briefly united the objectives of both feminists and abolitionists to form a new organization that concentrated principally on feminist issues: the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA). In response to the formation of NWSA, more conservative feminists, led by Lucy Stone, formed the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA) later in 1869. Its disdain for the NWSA membership continued beyond the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment in 1870. AWSA continued to accuse NWSA of Racism. Comprised entirely of suffragists from existing groups, AWSA was dismayed by some of NWSA's suggested reforms--for example, the expansion of the grounds for divorce beyond adultery. Furthermore, it was outraged by NWSA's unconventional supporters, such as free-love advocate Victoria Woodhull, her sister Tennessee Claflin, and their friend Isabella Hooker, all of whom intertwined ideas of spiritualism and radical reform with feminist thinking. AWSA and NWSA were moreover divided on the question of which strategy to pursue in the suffrage battle. AWSA favored a state and local approach, whereas NWSA sought a federal amendment to the Constitution that would grant female suffrage.
The women's movement relied heavily on speechmaking at civic clubs and other local volunteer organizations. There were numerous conventions and a stream of feminist articles, books, and periodicals. Another favorite tactic among all generations of suffragists was the petition drive, whereby petitions were circulated in support of various measures. Occasionally there were staged publicity-seeking events, including Susan Anthony's disruption of the 1876 centennial celebrations in Philadelphia and acts of Civil Disobedience, such as Lucy Stone's 1858 refusal to pay property taxes on her New Jersey home. Even in the late nineteenth century, there were various female candidacies for government, although these were often purely symbolic; in the early twentieth century, bolder feminists staged a number of marches, demonstrations, and pickets.
The suffrage movement, over its seventy-two-year history, was influenced by and came to influence many other social trends and political movements. Even the earliest suffragists had extensive prior experience as activists involved in volunteer or charitable work before becoming involved in the suffrage cause. Many had been abolitionists as well and saw female suffrage as a natural extension of the liberation of African Americans. A number of notable suffragists were of the Quaker faith, which had long promoted progressive ideals. Suffrage was also embraced by scores of noted writers or other women of accomplishment of the day--for example, pioneer female clergywomen Antoinette Blackwell and Olympia Brown; author Julia Ward Howe; American Red Cross founder Clara Barton; journalist and civil rights activists Ida Wells-Barnett and Mary Church Terrell, who was the first president of the National Association of Colored Women. And there were prominent male supporters of female suffrage, including anti-slavery orator Frederick Douglass and poet-philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson.
Suffrage became closely linked with the issue of temperance, especially during Frances Willard's leadership (1879-1898) of the national Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). WCTU was a force behind the drive to permit women to vote in municipal elections, because those local elections often involved referenda determining whether liquor could be sold. (This did, of course, at the same time make the suffrage movement a target of the liquor industry's retaliation.) Beginning in 1878 with the California State Grange organization, the Granger movement--a political-action group that had been representing the needs of farmers from 1867 onward--began offering support to woman suffrage through local bodies of the National Grange of the Patrons of Husbandry, the principal Granger organization. Although the suffragists' relationship with the Labor Movement was initially checkered, they continued to court labor until 1890, when suffrage received a formal endorsement from the American Federation of Labor. Further reform movements were to follow the AFL's lead, including ones promoting consumer rights and other progressive causes. Ultimately it was the trend toward greater female Education and the desire for more social freedom that strengthened the suffrage movement the most.
Throughout the suffrage campaign, some feminists suggested modified strategies for securing the vote. Because it was widely recognized that it was essential for mothers to have a voice in matters pertaining to education, suffragists were able to obtain for women a kind of limited so-called "school suffrage," which allowed them to vote only on certain issues--on school-related matters, in some states: Kansas, 1861; Michigan and Minnesota, 1875, for women who were both widows and mothers of school children; Vermont and New York, 1880. In 1898 tax-paying women in Louisiana were enfranchised on tax matters. Generally, Western states were more receptive to female suffrage, in part because of the hope that women's influence would promote law and order. In Utah female suffrage gained ground because it bolstered local support for the practice of polygamy, which Congress sought to prohibit. As U.S. territories Utah and Wyoming enfranchised women in 1869, as did Washington in 1883; Wyoming retained female suffrage after gaining statehood in 1890, although Congress reversed women's enfranchisement in Utah as part of the 1887 Edmunds-Tucker Act, and the vote for women was defeated in Washington in a state referendum in 1889. In 1915, Congress considered but did not pass a law to permit women who met state voting requirements to vote in congressional elections.
