Indonesie 2014
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Indonesie 2014
Face a la coalition centriste et conservatrice actuelle, dirigee par le President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dit SBY depuis maintenant 10 ans, les 2 principaux partis d’opposition, le PDIP de Megawati et le parti Gerindra de Prabowo affinent leurs programmes et resserent leurs soutiens en vue des elections presidentielles indonesiennes de 2014. Signe d’une democratie mature qui rappelle notre pays, l’enjeu electoral majeur tourne autour du bilan economique de la coalition au pouvoir et de la personnalite de SBY, qui pourrait payer cher son indecision a faire face a la corruption.
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Indonesia’s fresh start

Indonesia’s fresh start | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it

 

 Asia

Indonesia’s fresh startJon Fasman JAKARTA

The pragmatic president will find it harder to get things done nationally than he did locally

His relative inexperience may put him at a disadvantage
2015 IN BRIEFIndonesians look back 200 years to the devastation caused byMount Tambora and the largest volcanic eruption in recorded history

To appreciate just how unusual a figure Indonesia’s newly elected president, Joko Widodo (known as “Jokowi”), cuts in his country’s politics, compare his background with those of his four predecessors. When Suharto resigned after holding the office for 31 years, he was replaced by the vice-president, B.J. Habibie, who had spent two decades in government. Mr Habibie was followed by Abdurrahman Wahid, who under Suharto’s rule headed Indonesia’s biggest Muslim organisation, which his grandfather founded. Then came Megawati Sukarnoputri, daughter of the president preceding Suharto, and a former legislator and party chair; she was followed by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, also a legislator as well as a general in Suharto’s army.

Jokowi, by contrast, served neither in the armed forces nor the legislature. He was one of four children born to a timber collector, and he was raised in a shack on a flood-prone riverbank. He graduated from university with a forestry degree, then built up a successful furniture-export business before serving first as mayor of Solo, his hometown, and then as governor of Jakarta. In office he built a reputation for clean governance and frequent blusukan: impromptu neighbourhood visits with a minimal entourage, during which he spoke with—and, more unusually for Indonesian politicians, apparently actually listened to—his constituents. He improved the city’s tax receipts, put government services (including his budget, salary and public meetings) online and built markets for vendors to stop them blocking traffic.

Like Barack Obama six years earlier and half a world away, Jokowi’s campaign attracted waves of energetic young volunteers, eager to donate their time and social-media savvy. His approachability and modest background appealed to Indonesia’s electorate, and propelled him to a six-point victory over Prabowo Subianto (Suharto’s son-in-law, and a former commander of Indonesia’s Special Forces). His inauguration on October 20th marked the first handover of power from one directly elected Indonesian president to another.

But whether the traits that helped Candidate Jokowi will serve him equally well as president remains unclear. Candidate Jokowi won in large part because he convinced voters he was not a typical Indonesian politician. But in order to get legislation passed, President Jokowi will have to work with and appeal to precisely those typical Indonesian politicians. He cannot rely on partisanship: members of his coalition hold a minority of seats in Indonesia’s parliament, and the much larger bloc of Prabowo-backers have made clear that they will use procedural manoeuvres and the institutions of Indonesia’s fragile democracy to block him at every turn.

And even within his own pdi-p party, his relative inexperience may put him at a disadvantage to both his party chair, Ms Megawati, and his vice-president, Jusuf Kalla, who has served as a legislator, a minister under Mr Wahid and vice-president during Mr Yudhoyono’s first term. Jokowi’s supporters point out that he had a minority in Jakarta’s city council, and still managed to compile an impressive record as governor.

They must hope he shows the same mettle as president. Jokowi has ambitious plans for universal health care and education, but unless he trims the country’s immense fuel subsidies he may find himself unable to pay for them. Those subsidies account for around one-fifth of total government spending; worse, Indonesians have grown so used to them that simply getting rid of them immediately and altogether may prove politically impossible. A likelier scenario is a multi-year taper, which is better than doing nothing, but still prevents more productive uses of government capital.

