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Égypt-actus
Égypt-actus
revue de presse sur l'actualité culturelle, archéologique, politique et sociale de l'Égypte
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Conférence "La mer Rouge à l’époque pharaonique – bilan et perspectives"

Conférence "La mer Rouge à l’époque pharaonique – bilan et perspectives" | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

11 novembre 2011, à 18h30

par Pierre Tallet (Université de Paris-Sorbonne)

Université de Genève
(Bastions, 1er étage) - Salle B 106

 

Résumé :

"La découverte récente de plusieurs sites archéologiques sur différents points du littoral de la mer Rouge permet maintenant d’entrevoir le rôle important joué par cette côte à l’époque pharaonique. Pour se procurer les matières premières dont il avait besoin, l’État égyptien envoyait en effet à intervalles réguliers des expéditions vers des régions éloignées de la vallée du Nil. Deux de ces destinations pouvaient être atteintes par voie maritime : le sud de la péninsule du Sinaï, où des mines de cuivre et de turquoise étaient exploitées, et l’énigmatique pays de Pount, traditionnel pourvoyeur de l’Égypte en myrrhe et en produits exotiques. Ce dernier objectif, que certaines études identifient maintenant au Bab el-Mandab, aux confins méridionaux de la mer Rouge, nécessitait sans doute un voyage périlleux de plusieurs semaines. Le point d’ancrage le plus anciennement identifié de ces expéditions maritimes se trouve à Mersa Gaouasis. À cet endroit, des fouilles menées dans les années 1970, et reprises récemment en 2001 ont permis de montrer l’existence d’un point d’embarquement essentiellement à destination du pays de Pount. Ces dernières années, d’autres sites importants ont été successivement identifiés, qui rendent ce tableau plus complet : à Ayn Soukhna, au nord du golfe de Suez, les vestiges de bateaux entiers, qui avaient été démontés puis entreposés dans des galeries de stockage, ont été mis à jour entre 2006 et 2009. Plus récemment encore, une première mission au ouadi el-Jarf – un peu au sud de la ville côtière de Zafarana, sur le golfe de Suez, a permis en juin 2011 l’identification formelle du plus ancien port construit actuellement connu."

 

La conférence sera suivie de la projection du film : "Quand les Égyptiens naviguaient sur la mer rouge", de Stéphane Bégoin (2009), et d’un débat animé par Eric Huysecom et Philippe Collombert.

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Revolution Hijacked

A report from the Australian TV show Foreign Correspondent, catching up with a bunch of activists to see how they feel post-Mubarak.

 

Transcript

KNIGHT: Being here in this square back in February on the night that Hosni Mubarak quit was something that I will simply just never forget. Just to be around so many people who were exploding with joy and relief and probably most of all, hope. Well coming back you can still find the hope but I’m also seeing a lot of anger and confusion.

On the right day, in the right light, Cairo looks serene. The Nile is a timeless constant. So too it seems is the struggle for power. The revolution is far from over.
The rebellion gathered and grew nine months ago at a busy roundabout in the centre of Cairo. As the world knows well enough now, it’s a place called Tahrir Square. For 18 days and nights, Egyptians occupied the centre of the city.

Early on Foreign Correspondent met one of the revolution’s most impressive young leaders, Salma el Tarzi and followed her as the mood swung from day to day, hopes rising and falling that President Hosni Mubarak would give up power.

SALMA EL TARZI: [During February protest] “It’s overwhelming because there are so many emotions. It’s so beautiful and so ugly at the same time but there’s this feeling of pride. Everyone in this square is walking with their backs straight for the first time in their lives. We are not animals. We have the right to be people and hold our heads high”.

KNIGHT: Noor Ayman Noor was also in Tahrir Square in February on the day the Mubarak regime paid thugs to attack pro-democracy demonstrators.

NOOR AYMAN NOOR: [During February protest] “They’re trying to get Egyptians to kill each other. They sent their supporters with horses and camels so that they can be violent with us, so that we will kill each other”.

KNIGHT: On the 11th of February, Hosni Mubarak finally stepped down.

SALMA EL TARZI: [During February protest] “I think we’re going to celebrate for another couple of days”.

KNIGHT: The Egyptian army took over promising it would manage a transition to democracy. The revolutionaries had won… or so they thought. Now Salma el Tarzi fears that the army has no intention of going back to the barracks.

SALMA EL TARZI: “It’s unfortunate that it has to be this ugly and that the army is forcing the situation that there should be so much bloodshed but if this is what it takes, then this is what it takes”.

KNIGHT: Every day, the Egyptian army is looking more and more like the regime it replaced. This video posted on YouTube has provoked disgust. It’s hard to watch. It shows soldiers and police bashing and giving electric shocks to two men they accuse of selling weapons. This is the sort of brutality for which the Egyptian police were despised, methods which the army was thought not to practice.

NOOR AYMAN NOOR: “What breaks my heart is the fact that we all knew it would be a difficult road after Mubarak left. I just never thought that we’d be oppressed in the exact same way by very similar people, using the exact same mechanisms”.