In 1890 the branches of the women's movement, NWSA and AWSA, united to form the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA). NAWSA was the organization that probably deserved greatest credit for the enactment of the Nineteenth Amendment, which enfranchised women. NAWSA was first headed by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, although it would later repudiate her 1896 denunciation of the Bible. Susan B. Anthony followed Stanton as NAWSA president, with an eight-year tenure beginning in 1892. Both the Stanton and Anthony presidencies were marred by enormous frustration in the suffrage campaign. It was under the first presidency of Iowa educator Carrie Chapman Catt (1900-04) that NAWSA and the movement as a whole experienced a new infusion of energy and demonstrated more savvy. In her second presidency (1914-21), Catt enacted the "Winning Plan" (1916), which promoted the state-based strategy as a means to an ultimate federal suffrage amendment. NAWSA, however, still faced competition from a younger, more aggressive contingent of feminists including Alice Paul and Lucy Burns, whose Congressional Union (later the National Woman's Party) practiced a confrontational strategy and demanded the immediate enactment of a federal amendment. In 1917 Paul organized a picket of the White House, for which she and many followers were arrested and imprisoned. Public outrage over these arrests was another significant factor in creating momentum for the drive to pass the suffrage amendment.
The Nineteenth Amendment is worded as follows:
Section 1: The right of the citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of sex.
Section 2: Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
Suffrage amendments had been offered each year since 1868, and the wording of the amendment was unchanged from its 1878 version. In spite of support from President Woodrow Wilson, the amendment was still the subject of considerable controversy in Congress. Among the issues raised in congressional debate were fears in the North of detriment to business, distaste in the South for perceived damage to states' rights, and a widespread phobia of involving women further in the public sphere. Nonetheless, suffrage finally was passed by the 66th Congress: by the House of Representatives, 304-89 (May 20, 1919), and by the Senate, 66-30 (June 4, 1919). The amendment secured its thirty-sixth state ratification from Tennessee on August 18, 1920.
Following the enactment of the Nineteenth Amendment, some of the former suffragists reorganized into the League of Women Voters to offer their advocacy of progressive reforms on issues such as child welfare and workers' rights. The League joined with other groups to form the Women's Joint Congressional Committee to enhance female voting solidarity. Many former suffragists, such as Carrie Chapman Catt and Jeanette Rankin (the first woman elected to Congress), stressed the importance of pacifism and saw it as an outgrowth of their feminist efforts.
Further Readings Bibliography •Anthony, Katharine. Susan B. Anthony: Her Personal History and Her Era. 1954. •Barry, Kathleen. Susan B. Anthony: A Biography of a Singular Feminist. 1988. •Blackwell, Alice Stone. Lucy Stone: Pioneer of Woman's Rights. 1971. •Catt, Carrie Chapman, and Nettie Rogers Shuler. Woman Suffrage and Politics. 1923. •DuBois, Ellen Carol. Elizabeth Cady Stanton/Susan B. Anthony: Correspondence, Writings, Speeches. 1981. •DuBois, Ellen Carol. Feminism and Suffrage: The Emergence of an Independent Women's Movement in America, 1848-1869. 1978. •Duniway, Abigail Scott. Path Breaking: An Autobiographical History of the Equal Suffrage Movement in the Pacific Coast States. 1914. •Flexner, Eleanor. Century of Struggle: The Woman's Rights Movement in the United States. Rev. ed., 1975. •Frost, Elizabeth, and Kathryn Cullen-DuPont. Women's Suffrage in America: An Eyewitness History. 1992. •Frost-Knappman, Elizabeth, with Sarah Kurian. The ABC-Clio Companion to Women's Progress in America. 1994. •Griffith, Elisabeth. In Her Own Right: The Life of Elizabeth Cady Stanton. 1984. •Grimes, Alan P. The Puritan Ethic and Woman Suffrage. 1967. •Gurko, Miriam. The Ladies of Seneca Falls: The Birth of the Woman's Rights Movement. 1974. •Harper, Ida Husted. The Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony. 1898. •Kerr, Andrea Moore. Lucy Stone: Speaking Out for Equality. 1992. •Kraditor, Aileen. The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1890-1920. 1981. •Lunardini, Christine A. From Equal Suffrage to Equal Rights: Alice Paul and the National Woman's Party, 1910-1928. 1986. •Wheeler, Leslie. Loving Warriors: Selected Letters of Lucy Stone and Henry B. Blackwell. 1981. Full Text: COPYRIGHT 2000 Macmillan Reference USA. Source Citation: "Woman Suffrage Movement." Civil Rights in the United States. Ed. Waldo E. Martin, Jr. and Patricia Sullivan. New York: Macmillan Reference USA, 2000. Gale Opposing Viewpoints In Context. Web. 20 Feb. 2012. Document URL http://ic.galegroup.com/ic/ovic/ReferenceDetailsPage/ReferenceDetailsWindow?displayGroupName=Reference&disableHighlighting=false&prodId=OVIC&action=e&windowstate=normal&catId=&documentId=GALE%7CBT2338231249&mode=view&userGroupName=midd46556&jsid=1c04f35e9fdf79f3aa4bc829f2791b7d Gale Document Number: GALE|BT2338231249
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