Indonesia is South-East Asia’s biggest country, both by population (256m) and size of its economy. But gdp growth has begun to slow—from an annual average of 6.3% between 2010 and 2012 to 5.8%, a four-year low, in 2013 and 5.2% in 2014—just as millions of young Indonesians are reaching working age. Slower growth in China and continued European sluggishness have dampened demand for the raw commodities that still comprise too large a share of Indonesia’s exports (see chart on previous page). Jokowi will have to find a way to shift the economy towards domestic consumption and value-added manufacturing.

That will be difficult without doing something about Indonesia’s appalling infrastructure. A World Economic Forum survey ranked Indonesia’s infrastructure 82nd in the world—behind Thailand, Mexico and Egypt, among other places—and just barely ahead of India and Tajikistan. The number of days containers spend between unloading and leaving the gates of Jakarta’s port, which handles most of Indonesia’s international trade, rose from 4.8 in 2010 to about six in 2014.

But improving infrastructure will take deft political manoeuvring as well as huge capital outlays. Soon after Suharto’s resignation Indonesia began a programme of massive decentralisation, giving power not to the provinces (for fear of encouraging secessionism) but to districts and villages. This has made local government more autonomous and responsive—it is doubtful that Jokowi could have got quite as much accomplished in Solo and Jakarta as he did without the power granted to him under decentralisation. But it also means that ambitious national infrastructure projects require approvals from numerous politicians, not all of whom may share the president’s steadfast opposition to graft.

Mr Yudhoyono’s presidency was marked by Indonesia’s emergence onto the world stage: the country joined the g20, began the Bali Democracy Forum and took a prominent role in climate-change negotiations. Jokowi begins his presidency with two high-profile ­international events—the East Asia summit and the g20 summit—in the same week, but foreign policy played little part in his campaign, and at least in the short term he will be a more inward-looking president than his predecessor. He was elected, after all, on his record as a problem-solver, and on the promise that he could do for all Indonesians what he accomplished for residents of Solo and Jakarta. In 2015 he needs to show that he really can.

Jon Fasman: South-East Asia bureau chief, The Economist
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The empire strikes back

The empire strikes back | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
FOR the first time in its history, on October 20th Indonesia will witness the transfer of power from one popularly elected president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, to...
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Old guard last days?

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En Indonésie, la politique et les affaires font bon ménage | La-Croix.com

En Indonésie, la politique et les affaires font bon ménage | La-Croix.com | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
Une élite de leaders politiques et d’hommes d’affaires utilise à son profit les institutions démocratiques.
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53% pour Jokowi en comptant les campagnes?

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Indonésie : En attendant Joko

Indonésie : En attendant Joko | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
Après s’être intéressé il y a quelques semaines à Prabowo Subianto, focus aujourd’hui sur celui qui fait figure de favori pour l’élection présidentielle du 9 juillet prochain en Indonésie, le gouveneur de Jakarta, Joko Widodo. Encore et toujours, il sourit et avance. Tout semble glisser sur ses...
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encore 4 petites semaines!

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Indonesia’s presidential election: Runners and riders - Pirate News

Indonesia’s presidential election: Runners and riders - Pirate News | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
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The Economist: Ahead with a ticket Jokowi-Kalla?

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Governor of Jakarta Receives His Party’s Nod for President

Governor of Jakarta Receives His Party’s Nod for President | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
The move by the party of Joko Widodo, who has become a political phenomenon, ended speculation over whether the party chairwoman would stand in his way.
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Currency and stock market both jump, PDIP is now pro-business

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Indonésie – Australie : une crise diplomatique d’ampleur

Indonésie – Australie : une crise diplomatique d’ampleur | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
Après l’Europe, c’est au tour des relations diplomatiques en Asie de se voir perturbées par les révélations relatives à l’affaire Snowden. En Indonésie, le pouvoir s’est d’abord tourné vers Washing...
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En vue des elections, comme le parti Democrate, les partis Gerindra et Hanura – font du nationalisme et du retour de la grandeur indonésienne leur cheval de bataille

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Indonésie : un chevalier blanc chasse l'autre

Indonésie : un chevalier blanc chasse l'autre | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
En 2004, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono avait été le premier président démocratiquement élu de l'histoire du pays. Qui lui succédera l'an prochain ?
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la corruption en indonésie : une entrave au potentiel économique du ...

la corruption en indonésie : une entrave au potentiel économique du ... | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
Par Antoine de Blauwe. « Fitri Ono vit avec son mari et ses deux enfants dans une modeste maison sur l'Ile de Java en Indonésie. Son mari, seul revenu du foyer, gagne à peine de quoi subvenir aux besoins essentiels de la ...

