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Égypt-actus
Égypt-actus
revue de presse sur l'actualité culturelle, archéologique, politique et sociale de l'Égypte
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Asia Times Online : Egypt turns quietly to Asia

(…)

Due to its illegal status, the Muslim Brotherhood had to carefully navigate a restricted and circumscribed political sphere designed to contain and undermine its grassroots influence. Thrust into a position of leadership through its political wing the FJP, the onus is now on the Muslim Brotherhood to deliver on the multitude of demands of an aroused Egyptian public, supporters and critics alike. (…)

Beneath the din and clamor of political clashes and violent street protests, Egypt has been quietly turning to Asia in the form of a flurry of diplomatic activity.

In addition to having far-reaching ramifications for Egyptian politics and society, the political ascendancy of the Muslim Brotherhood has also raised important questions regarding the evolution of Egyptian foreign policy. While Egypt remains preoccupied with its domestic affairs, it is important to contemplate the potential future course of Egyptian foreign policy under the Muslim Brotherhood-led government early in the post-Mubarak era. (…)

What has been too often lost in the disaggregation of the grievances felt by the Egyptian public toward their leadership is their widely shared resentment toward Egypt's foreign policy posture. In the minds of many Egyptians, the disintegration of their domestic situation was amplified by the decline of Egyptian clout in international affairs.

Once regarded as the political and cultural epicenter of the Arab world (…) Egypt has since seen its influence and credibility atrophy. Just as important, principal facets of Egyptian foreign policy, namely its strategic alliance with the United States and its relationship with Israel as embodied in the Camp David accords - positions that flout Egyptian public opinion - engendered a deep sense of acrimony among a disenfranchised population. (…). Once an advocate for pan-Arabism, sovereignty, and justice for the Palestinians, Egypt had come to be viewed as a compliant adjunct of American and Israeli strategic paradigms. (…)

Rhetoric to steer a new path for Egypt in world affairs notwithstanding, a turbulent domestic situation coupled with an array of formidable obstacles in the international arena will continue to constrain Egypt's room for maneuver in the foreseeable future.[1]

At the moment, securing foreign aid from the United States and other sources of foreign largesse, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), is a top priority in Cairo. Notable features of Egyptian foreign policy that crystallized during the Mubarak era, including its multifaceted bond with the United States and cooperation with Israel, especially in enabling Israel's occupation of Palestinian land, will remain in place.

At the same time, there are signals that Egypt is gradually charting a new path in its regional and international relations that reflects greater nationalist and populist impulses. Egypt's cautious but nonetheless significant diplomatic overtures to Iran[2] and Hizballah,[3] for example, both of which were treated as dangerous adversaries by the Mubarak regime, are cases in point.

Foreign policy in practice
In this context, it is worth examining the FJP's foreign policy approach toward Asia. The FJP has committed itself to reinventing Egyptian foreign policy on many fronts. This includes expanding Egypt's presence and role in Asia.

When it comes to devising a new foreign policy toward Asia, however, addressing the deteriorating economic situation at home has emerged as a top priority. As a result, Egypt's interface with Asia has, not surprisingly, revolved heavily around economic and trade matters, as opposed to geopolitical issues that affect the global balance of power.

Early indications show that Egypt will look to the People's Republic of China (PRC) as the cornerstone of its approach toward engaging Asia. In this regard, China's place in Egypt's foreign policy calculus signals a continuation of the Mubarak regime's methods in dealing with China.

 

More on: http://atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/MID-02-280213.html

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Can Egypt have a foreign policy?

By Hussein Ibish

In the context of ongoing political unrest, is it possible for Egypt to have a functional foreign policy? Probably not. And as long as this is the case, that has profound implications for others in the region, particularly the Palestinians and Syria.

Egypt does have a functional national security policy, largely because externally-oriented defence issues remain both de facto and de jure almost entirely in the hands of the military. But the much-touted restoration of Egypt’s regional role, which was widely and prematurely ascribed to the government of President Mohamed Morsi, appears completely frozen in its tracks.

The domestic unrest in Egypt is both a potential disaster and a potential golden opportunity for Muslim Brotherhood rule.