KNIGHT: Noor Ayman Noor is the son of a prominent Egyptian politician and bears the scars of being a revolutionary. Aged just twenty-one, all his energies go into resisting the military’s repression.

NOOR AYMAN NOOR: “People getting beaten up, people getting killed, people getting arrested, people being placed on military trials. As well as again using the media to scare people, to give them the impression that okay the revolution is over, now it’s time to start building again”.

SALMA EL TARZI: “They’re just not going to give it to us like this. I mean, let’s be realistic. These people were running the country for the past 60 years and it would be very naive to expect that we tell them, okay we want a civil state, we don’t want you to have anything to do and then they just going to tell us, okay fine. Take it. I mean it wouldn’t make sense”.

KNIGHT: Each year Egypt marks the anniversary of the 1973 war with Israel as Armed Forces Day. The army has traditionally had the trust of the Egyptian people and that trust was strengthened back in February when soldiers came onto the street promising not to fire on protesters.

It was the turning point of the revolution and it paved the way for the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, known as SCAF to take over – promising elections within six months.

The SCAF leader is Field Marshall Mohammed Tantawi who was Mubarak’s Defence Minister for 20 years and now fills the TV screens once dominated by the President. He claims progress towards democracy is being made, but many Egyptians have stopped listening.

BOTHAINA KAMEL: “You know the Army Council, the SCAF, trying to kill the revolution. We went to the streets on the 25th of January against police and the torture and now we have police and army police. We have military trials. We have over than 12 thousand Egyptians accused”.

KNIGHT: Bothaina Kamel was a newsreader on Egyptian state television until she quit five years ago, saying she could no longer spruik the government’s propaganda. The revolution has given her a direction – she’s now running for president.

BOTHAINA KAMEL: “How to trust army? The mentality of the army is to give orders and to obey orders. I believe that the army don’t want to give the power to a civil president. That’s what I believe”.

KNIGHT: When the military council SCAF announced last month it was bringing back censorship laws, journalists were furious. In recent months reporters have been harassed and arrested. Newspapers have been closed and at Egyptian State Television, very little has changed as Bothaina Kamel discovered when she appeared on a talk show.

BOTHAINA KAMEL: [Egyptian talk show] “My program is the revolution’s demands – bread, freedom and dignity. My slogan is ‘Egypt is my agenda’.”

KNIGHT: State TV management weren’t impressed. The presenter was told to kill the interview.

SHOW PRESENTER: “Actually, I’m being forced to end the program now. The producer in the control room has had calls from Dr Sami el-Sherif, head of the Egyptian television union, ordering us to end this programme now.

BOTHAINA KAMEL: “This is worse than Mubarak’s media”.

KNIGHT: Two days later the army called.

BOTHAINA KAMEL: “They charged me with insulting a member of the army council and insulting the army but I said, ‘I respect very much the Egyptian Army but me and all the Egyptians have the right to criticise the army council and his politics’. They can’t accept criticising them, but why we need a revolution?”

KNIGHT: In the working class area of Shoubra, many people are asking the same question.

“So you’re saying the mosques have got louder in recent times?”

DR NAWAL SADAAWI: “Yes. And even after the revolution of course they started under Sadat. We never had that before”.

KNIGHT: Dr Nawal Sadaawi is one of Egypt’s most famous authors and activists and another veteran of Tahrir Square.

DR NAWAL SADAAWI: “We have a backlash. We have a backlash against the revolution, against women, against secularism, against equality, against democracy”.

KNIGHT: This is the problem. Everyone in Egypt has their own idea about what their revolution was about.

“Do you trust the army to steer Egypt towards democracy?”

DR NAWAL SADAAWI: “No. Two things I don’t trust. Military rule and religious rule. We must have a secular civil government”.

KNIGHT: “And what if you don’t get it?”

DR NAWAL SADAAWI: “We fight for it. Nobody dreamt, I am a very, I am a woman of struggle, of confrontation you know? I am a fighter, not only a writer, so I struggle for everything – in my private life and in my public life – so we never dreamt that Mubarak would leave”.

KNIGHT: The revolution was not just a reaction to the excesses of the regime, it was also driven by the fundamentals of life.
Ghalia Mahmoud is in many ways fairly typical of Egypt’s massive working class.

“So the poverty, was that why you supported the revolution or was there another reason?”

GHALIA MAHMOUD: “Of course. The revolution grew out of poverty and hunger – that’s the main reason behind it. Some people had too much, while others were hungry. That was the reason for the revolution – social justice”.

KNIGHT: “So Ghalia what’s your weekly food budget for your family?”

GHALIA MAHMOUD: “No more than 100 Egyptian pounds for the whole week”.

KNIGHT: “So for about 15 American dollars a week you’re feeding a family of ten, so what do they eat for that much money?”

GHALIA MAHMOUD: “Once a week I’ll feed them chicken or meat. The rest of the week is all vegetables with rice”.

KNIGHT: While Ghalia still skimps on the household budget, the revolution has given her a chance to show other Egyptians what they can do.