Via Arti Prat
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Let the games begin

Let the games begin | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
THESE days few Indonesians pay much attention to Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The president cuts a forlorn figure: he still has just over a year left in office, but...
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JOKOWI candidate to be in The Economist!

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Jokowi will be a great president, but must focus on Jakarta first | The Jakarta Post

Jokowi will be a great president, but must focus on Jakarta first | The Jakarta Post | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
Almost all public opinion polls in recent months found that if an election was to take place today, the wildly popular Jakarta Governor Joko ...
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Un mois de juin en Indonésie

Un mois de juin  en Indonésie | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
Malheureusement, très peu de temps pour publier ici ce mois-ci, voici donc une revue du mois. L’offensive de charme de Prabowo L’ancien général reste dans le trio de tête des derniers sondages. Cep...
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Half the world away French investigative journalists also fight corruption but who is behind? In ‘right to know’ Mediapart, expert JP Tailleur says founder Plenel should practise more what he teaches

Half the world away French investigative journalists also fight corruption but who is behind? In ‘right to know’ Mediapart, expert JP Tailleur says founder Plenel should practise more what he teaches | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
GILLES DEPARDIEU's insight:

‘Right to know’ Mediapart. Published in The Connexion, June 2013.

 

Tens of thousands of protesters took to the streets of Paris on the first sunday of May, behind Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the leader of the Front de Gauche (the “left front” coalition). He accuses François Hollande of betraying their values, and is calling for a “sixth republic” with a new constitution. The scandal over the socialist President’s former budget minister Jérôme Cahuzac, who is being charged with tax fraud after lying to parliament and the media about a swiss bank account, was another rally catalyst.
The news outlet most identified with such protest is political webzine Mediapart, presided and co-founded by edwy Plenel. His presence, “only as a journalist and staying on the pavement”, ie. not marching with the left-wing political talking heads, was no surprise. A Canal Plus TV infotainment program showed the easily recognisable journalist, with his brand moustache, being greeted “like a star, even bigger than Beyoncé”!


Mediapart regularly posts columns written by law academic Paul Alliès, a former Trotskyite like Plenel, who leads the “Convention pour la 6ème République”. Plenel’s team was also instrumental in disclosing the Cahuzac scandal, in an article written by investigative reporter Fabrice Arfi. Its posting on December 4, describing the secret swiss bank accounts of France’s budget minister, resulted in his resignation (March 19) and finally his admission that he had lied (April 2). This created a scandal in France, with Cahuzac as the bad guy as if he had been a murderer or hidden money abroad while in office. On the other side, Plenel was turned into a hero who had fought alone for the truth.
excessive but not wrong.


Mediapart was launched in March 2008 and seemed to be obsessed with the then president Nicolas Sarkozy who was in his first year in office. It started making profits three years later and is therefore seen as a success story in a press industry in crisis. Unlike most news players, Mediapart has a large team of journalists who represent two-thirds of its 45 staff. It carries no ads and its revenue comes from subscribers who go through a pay-wall of 90 euro a year. Their number reached 75,000 this spring, including 10,000 new subscribers gained thanks to the Cahuzac scandal.


The newsroom apparently tries to respect the high professional standards of editorial director François Bonnet, a former Le Monde and Libération journalist. Arfi’s December 4 article was well written and gave the impression that it was based on serious research, giving the minister the opportunity to defend himself. I also found that their report on the Front de Gauche demonstration in Paris was honest, though descriptive in a somewhat juvenile way, and lacking perspective.


When Plenel created and invested in Mediapart, he was a long time former reporter and chief editor of Le Monde. He has been well-known in French journalism since the mid-80s, when he revealed the Greenpeace scandal, one of the biggest of the Fifth Republic (the deadly sinking of the Rainbow Warrior, an anti-nuclear protest ship, in new Zealand, by secret agents sent by Paris). Later with Mediapart, he quickly played a central role with articles including those accusing Sarkozy of having received illegal donations from the billionaire L’Oréal heiress Liliane Bettencourt. This and other potential French Watergates turned the online investigative journal into a digital equivalent of the Washington Post, according to some media analysts.