Should the instability continue to deepen and spread, it is now possible to imagine the military, with some reluctance, rolling up its sleeves and once again intervening in domestic political affairs. Indeed, it’s even possible to imagine them doing so with widespread public approval, at least initially, should things deteriorate dramatically.

Ironically, the tensions and violence in Egypt also present Morsi and the Brotherhood with a plausible basis and rationale for overcoming the most important and difficult step in consolidating long-term control over the government: Leaving popular opposition aside, the biggest obstacle to Morsi’s control of the government is the persistence of large elements of the bureaucracy, especially the police and security services, which are not primary loyal to the Brotherhood.

 

More : http://www.dailynewsegypt.com/2013/02/06/can-egypt-have-a-foreign-policy/

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Egypt reaffirms stance against military intervention in Syria

Egypt reaffirms stance against military intervention in Syria | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it
Egypt-actus's insight:

Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi has reaffirmed Egypt’s rejection of any military intervention in Syria.

Mursi posted on Twitter on Sunday, “Our priority in Syria: Standing against any military intervention which may escalate the crises facing the Syrian people who are trying hard with all their strength and determination to attain freedom.”

He stressed on the importance of a political resolution to end the crisis, saying, “A political resolution, with Arab, regional and international support and consensus, guarantees the paving of the way for a new representative regime for the Syrian people."

He insisted that keeping Syria undivided is a priority.  

Syrian president Bashar al-Assad is expected to address his people on Sunday about the uprising against him that so far, according to Syrian statistics, has caused the death of 60, 000 people.  (Aswat Masriya)

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Anti-interventionist stance on Mali reflects Morsy's domestic considerations

Anti-interventionist stance on Mali reflects Morsy's domestic considerations | Égypt-actus | Scoop.it

President Mohamed Morsy opposes Frances intervention in Mali even though the campaign, which seeks to restore the Malian governments control over the north after radical Islamists seized control of it, receives the support of most of the international community.

 

Experts say the presidents position may be a sign that ideology will from now on drive foreign policy decision making. They also say the presidencys stance is in line with positions adopted by radical Islamist currents in Egypt.

 

But Egypts efforts to mobilize international condemnation for French intervention in Mali has largely fallen on deaf ears, even among Islamic states, which see Al-Qaedas control over northern Mali as a threat to their interests.

 

President Mohamed Morsy has more than once failed to have Arab or Islamic states denounce the intervention. In fact, the closing statement for the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, held in Cairo two weeks ago, tacitly supported the intervention. In its closing statement, the OIC said that “it supports the current efforts to have the Republic of Mali restore the unity of its land and to re-establish state sovereignty over the entirety of its land.”

 

Mostafa Kamel al-Sayed, political science professor at Cairo University, says Egypts position on the war in Mali reflects the influence of ideology on the decision-making process under Morsy. This position disregards the fact that the majority of Malians support the intervention.

 

More on: http://arabia.msn.com/news/middle-east/1307328/antiinterventionist-stance-mali-refle/

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Priorités de l'Egypte: mettre fin aux massacres en Syrie, éviter une intervention militaire

Egypt-actus's insight:

Le président égyptien Mohamed Morsi a déclaré dimanche que mettre fin aux massacres et éviter une intervention militaire en Syrie faisaient partie des priorités principales de l'Egypte.

"Une des priorités de l'Egypte est de préserver l'unité des territoires syriens," a écrit M. Morsi sur sa page Twitter, soulignant que le peuple syrien était en route vers la liberté.

M. Morsi a également réaffirmé le soutien de l'Egypte pour le retour des réfugiés syriens en terre natale, ajoutant que "la révolte syrienne rencontrera ses objectifs de liberté, de dignité et de justice sociale, pour que la Syrie devienne un Etat uni, libre et indépendant pour ses citoyens."

Les commentaires de M. Morsi surviennent au moment même où le président syrien Bachar al-Assad livre un discours, dans lequel il mentionne que le conflit en Syrie se joue entre la nation et ses ennemis, et que des terroristes en Syrie adoptent l'idéologie d'al-Qaïda pour déchirer et affaiblir le pays. (CRI online)

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