GHALIA MAHMOUD: [on her TV show] “Welcome my friends – and today is a new and delightful day”.

KNIGHT: It’s changed her life in ways she could never have expected. Ghalia Mahmoud is Egypt’s newest celebrity chef.

GHALIA MAHMOUD: “Today we’re going to cook breaded marrows in olive oil with marrows and tomatoes. It’s a beautiful dish – you will enjoy it”.

KNIGHT: There’s never been a show like this on Egyptian television and not just because Hosni Mubarak’s wife Suzanne banned women in headscarves from appearing on screen.

GHALIA MAHMOUD: “The old regime did not want to show on TV that 90 per cent of the population cook this kind of food. They always had these high-class programs trying to show the rest of the world that Egyptians are always eating turkey, lamb and lobster. They didn’t want to show the real Egypt”.

KNIGHT: Ghalia Mahmoud was discovered while she was working as a cook for the sister of TV producer Mohamed Gohar. He knew she’d be perfect for his new station, called “25” after the January 25th revolution. Channel 25 broadcasts from a studio in the shadow of the massive state television building. As we left it that night, we walked straight into demonstrators who were targeting that TV centre, known as the Maspiro.

Coptic Christians were demanding that the army keep its promise to protect all Egyptians. Since the revolution, they’ve come under increasing attack from Muslim extremists.

MOHAMED ATEF: “The Egyptian revolution meant for all Egyptians, freedom. But unfortunately the freedom didn’t reach us until now. Until now we didn’t get it. I am Muslim but I am talking in the same tongue as my Coptic brothers. The Egyptian revolution didn’t protect them, didn’t protect their freedom to religion”.

KNIGHT: Four nights later we’re back near the government television centre again watching a much bigger rally by Christians and some of their Muslim allies. Initially they’re attacked by thugs. Then, there are running street battles with riot police and soldiers. State TV inflames the situation telling its viewers the army is coming under attack from Christians and that people should come onto the streets to help the soldiers.

Armoured vehicles career into crowds, crushing protestors to death. We heard gunshots, riot police fired tear gas and charge with batons raised. We’re chased across a bridge spanning the Nile. State TV reports that three soldiers have been killed but it says nothing about any other casualties.
At Cairo’s Coptic Hospital we find them. Chaos reigns in the morgue. People are keen to show us the victims.

There’s only room for three bodies in the refrigerated section. The bodies of 14 others are laid on the floor. Their faces uncovered for their families to identify them.

“This is not the first time that I’ve been in a morgue but it would have to be the most distressing. Normally you’re looking at the bodies that are casualties of war. These are casualties of something else. I can’t describe the injuries. When a face is caved in, it doesn’t come from a bullet, it comes from something… who knows what.

What is also distressing is the way that the grief here is now turning to anger and outside these walls is the Egyptian Army. Now this is now where the protest and the riot took place. It was four or five kilometres away from here, but the Army has now come here. There are running battles outside in the street. We can’t leave. No one in here can leave. Why are they there?”

PAULUS ZAKI: “We are Christian. We come for the peace. We only came to Maspiro and we told them we’d finish about 8 o’clock”.

KNIGHT: “They said that you set fire to the police vehicles, that police officers were killed”.

PAULUS ZAKI: “Yes police officers and the army, the Egyptian Army. I cannot believe the Egyptian Army has killed Egyptian people. Whatever nationality we are, we are Egyptian. We cannot believe that. How can you do this to people, why?”

KNIGHT: At least 27 people were killed and 300 wounded in the worst episode of violence since the revolution.
SCAF called a media conference to defend itself against accusations of murder.

ARMY PERSONNEL: “The Armed Forces would never direct its fire at the people”.

KNIGHT: “The army claims soldiers didn’t use live ammunition and didn’t deliberately run over anyone. It blames the deaths on unnamed infiltrators trying to destroy the revolution”.

SALMA EL TARZI: “And they always use big words like, ‘foreign conspiracy’, ‘mysterious powers’, ‘powers of darkness’ and this is not a joke. One of the statements said ‘the mysterious powers of darkness’. It was like Darth Vader is invading Cairo. They never tell you who this is but they always keep it vague and they always make you feel that there is this huge conspiracy against Egypt and it’s everyone’s duty to really protect it and the only way to protect it is to kill the people that are demonstrating in the street”.

KNIGHT: On the night of the Coptic protest, Channel 25 shows pictures of the melee outside its windows. Suddenly, armed soldiers burst into its studio. The pregnant news presenter is terrified. A Christian staffer is beaten up.
Channel 25 protests against the army raid and shuts down. Ghalia Mahmoud’s new career looks short lived. But in the past week, both Channel 25 and Ghalia are back on the air.

Many other Egyptians are also finding that the revolution isn’t delivering change. The economy is paralysed. Half the population lives on less than two dollars a day. Even in the fertile Nile Valley, farmers can only afford to lease tiny plots of land. They’re desperately poor. In the village of Kafr Hemayed there’s no sanitation and very little running water and electricity. It has only a junior school and as many as eighty-five students are crammed into each classroom.