There is a huge difference, however, because Mediapart is as much an opinion journal. Plenel has made schoolboy errors on several occasions because of his ideological bent, which also makes him reluctant to cover some politically incorrect issues. This is not a major problem, in so far as his influence is balanced by the work of digital news players following other agendas, like the pro-business L’Opinion, another online media with a pay-wall, launched mid-May with a print extension.

 

The free access Atlantico, which started three years after Mediapart and is identified as right-wing, has also produced a few scoops unlikely to be Plenel’s cup of tea. At the end of April it disclosed the existence of a “mur des cons” (wall of jerks) in the offices of a left-wing trade union representing a third of French magistrates. The “wall” mainly showed conservative politicians’ pictures, but also the photos of two murder victims’ fathers. Although this was revolting, and it could cast strong doubts on the impartiality of justice, Mediapart presented it as an irrelevant issue in an article posted the day after Atlantico’s disclosure.


Plenel’s website consists of two main sections, “Le Journal” fed by professional journalists, and “Le Club”, a collaborative forum with freely accessible blogs. It provides english pages with a selection of articles translated from French (not always by native speakers, it seems…). It also launched FrenchLeaks two years ago, a whistleblower website modelled after WikiLeaks. But in spite of its endeavour, its content scope is limited and there is no significant return on the fees charged, except for those who share Plenel’s ideas and biases. For this reason, its economic model may be comparable to that of an NGO or of a religious community, more based on believers than on readers hungry for news.

 

While they do not always materialise in the credibility of his news products, Mediapart’s boss has well thought visions on his craft, and is an adept of facts-based Anglo-saxon journalism. This struck me when I read a 2009 book titled Faut-il croire les journalistes? (should we believe the journalists?) which he co-authored alongside two other prominent figures of the French press, serge July and JeanFrançois Kahn. Although both have a longer or deeper intellectual track record than his, Plenel provided more pertinent and substantiated comments about the profession.

 

He reads a lot, and well, as shown also in Le Droit de savoir (the right to know), his book published last March, a high brow ode to transparency and digital journalism. not short on Anglo-saxon models, Plenel suggests there are similarities between Mediapart and the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, the Missouri newspaper owned by Joseph Pulitzer, which revealed tax frauds by “local oligarchs”. When he was one of the Le Monde top managers, however, and the group was controlling several dailies in the Montpellier region, he was not noticed as making them more pro-active, journalistically speaking…Plenel’s contradictions were visible during a recent conference at Montpellier university where he has created a “professional Master” in journalism with Paul Alliès. It was advertised on Mediapart’s main page, with an anti-Hollande political manifesto obscurely tied to the topic of the event, under the title: “Is investigative journalism a prerequisite for democracy?”


Alliès’ introductory words, poor and pointless, were offset by Plenel’s charisma and enriched content. The journalist delivered a summary of what he has written in Le Droit de savoir, during a 90-minute festival of references including Pulitzer, of course:
“He created the Columbia school of Journalism, after making his fortune with a newspaper in Missouri.”Plenel reminded attendees of the famous quote by Friedrich Nietzsche, that “convictions are more dangerous enemies of truth than lies”. This statement applies to him, ironically.


The audience was of about 200 people, mostly old baby boomers and Generation Y. I had very mixed feelings when I left the auditorium, especially as a former Columbia School of Journalism student. I wished my professors in New York had had Plenel’s culture, but I found the way he was staying within his ideological and Parisian mind frame terribly blinding and binding. He did not make a single reference to potential scandals in the region where he has been teaching and where investigative journalism is almost non-existent. The young who were present looked anaesthetized, and he did not encourage them to be good reporters on “local oligarchs”.  This is opposite to what is taught in the school founded by Pulitzer… Plenel’s “absence” in Montpellier was as schizophrenic as his "pavement presence” in the Front de Gauche march. The same can be said about Mediapart, whose respectable ambitions (and achievements like the one with Cahuzac) are not consistent with much of what it actually delivers.


