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Dès le mois prochain, l’opérateur historique Telecom Egypt pourrait enfin lancer ses services de téléphonie mobile dans le pays, tandis que Vodafone Egypt, Etisalat Misr et Mobinil exploiterons la téléphonie fixe. Ce sera le résultat de l’activation de la licence unifiée des télécoms dans le pays à la période proposée par Atef Helmy, a indiqué Mohamed Hanafy, le porte-parole du ministère des technologies de l’information communication, au journal Daily News Egypt.
Ce dernier indique que toutes les parties ont donné leur accord sur les termes de la licence, en avril dernier, avant son approbation et sa présentation officielle à la presse par l’Autorité nationale de régulation des télécommunications (Anrt). Dans la première phase de mise en œuvre de la licence unifiée, qui était à l'origine prévue avant le 30 juin dernier, une «entité nationale» sera mise en place pour déployer des projets d'infrastructures de communication dans toute l'Egypte. Cette charge était jusqu’alors confié à Telecom Egypt. Après l’approbation de la licence unifiée, il a été décidé que le gouvernement et les trois sociétés de téléphonie mobile seront désormais chargés de cette tâche. Telecom Egypt, Vodafone, Etisalat et Mobinil ont le droit de détenir des actions dans cette « entité nationale ».
Lors de la présentation de la licence unifiée des télécoms à la presse le 2 avril 2014, il avait été décidé que Telecom Egypt devra verser des frais de licence s’élevant à 2,5 milliards de livres (360 millions de dollars) contre 100 millions de livres chacun (14 millions de dollars) pour Vodafone Egypt, Mobinil. Contre versement de 300 millions de livres (43 millions de dollars), les opérateurs pourront également construire ou louer des infrastructures.
Dans un souci de saine concurrence, Telecom Egypt ne pourrait pas utiliser sa propre fréquence. La société devra louer les fréquences des opérateurs de téléphonie mobile pour offrir ses services d’appels sur 2G et 3G. Les opérateurs mobiles pourront construire leur propre infrastructure réseau en cuivre, alors qu’ils visaient des infrastructures de fibre optique. Ils pourront aussi acquérir des licences de passerelle internationale contre la somme de 1.8 milliard de livres (251,6 millions dollars) pour Vodafone et 1,5 milliard de livres (209,7 millions dollars) pour Mobinil qui utilisent encore les équipements de Telecom Egypt. Etisalat qui offre déjà des services internationaux devra payer 8 livres (1,11 dollars) pour chacun de ses abonnés.
Au sujet du conflit d’intérêt que suscite l’entrée de Telecom Egypt dans le mobile, alors qu’il détient 45% de Vodafone Egypt, il a été accordé à l’opérateur historique une année pour réfléchir à son désengagement de la filiale égyptienne du groupe télécom britannique Vodafone.
By NOUR MOHIE EDDIN
CAIRO: Any factory that dumps its waste into the Nile River would face severe consequences, Minister of Environment Khaled Fahmy said Wednesday.
The ministry so far observed nine violating factories, four of which agreed to stop polluting the Nile since it severely damages the environment; the other five were warned, Shorouq reported.
“The Nile has19 billion cubic meters of waste dumped into it annually, 78 percent of which is agricultural and industrial wastes and sanitary drainage,” Fahmy told Tahrir channel Tuesday. “Industrial drainage represents one percent but it has a more negative effect on environment than other types.”
Fahmy said 102 factories used to drain their wastes directly into the Nile but now they are only nine, four of which made plans with the ministry to find other green alternatives. The other five are “disobedient” and the ministry will handle the situation.
In case the remaining factories have no set plan to stop draining their wastes by Nov., the ministry will enforce the law to shut down the factories and imprison the violating chairperson.
“Available technologies can turn waste into fertilizers and fertilizers can be burnt to generate electricity. Each country follows this process according to its economic condition since generating electricity from fertilizers is expensive,” Fahmy said.
Tens of men sit listening carefully to the preacher as he speaks over theminbar (pulpit) at the neighbourhood mosque where they go every Friday. In his khutba (sermon), the preacher follows the topics the Ministry of Religious Endowments has selected at the beginning of the month.
A recent study, “To Whom do Minbars Belong Today?”, released by the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR) raises the question and attempts to answer it through analysing the state’s policy in the management of mosques.
The study discusses the conflict over the management of mosques in modern Egypt and explores its roots in Islamic Jurisprudence and historic practices.
The state has built its policies in managing religious affairs on a presumption of Muslim unity, according to the study. However, these policies have had a narrow margin for multiplicity and diversity.
Mosques, according to Islamic Jurisprudence, are classified as Waqf (endowment), a property of God or property that the Muslim public is said to benefit from, according to the study.
“The question here is: Are the Muslim Public united?” said Amr Ezzat, the study author and EIPR’s Freedom of Religion and Belief Program officer.
It is always thought that government’s policy discriminates against minorities only, he said. “The study highlights the fact that this policy does not only discriminate in favour of Muslims, but also against them.”
Throughout different regimes, the state policies have been against anyone who has different beliefs than “the official Islam of the state,” said Ezzat. Presuming the need for the state’s interference in religious affairs as it is considered the Imam, an Islamic reference to the leader, has not change with time.
“President Al-Sisi once said that there is no Islamic leader, the only leader is the Egyptian state,” he said, “I find this very precise.”
Islamists have argued that the Egyptian state is “not Islamic enough”, but the state always argued that it is, he said, adding: “The compass is always political.”
The Ministry of Religious Endowments, the only Egyptian ministry that works exclusively with Muslims, has issued rules such as unifying topics for Friday Khutba. This would be to control the spread of different religious ideologies through mosques.
Other rules the ministry has forced include preventing scholars who were not educated at Al-Azhar from preaching. The rule excludes many groups, such as Salafi scholars, since most of them studied in places other than Al-Azhar, the institution with whom they disagree with in much of its beliefs, said Ezzat.
“Diversity is there even inside Al-Azhar,” he said. “Some people in Al-Azhar University are against any kind of elections because it could bring the Salafis.”
During the time of former president Gamal Abdel-Nasser, he used to name the preachers of the most important mosques in the country, said Ezzat. Prior to the 25 January Revolution, state security had to approve the ministry’s selection of Friday preachers.
As the Muslim Brotherhood and their allies controlled the Ministry of Religious Endowment during the time of former president Mohamed Morsi, only their supporters were selected for leading positions.
“Some preachers said they had to go to the Guidance Office to prove loyalty so they can be selected again,” said Ezzat.
After the ouster of Morsi, the state has forced more restrictions in order to exclude the Muslim Brotherhood and their sympathisers, he said.
However, logistical limitations have prevented the state from forcing its authority on all mosques.
Not a single mosque was added to the mosques that are fully controlled by the ministry of Religious Endowments since 2011, said Ezzat.
“I was told in the ministry that there was no money to add any mosques,” he said.
These limitations force the state to allow some diversity through some tactics that still preserve its control, he said.
Tactics include “conditional” permissiveness of diversity, which allows different ideologies as long as they don’t clash with the state’s authority or “Islam as defined by Al-Azhar”, he said. Such tactics do not allow religious groups as Shi’a or Bahai to practice their faith in mosques.
Permissiveness “outside of the law” and permissiveness “to ensure loyalty” are other tactics the state has followed to keep control over mosques run by Islamist groups or NGOs, he said.