“This village is believed to be the poorest in the governorate of Giza, although figures are almost impossible to come by. But it’s exactly the sort of place that was ignored and taken for granted by the ruling party. No politician of any consequence ever came here and certainly no one ever felt the need to campaign here, but tonight that’s going to change”.

Bothaina Kamel wants to be president to improve villagers’ lives yet she’s asking some difficult questions of potential voters.

BOTHAINA KAMEL: “Do you believe in equality, meaning that the rich and the poor are equal and that we’re all equal? We must believe that this is the principle we must fight for – that no Muslim is better than a Christian. And when we educate, we educate the boy and the girl”.

KNIGHT: She crashes a wedding party, but no one seems to mind. Her TV profile probably helps. Most people just seem stunned that someone like her is actually paying attention to them. At the mayor’s house, village leaders are pouring out their problems. Bothaina Kamel asks them to swear a pledge.

BOTHAINA KAMEL: [village leaders repeat after her] “I swear by the Almighty God I will not go back to my old ways, being a passive citizen. And that I will not let anyone steal my rights and my homeland’s rights and my children’s rights”.

KNIGHT: One positive effect of the February revolution has been the emergence of grass roots political debate in Egypt. There are now more than 50 new political parties - and in Tahrir Square come most Friday’s, each sets up its own stage and PA system, each trying to drown out the others with ear splitting speeches. The first round of parliamentary elections is due at the end of the month, but even now after nine months in charge, SCAF issues contradictory instructions about how those elections will be conducted. The pro democracy campaigners have no confidence in them.

NOOR AYMAN NOOR: “We’re going to see lots of bloodshed during these elections so that the army can come back and say, look we said it before the Egyptian people aren’t ready now for democracy, there’s going to be a mini-military takeover, we’re going to take things over until things are stable again and then we’ll open things up for democracy later”.

KNIGHT: 18 days of defying the Mubarak regime dramatically changed Salma el Tarzi’s life and while maintaining the rage still dominates her life, she is getting back to work making documentaries. It’s not easy finding the balance.

SALMA EL TARZI: “I do not expect the revolution to be over soon. We are cleaning up the mess of the past, not only 30 years, I believe the past 60 years and it’s not going to happen in nine months”.

COPTIC GROUP CHANTING: [at funeral] “With our spirit, with our blood we sacrifice for the Cross. With our spirit, with our blood we sacrifice for the Cross”.

KNIGHT: When the Coptic community buried their dead, they called them martyrs. It’s an overused word in the Middle East, but it’s still highly loaded. As each coffin arrives, waves of emotion rip through the cathedral. For some the anguish is too much to bear. Respect for human rights was a key demand for pro democracy campaigners. While the army initially seemed to understand this, the slaughter of Egyptian Christians has triggered the biggest crisis in the country since the revolution.

The military council intends to hold onto power until the Constitution is rewritten and a presidential election is held. That could be as late as 2013 – far too long for an impatient, angry people.

abc.net.au : http://www.abc.net.au/foreign/content/2011/s3353342.htm 

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Strikes are becoming an Egyptian habit (Minister of Manpower)

Strikes are becoming an Egyptian habit (Minister of Manpower) | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

"Strikes and labor protests in Egypt have increased notably in the recent period, according to Minister of Manpower and Immigration Ahmed al-Boraei. “All those who have demands go on strike or cut the [roads] until it becomes a habit,” he said.

“This is unacceptable,” al-Boraei told Youm7. “The government will not negotiate with any protesting laborers until they stop their strike,” he said, adding that Egypt cannot stop the production cycle, especially during this serious time." (Ashraf Azouz/Youm7)

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Ägypten: "Schöner Traum" der Revolution dauerte nicht lange

Koptisch-katholischer Patriarch Naguib prangert islamistische Attacken gegen ägyptische Christen an - aber auch "Anlässe zur Hoffnung".

Der "schöne Traum" der Revolution vom 25. Jänner, die zum Ende des Mubarak-Regimes führte, habe nicht lang gedauert: Es gebe Drohungen gegen die ägyptischen Christen und Attentate, die seit Beginn des Jahres Dutzende Toten unter den Kopten gefordert hätten, so der koptisch-katholische Patriarch, Kardinal Antonios Naguib, in einer Aussendung der Stiftung "Pro Oriente" am Sonntag. Dennoch sei der Horizont "nicht zur Gänze umdüstert", es gebe auch "lichte Aspekte und Anlässe zur Hoffnung". (Katholische Presseagentur Österreich)

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Richard-Alain Jean, Anne-Marie Loyrette, "La mère, l'enfant et le lait en Egypte ancienne"

Richard-Alain Jean, Anne-Marie Loyrette, "La mère, l'enfant et le lait en Egypte ancienne" | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

Édité par Sydney H. Aufrère, Collection Kubaba, chez L’Harmattan, réimpression 2011, 518 p.