Jean-Pierre Tailleur is a French-Argentine journalist, university lecturer, international media analyst and author of Bévues de presse, a critique of France’s journalism.
The Connexion, June 2013

<<<< The Connexion est destiné aux anglophones résidant en France, intéressés de comprendre l'actualité et les modes de vie du pays (vente par abonnement surtout, mais on le trouve aussi dans les grands kiosques). Voici les thèmes traités dernièrement: connexionfrance.com/backissues.php>>>>

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Indonésie: un président surnommé Jokowi, histoire d'un vieil ami français | La-Croix.com

Indonésie: un président surnommé Jokowi, histoire d'un vieil ami français | La-Croix.com | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
Le nouveau président de l'Indonésie s'appelle Joko Widodo mais tout le monde le surnomme Jokowi. Et cette contraction entre prénom et nom a été inventée ...
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Indonésie: Prabowo va contester les résultats de la présidentielle devant une cour

RoupRomandie.com, soyez informé avant les journalistes ! News suisses et internationales. Info brute à forte valeur ajoutée

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Attention aux dégâts que cela peut occasionner! Les réactions de la bourse et les taux change de la Roupie sont a suivre attentivement

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JOKOWI & PRABOWO

JOKOWI & PRABOWO | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
GILLES DEPARDIEU's insight:

After their 2nd presidential debate today, I realized how predictable was the Jokowi\Prabowo fight already one year ago when I wrote this small self publish ebook while residing in Jakarta.

Most of my analysis is probably still valid today but it won't help anyone to forecast what will happen on July 9th, as Prabowo is now catching up fast on its rival original lead.

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GILLES DEPARDIEU's curator insight, May 17, 2013 12:03 PM

Face à la coalition centriste et conservatrice actuelle, dirigée par le Président Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dit SBY depuis maintenant 10 ans, les 2 principaux partis d’opposition, le PDIP de Megawati et le parti Gerindra de Prabowo affinent leurs programmes et resserrent leurs soutiens en vue des élections présidentielles indonésiennes de 2014.

Si tout parait les opposer, le PDIP reprenant la tradition sociale de gauche du Président Sukarno, connu pour la conférence des non-alignés de Bandung en 1955, et le Gerindra est un parti nationaliste, en fait des similitudes apparaissent très vite. Le Gerindra a un programme social élaboré, visant les paysans et l’indépendance alimentaire. Le PDIP vise lui les classes urbaines défavorisées en proposant des programmes de santé et d’éducation gratuits, mais il est également très nationaliste, surtout à travers les discours de sa dirigeante, Megawati, fille de Sukarno et elle-même Présidente de 2001 à 2004.

Tout parait opposer également le flamboyant ex-général Prabowo, cosmopolite et accusé de crimes contre l’humanité, et le modeste, presque timide Jokowi, industriel de province et ami des pauvres. Ces mêmes pauvres, témoins depuis la chute de la dictature Suharto de l’extraordinaire émergence de la classe moyenne à laquelle ils aspirent, voient en ces deux partis et leurs deux figures centrales leur planche de salut. Les partis islamistes, eux-mêmes englués dans des affaires de corruption les ont déçus lors des élections précédentes, et le Parti Démocrate du Président ne paraissant s’occuper que des classes moyennes. 

Acheter le livre sur http://situationcentre.com

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Indonésie: un cône de riz pour lancer la campagne présidentielle - Libération

Indonésie: un cône de riz pour lancer la campagne présidentielle - Libération | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
Libération Indonésie: un cône de riz pour lancer la campagne présidentielle Libération Le candidat à la présidentielle, Joko Widodo, en prière le 4 juin 2014 lors d'une réunion de sa formation, le Parti démocratique indonésien de la lutte (PDI-P),...
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Calpres 2014 : Prabowo Subianto : the New New Order?

Calpres 2014 : Prabowo Subianto :  the New New Order? | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
Portrait réalisé par le bloggeur Soekarnaud Après le gouverneur de Jakarta, Joko Widodo, candidat d’une coalition emmenée par le PDI-P, focus sur l’autre favori de la présidentielle indonésienne de...
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Tous de mères chrétiennes ?

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Anies Tries to Make a Difference in Politics - The Jakarta Globe

Anies Tries to Make a Difference in Politics - The Jakarta Globe | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
Academic turned politician. That is Anies Baswedan’s latest transformation.
GILLES DEPARDIEU's insight:

Plus que 6 mois avant Election Day et toujours pas de nomine pour succeder a SBY a la tete de son parti. dont la convention en cours attire beaucoup de talents, et notamment la star de l education en Indonesie: Anies Baswedan

Malgre son absence totale d'experience en politique, le Pr Baswedan sera-t-il un nieme candidat liberal cherchant la nomination du Parti Democrate (comme Gita Wirjawan, Pramono, Dahlan Iskan) ! Mais il aura fort a faire face aux populistes de gauche (Jokowi), de droite (Prabowo) ou a l'oligarque conservateur Bakrie.

