The past ten years in Lebanon have been a study in political paralysis and escalating anger and frustration among citizens and residents of the country. To recap only the most basic of facts, since 2005 the country divided and polarized into two ...
In 1998, Toni Morrison wrote a comment for The New Yorker arguing that “white skin notwithstanding, this is our first black President. Blacker than any actual black person who could ever be elected in our children’s lifetime.” Last week the New York Times, implicitly cited Morrison’s piece, and claimed the author was giving Clinton “a compliment.” This interpretation of Morrison’s claim is as common as it is erroneous.
Early this morning, twenty-five Syriza MPs left the parliamentary group of the party to create a new group under the name of “Popular Unity.” Most of these MPs are affiliated with the Left Platform, but some others also joined like Vangelis Diamantopoulos or Rachel Makri, a close collaborator of Zoe Kostantopoulou.
This is a major development in Greek politics but also for the radical left, in Greece and at an international level.
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La privatisation des terres au profit des industriels majoritairement étrangers a des conséquences désastreuses : expulsion des paysans réduits à la mendicité pour vivre, exclusion, création d’une classe ouvrière rurale.
There is a white construction called “the black”. This construction is told that if he or she really is human, then he or she could go beyond the boundaries of race. The black can supposedly “really choose” to live otherwise as a form of social being that is not black and is not any racial form or designation.
Racial constructions are leeches on all manifestations of human ways of living: language, sex, labour (material and aesthetic), socialising (reciprocal recognition), consciousness, and the “soul”. Black Skin, White Masks thus describes a quasi -anonymous black hero’s efforts to shake off these leeches and live an adult human existence.
MALCOLM X is a distinct shape in a very pivotal period of my life. I stand here now - Black, Lesbian, Feminist - an inheritor of Malcolm and in his tradition, doing my work, and the ghost of his voice through my mouth asks each one of you here tonight: Are you doing yours?
There are no new ideas, just new ways of giving those ideas we cherish breath and power in our own living. I'm not going to pretend that the moment I first saw or heard Malcolm X he became my shining prince, because it wouldn't be true. In February 1965 I was raising two children and a husband in a three-room flat on 149th Street in Harlem. I had read about Malcolm X and the Black Muslims. I became more interested in Malcolm X after he left the Nation of Islam, when he was silenced by Elijah Muhammad for his comment, after Kennedy's assassination, to the effect that the chickens had come home to roost. Before this I had not given much thought to the Nation of Islam because of their attitude toward women as well as because of their non-activist stance. I'd read Malcolm's autobiography, and I liked his style, and I thought he looked a lot like my father's people, but I was one of the ones who didn't really hear Malcolm's voice until it was amplified by death. - See more at: http://www.blackpast.org/1982-audre-lorde-learning-60s#sthash.CYruXkPS.G7mZzlkI.dpuf
Ever since the Syrians had decided that the UAR was a mistake, reducing their country to the unbearable condition of an Egyptian colony, the pressure to find another solution had been immense. Jadid’s adventurist policy compounded the problem, contributing as it did to Israel’s devastating pre-emptive war in June 1967 and the aggravation of Syria’s vulnerability by the loss of the Golan Heights. The Syrian minister of defence at that time was Hafez al-Assad, one of Jadid’s colleagues on the Military Committee, and long a close ally. Assad decided Jadid’s policy was folly and in November 1970 he seized power, determined to make Syria a viable and defendable country, whatever it took. A central element of his strategy was building strong alliances with distant and powerful states that had no ambitions to take Syria over, among them the Soviet Union and, from 1979, Iran. At home, he sought national unity in an effort to secure consent to the authoritarian aspect of the regime.
he newly created political party Podemos (“we can” in English) shocked the European political establishment last May when it won 1.2 million votes and elected five deputies to the European Parliament. This was quite an accomplishment for a party that didn’t even exist until early 2014.
To many on the left, the success of Podemos parallels the rise of Greece’s Syriza, with both representing an electoral and political challenge to the dominant politics of austerity in Europe. The Podemos phenomenon has been touted as a harbinger of a “new left rising” that offers “a non-market-driven, pro-worker political alternative to vote for.”1 Even the ultra-establishment Foreign Affairs, with a hint of worry, agrees that Podemos “upended Spanish politics like nothing else since the 1970s, and the party is set to make the upcoming elections the most unpredictable in decades.”
A very clear analysis of the recent widespread collapse in stock prices by the Marxist economist Michael Roberts. He argues that the current market correction "exposes a big truth about the global ‘economic recovery’, such as it is, since 2009. It has been mainly based, not on investment in productive sectors to raise productivity and employment, but in fictitious capital."
In Addis Ababa, a grinning President Salva Kiir finally put pen to paper on a peace deal for South Sudan. Better 10 days late than never. While sceptics are right to wonder if his signature is anything more than a PR stunt, the truth is that peace doesn’t come easy – and this is as good a place to start as any. By SIMON ALLISON.
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