 

"Quelles étaient les connaissances des médecins égyptiens ? Comment pouvait-on soigner la mère et l'enfant, et comment comprenait-on les particularités de ce que nous appelons aujourd'hui "gynécologie" ? Cet ouvrage aborde la conception égyptienne du sein et des problèmes cliniques pouvant apparaître au cours de l'allaitement. Les auteurs dégagent plusieurs grands axes conceptuels biologiques et retracent un domaine évolutif médical antique, qui se prolonge jusqu'à nos jours pour certains modes de traitements.

Quelles étaient les connaissances réelles des médecins égyptiens ? Comment percevaient-ils le processus de formation de l’organisme humain, son évolution, ses accidents ? Quels étaient les véritables moyens de lutter contre les maladies ? Notamment, comment pouvait-on soigner la mère et l’enfant, et par-delà, comment les Égyptiennes elles-mêmes, leurs familles et les sociétés de l’époque pharaonique comprenaient-elles les particularités de l’art de guérir concernant la pathologie féminine que nous appelons aujourd’hui « gynécologie » ? Cet ouvrage aborde la conception égyptienne du sein et des problèmes cliniques pouvant apparaître au cours de l’allaitement. Nous assistons probablement là aux prémisses historiques de la « sénologie ».
Richard-Alain Jean et Anne-Marie Loyrette analysent ici tous les supports écrits ou représentatifs de la pensée médicale naissante dans les contextes mythologiques attenants afin d’en tirer une exégèse scientifique assortie d’une étude de la pensée religieuse relative au principe même de l’allaitement, initié par la déesse Isis sur son rejeton Horus. Les auteurs dégagent plusieurs grands axes conceptuels biologiques et retracent ainsi un domaine évolutif médical antique et qui se prolonge parfois jusqu’à nos jours pour certains modes de traitements. En effet, les médications pharaoniques, pour empiriques qu’elles aient été comprises, recèlent bien des mystères que la pharmacognosie aide à percer. Le continuum historique est ainsi bien établi." (présentation de l'éditeur)

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Sheikh al-Mahalawy : "Arab revolutions to restore Islamic Caliphate"

Sheikh al-Mahalawy : "Arab revolutions to restore Islamic Caliphate" | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

"Sheikh al-Mahalawy, Imam of al-Qaed Ibrahim Mosque, said the revolutions that broke out recently in many Arab countries came to revive the Islamic nation and to pave the way for the return of the Islamic Caliphate.

During his sermon today, al-Mahalawy during their revolution, especially as the people sacrificed to overthrow the former regime." (Abdel Rahman-Yousif/Youm7)

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The Turkish model is unlikely to work in Egypt

The Turkish model is unlikely to work in Egypt | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

"In mid-September, on a high-profile visit here [in Egypt], Turkey Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan received a hero's welcome at the airport from a Muslim Brotherhood delegation.

No wonder. Erdogan is a pious Muslim whose AKP political party has Islamic roots ; his party has scored great success in a country with secular traditions and a secular constitution. The Turkish experience is often cited as a model for Egypt, where Islamist parties are expected to win a big plurality in coming elections.

Yet when Erdogan told an Egyptian TV channel that religion could coexist with a secular state, the Muslim Brotherhood's reception turned hostile. When he said, "I hope there will be a secular state in Egypt," a Brotherhood spokesman accused Erdogan of interfering in Egypt's internal business." (Trudy Rubin/Philadelphia Inquirer)

 

Picture : Tayyip Erdogan

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Si Moubarak avait pris le taxi…

Si Moubarak avait pris le taxi… | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

Dans «Taxi», en 2009, Khaled al Khamissi avait repéré les signes avant-coureurs de l’effritement du pouvoir égyptien. La révolution s’est-elle jouée dans les taxis cairotes? Chloé Domat, journaliste indépendante, a rencontré l’auteur au Salon du Livre de Beyrouth, pour BibliObs.com

 

"L’idée selon laquelle il n’y avait pas de libertés d’expression est très ambiguë dans la tête des Européens. Qu’est-ce que ca veut dire, confisquer une liberté? Quel est le pourcentage? Pour moi c’est inexact, on ne peut pas généraliser dans un ensemble les «pays sous-développés et dictatoriaux qui confisquent les libertés d’expression», ce n’est pas vrai.

En Egypte, ces dix dernières années, les journalistes écrivaient ce qu’ils voulaient. Ils pouvaient dire que Moubarak était un connard, parler de son fils, dire qu’il ne comprenait rien à rien. Naturellement il y avait des sujets tabous, par exemple la religion. Mais il existe partout des sujets comme ça, même en France. Tout ça ne veut pas dire en même temps que cette liberté était réelle. Il y avait des gens que l’on traînait dans les geôles…" (Khaled al Khamissi)

Propos recueillis par Chloé Domat

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The American University in Cairo Press documentary on Naguib Mahfouz, for the centenary of his birth

"This year marks the centenary of the birth of Naguib Mahfouz (1911--2006). The American University in Cairo Press is paying tribute to the extraordinary literary achievements of the Egyptian Nobel laureate."

