Une partie de l’opposition et 12.000 citoyens allemands saisissent le tribunal constitutionnel fédéral de Karlsruhe pour qu’il décide que le pacte budgétaire et le MES violent la démocratie et la constitution allemande.
Avec le mouvement de données ouvertes associé au courant plus large du gouvernement ouvert, nous assistons à une libéralisation des données de différentes natures à une échelle inégalée, qu'elle soit administrative, scientifique ou géographique. En fait, ce courant d'ouverture de données publiques ne datent pas des récents partenariats du tandem Brésil / États-Unis dans la démocratie ouverte, il a été initié avant même l'ère du web 2.0.
Dès 1966, le gouvernements des États-Unis a adopté la loi sur le libre accès à l'information, le gouvernement du Québec en 1982 initiait la Loi sur l’accès aux documents des organismes publics et sur la protection des renseignements personnels tandis que la France dispose d'une loi similaire depuis 1978 par la création de la Commission d'accès aux documents administratifs. Ces lois étaient utiles dans le contexte du temps, soit celui des médias traditionnels et des groupes d'intérêt ayant des requêtes précises en terme d'information publique. Les administrations ne diffusaient pas d'information publique de leur propre initiative et ne suscitait aucune participation ou collaboration venant de l'extérieur.
L'ère d'Internet a changé la donne, puisque non seulement les médias, les groupes d'intérêt, mais aussi les citoyens ont pu demander plus d'information publique, car leurs moyens de traiter cette donnée étaient beaucoup plus grands.
While the newly elected French National Assembly gets ready to choose its president, the question of its modernisation keeps arising. From the academic research world to the hacktivist perspective, parliamentary monitoring and studies are flourishing in France and all over the world. Methods and techniques may differ, but all share one common need: larger transparency regarding parliamentary activity, meaning raw OpenData access to legislative data.
That is the core of the international Open Legislative Data Conference we are organising in Paris on July 6th and 7th together with our academic partners at Sciences-Po, for our project “The Law Factory”. With speakers coming from all over the world, this two-day event will be an opportunity to discuss all kinds of experiences within the field of parliamentary informatics: law tracking, parliamentary monitoring, citizen involvement, rollcall vote analysis and accountability, the study of speeches, and of course raw access to bulk data from parliaments around the world.
Légende et culte en Grèce antique et Mythe et histoire dans l'Antiquité grecque. La création symbolique d'une colonie.1 Viennent ensuite trois articles remettant en question l'universalité et l'essentialisation de catégories ...
Maryam Al-Khawaja, acting head of the Bahrain Center for Human Rights, welcomed the ruling.
“This is the first step in showing that the Human Rights Council will not allow the implementation of double standards, although they have allowed it this long,” she said.
However she condemned the decision by the US and Britain to not sign the treaty as evidence of “double standards” on human rights.
“The thing that disappoints us most is the fact that the United Kingdom and the United States decided not to sign, which to us says a lot more about how they are insisting on implementing double standards when it comes to supporting or standing against human rights violations in different countries.”
In 605 CE, a year after murdering his father and seizing the throne, the Chinese emperor Yang Guang established the world’s first meritocracy...
...Jean Baudrillard once suggested an important correction to classical Marxism: exchange value is not, as Marx had it, a distortion of a commodity’s underlying use value; use value, instead, is a fiction created by exchange value. In the same way, systems of accreditation do not assess merit; merit is a fiction created by systems of accreditation. Like the market for skin care products, the market for credentials is inexhaustible: as the bachelor’s degree becomes democratized, the master’s degree becomes mandatory for advancement. Our elaborate, expensive system of higher education is first and foremost a system of stratification, and only secondly — and very dimly — a system for imparting knowledge.
The original universities in the Western world organized themselves as guilds, either of students, as in Bologna, or of masters, as in Paris. From the first, their chief mission was to produce not learning but graduates, with teaching subordinated to the process of certification — much as artisans would impose long and wasteful periods of apprenticeship, under the guise of “training,” to keep their numbers scarce and their services expensive. For the contemporary bachelor or master or doctor of this or that, as for the Ming-era scholar–bureaucrat or the medieval European guildsman, income and social position are acquired through affiliation with a cartel. Those who want to join have to pay to play, and many never recover from the entry fee.
The premise is simple; we pick a book to read aloud to our students during a set 4-week period and during that time we try to make as many global connections as possible. Each teacher decides how much time they would like to dedicate and how involved they would like to be. Some people choose to connect with just one class, while others go for as many as possible. The scope and depth of the project is up to you.
In the past we have used Twitter, Skype, Edmodo, our wiki, email, regular mail, Kidblog, and any other tools we can think of to make these connections. Teachers get a community of other educators to do a global project with, hopefully inspiring them to continue these connections through the year.
But in the United Nations Charter, there are two grounds for war. One is self-defense. The other is a UNSC resolution designating a state as a source of disorder in the international system.
By firing on the Turkish plane (more especially in international waters), Syria has presented Turkey with a legitimate casus belli, a legal cause for war. The news that Syria actually tried to shoot down a second Turkish plane underscores this legal point. Turkey may defend itself. ...[The plane was shot down over international waters; it may have veered into Syrian airspace at one point, but that would have merited a warning, not a shoot-down.]
Here is the kicker. Turkey is a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. And the NATO charter’s article 5 declares that an attack on one member is an attack on all. NATO is duty-bound to defend Turkey if it is attacked and if it asks for help. Article 4 allows a country to call for consultations among the allies if it feels its territorial integrity is threatened.
Turkey is asking for help. It is asking that NATO be convened under Article 5 for only the second time in the organization’s history.
Turkish intelligence says that it has evidence that the Syrian military knew that the plane was Turkish, referring to it as “komsu,” the Turkish word for “neighbor.”
...Turkey and Syria had established good relations in the last decade, but the revolution and civil war have forced Turkey to take a stand. Ankara has sided with the revolutionaries, and called for Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to step down. Qatar and Saudi Arabia are suspected of supplying the Syrian revolutionaries with rocket-propelled grenades and other war materiel that would allow them to take on the powerful Syrian military machine. Some observers believe that the RPGs and other weapons are being smuggled in from Turkey. And, such smuggling operations might need aerial support to make sure there aren’t Syrian troops along the smuggling route.
So the Syrians may have deliberately been sending Turkey a message, to back off.
It was a stupid move. As long a Syria did not engage in hostilities with other states in the region, it was teflon, since Russia and China were protecting it at the UN. But now that it has fired on a NATO plane, it has offered Turkey and its colleagues a legal way to use force.
Le Soir diffuse aujourd'hui un nouveau webdocumentaire sur le fonctionnement de la démocratie directe en Suisse et en Europe. Un système démocratique original qui, chez nous, intrigue autant qu'il inquiète.