A l'issue des elections legislatives, seuls 3 candidats a la presidentielle pourront probablement etre presentes par les partis (il faut en effet rassembler une coalition d'au moins 25% des voix). Alors quel sera le tierce final? Prabowo, Jokowi, Bakrie? Ou le PD reussira a imposer son candidat?

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Jokowi’s chances for presidency may be slim

In an interview with The Jakarta Post, Jakarta Governor Joko “Jokowi” Widodo expressed his confidence that there was no difference between ...
GILLES DEPARDIEU's insight:

Megawati est maintenant accompagnee de Jokowi dans la plupart de ses visites officielles, ie "a strong signal that she is in favor of Jokowi representing the PDI-P in the presidential race"

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Un oeil sur l'Asie: LES ÉLECTIONS INDONÉSIENNES DE 2014 : TWITTER, CORRUPTION ET VISAGES CONNUS

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Prabowo Subianto: 'The people are fed up'

Prabowo Subianto: 'The people are fed up' | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
The Indonesian presidential candidate talks about his concerns, ambitions and plans for the future of his country.
GILLES DEPARDIEU's insight:

Indonesia could be the next Brazil, but is Prabowo the right candidate to implement suitable economic policies ?

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Arti Prat's comment, September 27, 2013 12:28 PM
be ware who is Prabowo in the past????
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Political dynasties still pivotal in 2014 elections

Christianto Wibisono from the Institute of Indonesia Presidency says three political dynasties retain a firm hold on current Indonesian politics; ...
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SBY est un President courageux

SBY est un President courageux | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it
GILLES DEPARDIEU's insight:

En pleine Jokowimania, le pays oublie de remercier le president SBY qui a accompli un veritable miracle: augmenter les prix a la pompe de 40% [pas de panique les prix restent bien inferieurs aux prix europeens a environ 0.5 Euro/litre]. Et cela sans revolte sociale majeure, alors que pendant la meme periode d'autres membres du G20 comme la Turquie et le Bresil ont subi pour moins que ca des emeutes qui ont fait plier le pouvoir....

 

Apres avoir longuement tergiverse, et malgre le populisme de l'ensemble des partis politiques des islamistes a la gauche Sokarnoiste, il l'a fait! Celui-la meme qui avait fait de l'indecision un mode de gouvernement a pris enfin "la" decision salutaire pour le pays. Il etait temps, les depenses indispensables d'infrastructure et d'education etaient plombees depuis des annees par le gouffre en croissance exponentielle de la subvention publique des prix a la pompe.

 

Et cela ne risquait pas de s'ameliorer avec une production automobile locale de 1 million de vehicules neuf par an sans compter les 7 million de 2 roues en plus sur les routes chaque annee...

Des routes si etroites et mal entretenues qu'elle n'en peuvent plus d'accommoder 240 milloins d'habitants en soif de deplacements. J'en suis temoin cette semaine: la celebre TransSumatra par exemple n'est plus qu'un long ruban immobile de 3000 km de vehicules parechoc contre parechoc qui va de Lampung a Medan....

 

Un courage a relativiser quand meme, les elections presidentielles sont dans un an, et SBY ne pouvait pas se representer une 3eme fois de toute facon. L'aurait-il fait sinon? Probablement pas...

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Presidency Beckons for Jakarta’s Rags-to-Riches Governor - The Jakarta Globe

Presidency Beckons for Jakarta’s Rags-to-Riches Governor - The Jakarta Globe | Indonesie 2014 | Scoop.it

Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, the governor of Jakarta, might well be the future of Indonesian democracy. Here’s why.

On a recent afternoon he visited Tambora, a densely populated area of west Jakarta, to inspect the aftermath of a slum fire. Within minutes, the narrow streets were a moshpit of jostling well-wishers. Women embraced him. Men kissed his hand. School children chanted “Long live Jokowi!"

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