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Cliquez pour ‘Alaa Abdel Fattah, blogueur de la Révolution arabe…

Cliquez pour ‘Alaa Abdel Fattah, blogueur de la Révolution arabe… | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

"Il y a quelques semaines, début octobre, s’achevait à Tunis la troisième rencontre des blogueurs arabes. Une grosse opération − une centaine de participants en provenance de 16 pays différents − qui oblige à s’interroger, au-delà des bonnes intentions, sur la nature de la « machinerie » politique qui la sous-tend. (...)

On peut jeter sur l’événement un regard critique et trouver qu’il y a un petit côté boy-scout dans cette réunion de jeunes tellement sympathiques. Une image bien lisse et presque trop parfaite en somme… Mais tout de même, il se trouve qu’un des participants du forum des blogueurs vient d’être emprisonné par les autorités provisoires du second pays arabe « libéré » par le printemps arabe." (Yves Gonzalez-Quijano)

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Egypt's media must undergo its own revolution

Egypt's media must undergo its own revolution | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

"As Egypt's deeply flawed parliamentary elections approach and the revolution struggles to maintain momentum, the battle over the media – and TV in particular – is of great importance. In a country with an illiteracy rate of 40%, television is the main and most trusted source of news. This is not lost on Egypt's activists, who are busy looking for ways to reach those outside the informed and critical Twitter/Facebook circles that have been the central means of spreading dissent so far." (Austin Mackell/
guardian.co.uk)

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Conferencia "La navegación en el antiguo Egipto"

Conferencia "La navegación en el antiguo Egipto" | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

Conferencia "La navegación en el antiguo Egipto: La comunicación a través del Nilo" impartida por Fidel Toldrá Graells

mardi 15 novembre · 18:00 - 19:30

Instituto Valenciano de Egiptología (IVDE)

UNED - Dénia
PL Jaime I, s/n
Dénia

 

"En una parte del año, durante la estación de Ajet, el río Nilo se desbordaba, y concedía la vida y la fertilidad al país de Kemet, la tierra negra, dominado así a la tierra roja, es decir, el desierto.

Durante este período gran parte del territorio, especialmente las amplias orillas de aluvión quedaban impracticables no solo para el cultivo sino también para la circulación de personas y mercancías.

Este hecho importante, unido a la facilidad de la vía fluvial, convierte al Nilo en un medio navegable que será decisivo no solo en el origen sino en la estructuración misma de la sociedad faraónica.

A través de él se realizará el transporte de gigantescas piedras para adornar templos y tumbas, así como cualquier material necesario para la vida de los egipcios. Se convertirá casi en la única vía de comunicación de un amplísimo imperio.

Los egipcios desarrollarán, ya desde los primeros días de su civilización, las técnicas y los medios de navegación como una necesidad vital.

Su religión y sus ritos funerarios les llevará a practicar procesiones fluviales y, de forma especial, la de su último viaje al mundo del más allá. Todo el universo egipcio girará alrededor del Nilo como eje vital único.

Fidel Toldrá Graells:

Nacido en Barcelona, ha pasado más de media vida en Valencia.

Cursó estudios de Ingeniería Técnica Química por la Universidad Industrial de Barcelona, ampliándolos con diversos másteres en Suiza.

Allí realizó la especialización en Industria Textil, del Papel y de los Detergentes.

Desarrolla su vida profesional en la dirección de la División de Productos Químicos en la delegación de una importante empresa suiza en Valencia, en la que ejercerá cargos técnicos de responsabilidad, y donde se jubilará.

Desde entonces estudia a fondo la historia y civilización egipcia y asiste a todas las conferencias y seminarios que organiza el Instituto Valenciano de Egiptología. Así mismo asiste a cursos de lectura y traducción de jeroglíficos. Es un activo redactor de nuestra revista “La Puerta de Maat”.

Miembro del Instituto Valenciano de Egiptología - IVDE." (page Facebook de l'Instituto Valenciano de Egiptologia)

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Tutankhamun's Funeral

Tutankhamun's Funeral | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

"The mummification of King Tutankhamun's body may have been more careful than that of his higher status subjects—and his burial was certainly immeasurably more lavishly equipped—but in essence it was not different from the embalmment of any person of reasonable means at his time. Indeed, although people of lesser means and status had to be content with only parts (sometimes very rudimentary parts) of the treatment repertoire available for kings, the difference was for the most part in the amount of time, material, and expertise expended. In principle, the mummification of a king concerned his human body, a part of his identity that he shared with all other human beings." (Dorothea Arnold/Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History/The Metropolitan Museum of Art)

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Tourism in Egypt hit by a stalled revolution  

Tourism in Egypt hit by a stalled revolution   | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

"Lurching around the Great Pyramids on a camel was part of the trip-of-a-lifetime experience that Farag Abu Ghaneima once touted dozens of times a day, but he recently sold three of his five camels to the butcher.
Tourists who flocked here by the millions annually now dribble through so sporadically that his two horse buggies sit unused many days and only three of 15 employees remain around the family stable and perfume shop." (NYTimes)

 

Thanks to Raymond Stock for this link

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Egypte : célébrations de l’Aïd dans une ambiance pré-électorale

Egypte : célébrations de l’Aïd dans une ambiance pré-électorale | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

"Ambiance festive dans les rues du Caire pour l’Aïd al-Kabir ou Aïd al-Adha, la “fête du sacrifice”, une des célébrations les plus importantes du calendrier musulman. Pour les Egyptiens, elle a une saveur particulière. C’est la première depuis la révolution qui a renversé Hosni Moubarak. En outre, les élections législatives ne sont plus très loin, elles doivent débuter à la fin du mois." (euronews)

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"Patrons, Prayers, and Piety : Regarding the Theory of Increased Personal Piety in Ramesside Egypt", by Page Strong

"Patrons, Prayers, and Piety : Regarding the Theory of Increased Personal Piety in Ramesside Egypt", by Page Strong | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

Page Strong is a professional archaeologist and will soon be attending graduate school to become an Egyptologist. Her blog ("Mummy's Wrap") is an outlet for her almost constant research on ancient Egypt.

She developps the "theory that piety in Ancient Egypt increased after the reign of Akhenaten and through the reigns of the Ramesside pharaohs".

 

Patrons, Prayers, and Piety : Part 1

"Working from numerous scholars who have attempted to define the ancient Egyptians’ views of religion, this paper will compare the different opinions about piety, focusing on the Ramesside period. The Ramesside Period has been chosen due to the theory that piety in this era was increased over any other predating period. Taken into consideration will be the Amarna Period and the Restoration following Akhenaten’s religious revolution, as well as the changes in hymnal structures from the Eighteenth Dynasty through the Ramesside Period."

link : http://mummyswrap.com/2011/09/14/patrons-prayers-and-piety-part-1/ 

 

Part 2 : http://mummyswrap.com/2011/09/21/patrons-prayers-and-piety-part-2/ 

 

Part 3 : http://mummyswrap.com/2011/09/28/patrons-prayers-and-piety-part-3/ 

 

Part 4 : http://mummyswrap.com/2011/10/05/patrons-prayers-and-piety-part-4/ 

 

Part 5 : http://mummyswrap.com/2011/10/12/patrons-prayers-and-piety-part-5/ 

 

Part 7 : http://mummyswrap.com/2011/10/26/patrons-prayers-and-piety-part-7/ 

 

Part 8 : http://mummyswrap.com/2011/11/02/patrons-prayers-and-piety-part-8/ 

 

Page Facebook de Page Strong : https://www.facebook.com/page.strong 

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Où donc va la “transformation démocratique” égyptienne ?

Où donc va la “transformation démocratique” égyptienne ? | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

"Le ministre Ali El-Selmy, chargé de portefeuille du Développement politique et de la Transformation démocratique, est en train de décevoir fortement malgré son titre ronflant. Il y a deux jours, il a proposé des principes supra-constitutionnels qui donnaient des pouvoirs considérables au Conseil suprême des forces armées, et aujourd’hui (jeudi 3 novembre), il a constitué le Conseil suprême de la Presse sans beaucoup de journalistes indépendants. (...)

Cela fait des mois que les manifestations réclament une presse indépendante, et un organe indépendant pour la superviser, à défaut de la suppression d’un tel organe. A chaque fois que les récits des manifestants contredisent la version officielle, et que ces récits n’apparaissent que dans les médias d’opposition, dont l’audience n’est pas énorme, ce besoin se fait sentir cruellement. Aujourd’hui, le Conseil Suprême de la Presse, créé par Moubarak, est toujours en place, et ses membres viennent seulement d’être changés… ils sont maintenant principalement les rédacteurs en chef des médias d’Etat, d’après Al Masry Al Youm. Ce conseil de la presse promet d’avoir un regard critique…" (parislecaire)

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Egypt through the eyes of a postman

"With an intimate knowledge of our neighbourhoods, postmen and women are often the first to notice the changes occurring on the streets.

Egyptian Ashraf Zareef Ibrahim has been delivering mail in downtown Cairo for more than half his life.

He continued to do so every day during the protests that shook up his country for the first time in decades.

He tells his story, in his own words." (Al Jazeera English)

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Hardline Salafis on rise in Egypt's political season

"One of the most unsettling developments of Egypt’s Arab Spring has been the surge of activity by ultraconservative Salafist Muslims, who used to denounce conventional politics.

Salafism is a puritanical form of Sunni Islam that aims to emulate the faith as it was practiced during the Prophet Muhammad's time. Unlike the Muslim Brotherhood, which has long tried to engage in politics, when it was not being repressed by past Egyptian governments, the Salafis concentrated on preaching and social work. Some veered into violence.

But today – in the midst of Egypt’s open political season – Salafis have formed two political parties, and a Salafi, Hazem Saleh Abu Ismail, is running for president." (Trudy Rubin)

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Alexandrie : papyrus et octets pour la bibliothèque

Alexandrie : papyrus et octets pour la bibliothèque | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

"Sis à quelques pas des ruines de son lointain ancêtre, l'édifice de la nouvelle bibliothèque d'Alexandrie (Bibalex) vaut à lui seul le voyage. De l'extérieur on voit une sorte de demi lune couchée (conçue par l'entreprise norvégienne Snøetta). A l'intérieur, on est dans la plus grande salle de lecture du monde faite de sept étages en terrasses, dotés de 400 ordinateurs connectés.

On y trouve quelques rouleaux d'antan mais le seul manuscrit provenant de la Bibliothèque originale se trouve en Autriche et on ne peut voir sur place qu'un facsimile." (Winch 5)

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"النور": من حق الاقباط الاحتكام لشريعتهم بنص دستورى صريح

"النور": من حق الاقباط الاحتكام لشريعتهم بنص دستورى صريح | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

Le Shaykh Sha'bâne Darwich, membre du parti al-Nour (salafiste) demande qu'un texte constitutionnel reconnaisse explicitement aux Coptes égyptiens le droit d'avoir recours à leur propre "sharî'a" (législation confessionnelle), pour metre fin aux aux craintes et obstacles suscités par les courants islamistes après la Révolution du 25 janvier. (EGYnews)

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Perception and reality of Egypt's safety

Perception and reality of Egypt's safety | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

"Egypt is still relatively safe. Not as safe as it used to be, but far safer than many Latin American countries, for instance. There are carjacks in certain areas, and a few cases of kidnappings of upper-class kids, but it's not chaos. It's not even US levels of criminality (which are quite high, mind you). Yet security regularly tops the concerns of Egyptians in polls, is a major talking point of the government and politicians, and even an argument by some for the postponment of the coming parliamentary elections. Some of this, I feel, is because the increase in security issues — even if small if compared to many other third world countries — is already a huge qualitative difference in the way Egyptians perceive their country. Mubarak's police state, through its regulation of crime and ubiquitous police state, kept things seemingly very safe." (Issandr El-Amrani/blog The Arabist)

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Net3lem.com

"Egypt has recently suffered from high unemployment rate among graduates of Egyptian universities. And that refers to the gap between the educational methodologies and the labor market. From here Net3lem.com has came to the world, to supply all who targets the Egyptian labor market, by introducing a directory of the existing job titles internally, and qualifications, skills, and studies which are required by this job, information about all training centers in this area, and providing more than selection criteria (views of former trainees - geographical location - price), besides providing studying materials in Arabic. Finally Net3lem.com targets to ensure that everyone is successful by nature, but you have first to choose your way."

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La candidature d'ElBaradeï en Egypte minée par les divisions

La candidature d'ElBaradeï en Egypte minée par les divisions | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

"La candidature à la future élection présidentielle en Egypte de Mohamed ElBaradeï semble prendre l'eau avec la défection, samedi, de plusieurs soutiens qui lui reprochent d'être isolé de sa base.
L'ancien directeur général de l'Agence internationale de l'énergie atomique (AIEA) et lauréat du prix Nobel de la paix n'est plus considéré comme l'un des favoris de cette consultation, prévue en principe fin 2012.
Selon un récent sondage, il ne figurerait plus qu'en septième position pour succéder au président Hosni Moubarak, le "raïs" renversé le 11 février par la rue après 29 ans de règne sans partage." (Marwa Awad, Jean-Loup Fiévet pour le service français - L'Express)

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The Mendes Expedition

The Mendes Expedition | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

"The ruin mound of Tel er-Rub'a in northern Egypt marks the site of the ancient city of Mendes, one of the largest cities in the ancient world. The sometime capital of ancient Egypt (fourth century BCE), Mendes was a major trading center in contact with the eastern Mediterranean, Greece, and Rome. A riverine harbor is still in evidence, and the site boasts a temple to the Ram-god and a cemetery (ca. 2200 BCE) of nearly 9,000 internments. Occupied from prehistoric times to the present, though largely unencumbered by dwellings, Mendes offers an excellent prospect for excavation with a view to studying ancient urbanism, demographics, burial practices, and trade."

 

Mendes is located approximately 120 miles north of Cairo, 17 miles east of Mansourah, and 40 miles south of the Mediterranean coast.

This program will occupy four consecutive six-day weeks. The participants will be put in charge of various tasks: excavation supervision, recording, registry, pottery sorting, and seriation. From time to time they will also be called upon to assist the technical core staff in such tasks as surveying, human and faunal remains recovery, pottery cleaning and restoration, and photography detail.

This program will occupy four consecutive six-day weeks. The participants will be put in charge of various tasks: excavation supervision, recording, registry, pottery sorting, and seriation. From time to time they will also be called upon to assist the technical core staff in such tasks as surveying, human and faunal remains recovery, pottery cleaning and restoration, and photography detail.

 

Details
Type: Excavation
Start Date: June 22, 2012
End Date: July 23, 2012
Minimum Stay: 4 weeks
Cost: approx. $6,000 (room, board & tuition)
Room & Board Included: Yes
Positions Available: Students, Volunteer
Minimum Age: 18
Application Deadline: December 20, 2011
Response: June 20, 2011
Academic Credit: Yes
Academic Institution: Penn State University

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